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Nonaka, Takako. "Academic feminist debates in Japan : social, political and historical contexts." Thesis, University of York, 2015. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/15424/.
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After Japan opened up to the world in the middle of the nineteenth century, the Meiji regime began to push for modernisation by importing technology from the West. Japan subsequently became the first non-Western developed country. Feminism in Japan developed under the influence of feminist ideas from the West, but also in response to local political and social conditions. The aim of this research is to identify the characteristics of feminism in Japan and to locate diverse feminist perspectives in their social, political and historical contexts. I interviewed twelve famous feminist researchers in Japan in order to identify how they perceived and evaluated Japanese feminisms as well as the impacts of Western feminist perspectives and the differences between the two. I also sought their views on the politics of nuclear power relating to the accident at Fukushima nuclear power station in March 2011. The particular characteristics of feminism in Japan that emerged were: Confucianism in East Asia; the ie (family) system; religious discrimination against women; ethnocentrism and heterosexism; and the bosei (motherhood) ideology. On the question of whether feminism in Japan is imported from the West, participants’ opinions were divided, depending mainly on their age. The differences between feminisms in Japan and in the West that stood out in my data were: the low interest of Japanese feminisms in reproductive health and rights; collectivism versus individualism; and attitudes towards imperialism. In relation to nuclear issues, participants discussed Japan’s self-image as a victim nation, the gendering of atomic issues, power symbolism, the weakness of eco-feminism and Japanese reluctance to accept responsibility. Throughout, the impact of Confucianism, the Emperor system, the ie system, bosei, Shintoism, Buddhism and the only atomic-bombed nation emerged as significant factors, clearly indicating that aspects of East Asian cultures and, more specifically, Japan’s history, politics and culture have influenced feminism. All these issues have a supportive connection with patriarchy and, what is more, they coil themselves around the Emperor issue. This indicates that feminism has engaged in a tough struggle against patriarchy, which is deeply ingrained in Japanese society.
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Zakaria, Rusydy. "Overview of Indonesian Islamic Education: A Social, Historical and Political Perspective." The University of Waikato, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2410.
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The aim of this study is to examine how the historical genealogy of Islamic educational tradition, particularly the tradition of teaching and learning, has contributed to the development of Islamic education in Indonesia. By drawing together in an analytic way a historically based description of the social and political circumstances surrounding Indonesian Islamic education, the study discusses some significant issues concerning the religious base, knowledge base, structural form, and the pedagogical approach of Indonesian Islamic education, all of which are important to the development of a modern form of Islamic education. The argument of the thesis is that the existing values of the Islamic tradition in education, particularly evident in Madrasah schools, provide a valuable basis for further developing and reconstructing an effective Islamic education system in Indonesia. However, there is also a strong need to construct an Islamic education curriculum in Indonesia that can meet the challenge posed by the circumstances generally understood as 'modernity'. The quality of teaching and learning in the Madrasah are very much influenced by the quality of the wider Islamic education programme. Any change in the curriculum of Islamic education will thus have significant effects on the quality of the Madrasah schools in Indonesia. This thesis will thus conclude by suggesting some implications for further development of Islamic education that arise from the study. This is a qualitative study using an historical genealogical approach to discover, understand and analyze the challenges currently facing Islamic education In Indonesia. The techniques for collecting data involved, primarily, a critical reading of historical and contemporary policy documents. Primary and secondary sources were also collected, studied and subjected to a critical reading in the production of this account of Indonesian Islamic education.
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Ridsdale, Frank Edward. "Santería and the historical construction of political and social relations in Cuba." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ30822.pdf.
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Zuhdi, Muhammad. "Political and social influences on religious school : a historical perspective on Indonesian Islamic school curricula." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102775.
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As the most populous Muslim country in the world, Indonesia has a unique experience in dealing with Islamic education, a system that was established years before the country's independence. This dissertation focuses on the development of Indonesian Islamic schools in facing the challenges of modernization and globalization, with special reference to their changing curricula. Using the social constructionist perspective as an approach, this study examines the significance of political and social changes to the development of Islamic schools' curricula throughout the country's history. This study finds evidences of a reciprocal relationship between the changing curricula of Indonesian Islamic schools and the changing social and political circumstances.
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Pennino, Anthony Paul. "All our yesterdays : the political and social significance of the historical drama in Great Britain." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271072.
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Brown, Kristin Alexis. "The Political, Social, Historical, and Literary Significance of the Writings of Carolina Maria de Jesus." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2011. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/2598.
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The writings of Carolina Maria de Jesus, specifically Quarto de despejo, Casa de alvenaria, Diario de Bitita, and poetry selections from her collection Minha antologia are oft times excluded from "canonical" literature. Many critics both in the press and in academic circles refuse to recognize her writings and story as works of merit, focusing primarily on surface issues without addressing the content of her works. The reason for this is complex, spanning the issues of race, education, socio-economic status, and gender. Contrary to the arguments of many critics over the past sixty years, Carolina's writings are valuable in a political, social, historical, and literary sense. She wrote of her fight against hunger, poverty, and prejudice, and spoke out against the practices of politicians and members of the middle and upper classes towards the poor. Her works contain experiences from a member of Brazil's marginalized population during the mid-twentieth century, something that had never before been published.
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Amatrudo, Anthony Thomas. "The political and social theory implications of the Just Deserts doctrine : an historical and philosophical analysis." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.414714.
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Picchio, A. "The political economy of the social reproduction of labour : Analytical and historical aspects of labour supply." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.372899.
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Bound, Mark George. "Nation-State Personality Theory: A Qualitative Comparative Historical Analysis of Russian Behavior, during Social/Political Transition." NSUWorks, 2015. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/33.
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The study theorizes that a nation-state can manifest a condition similar to that of personality commonly associated with humans. Through the identification of consistent behaviors, a personality like condition is recognizable, and the underlining motivations dictate national policy independent of any current social/political influence. The research examines Russia during two historical periods examining the conflict events and social/political transitions of the period, to identify common behavioral characteristics, which indicate the existence of any independent personality like trait.
The study focuses on two historical periods: the Monarch Period of Peter I (The Great), and the Post-Soviet Union period of Vladimir Putin, periods selected as historical eras in which Russia experienced major political or social transition. Using a comparative qualitative historical analysis with a behaviorist focus, the research examines these periods by profiling each era’s elements of society and the events of domestic and international conflict that Russia experienced, while evaluating the actions taken in response to each.
The research discovers that Russia exhibits personality like traits, similar to those associated with humans and are likewise developed from experience, and once imbedded into Russian psychology, regardless of the current social/political elements or situational conditions, remain prime motivators to Russian behavior. The personality like characteristic identified was similar to inferiority, which leads to behavior characteristics comparable to narcissism, as the definition of narcissism relates to the need for admiration and or acceptance. The study identified the origins of the inferiority like complex and the narcissistic like behavior pattern exhibited by Russia in both periods.
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Ghilani, Djouaria. "The Coming Past: A social psychological approach of the uses of historical analogies and their effects in political contexts." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/284096.
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Cette thèse a pour but d’examiner comment les individus utilisent des comparaisons entre des situations actuelles et des situations passées dans des contextes politiques. L’utilisation de telles analogies historiques a longtemps été documentée, en particulier au sein des sciences politiques, en histoire et dans les champs concernés par l’argumentation. Ces littératures ont mis en évidence la fréquence avec laquelle les responsables politiques et autres personnages publics utilisent les analogies dans des buts de délibération et de persuasion. Malgré leur omniprésence supposée, peu d’études en psychologie sociale se sont penchées sur ce processus. Les trois volets de cette thèse ont tenté de combler cette lacune en recourant à diverses méthodologies. Plusieurs études expérimentales nous ont d’abord permis d’investiguer si l’exposition à des analogies historiques influence les prédictions que posent les participants concernant des situations réelles incertaines. Les résultats montrent que l’effet, bien que de faible taille, tend à devenir plus fort à mesure que diminuent les connaissances actuelles des individus. Dans un second volet, au lieu de sélectionner a priori les analogies historiques, nous avons donné la possibilité aux répondant.e.s de générer leurs propres analogies et d’expliquer leurs choix dans des questionnaires récoltés en France, en Belgique et en Allemagne à la suite des deux attaques de 2015 en France. L’analyse des réponses ouvertes montre non seulement une grande diversité dans les manières de mettre en correspondance le présent et le passé – même lorsqu’il s’agit d’analogies avec le « même » événement (e.g. l’attaque du 11 septembre 2001) ;mais les participant.e.s utilisent de plus ces analogies pour formuler des arguments, plus ou moins implicites, par rapport à des débats actuels. Cette dimension argumentative dans l’usage des analogies historiques a été explorée plus avant dans un 3e volet. En analysant les articles du mois de mars 2014 relatifs à la crise de Crimée au sein de quatre journaux belges, nous avons relevé comment les individus s’y prennent pour établir des liens entre le passé et le présent, et comment ils procèdent pour les contester. Ensemble, les trois volets de cette thèse suggèrent que les personnes ordinaires, tout comme leurs homologues plus « experts », ne sont pas passives en utilisant les analogies historiques, mais participent activement, par leur biais, au processus éminemment politique de construction et de contestation des passé(s), présent(s) et futur(s).<br>Doctorat en Sciences psychologiques et de l'éducation<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Karunanayake, Geetha Priyanthi. "Identity as discursive practice : historical, social-cultural and political interactions in understanding workers' identities in tea plantations in Sri Lanka." Thesis, University of Hull, 2011. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:6231.
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This study examines how the self-identities of workers in Sri Lankan up-country tea plantations are produced, reproduced and modified in their day-to-day interactions. According to the social constructionist assumptions underpinning the research, I suggest that individual self-identity is how individuals experience and shape their social reality as an outward-inward process which takes place as they interact in public and private spaces. Accordingly, the first research objective is to analyse the interplay of historical, sociocultural, and political macro discourses in the formation of worker self-identities. The second objective is to analyse how micro discourses and processes affect the multiple identities of workers in the Sri Lankan up-country tea plantations. The research methodology incorporates a combination of ethnography and discourse analysis into a single analysis to examine how plantation workers incorporate macro discourses and micro discourses/processes in constructing, reconstructing and changing their self-identity as an ongoing process. By adapting discourse analysis as the method of data analysis, this study threads gender, caste, ethnicity and class differences as multiple dimensions of understanding self-identity and collective identity to show how self-identities in this context are simultaneously traditional and new, ongoing and fragile. This research can be considered as a theoretical contribution to identity scholarship and discusses subjectivity associated with self-identity. Through data, by interweaving of macro discourses and micro interactions, convincing grounds are provided to understand self-identity construction as an ongoing process of compliance and contestation. It is suggested that historical, social-cultural and political realities that workers encounter as objective structures are socially constructed by workers through their daily practices and conversation. Within this context, how workers articulate the fundamentally ambiguous and contradictory nature of their self-identity as singular and collective is discussed. It is stable and emergent, and contested as it becomes intertwined with public and private experiences. The research also makes a contribution to our understanding of cultural identities, because it is the first study of self-identity carried out in a Sri-Lankan tea plantation context, which incorporates both public and private spaces, gender, ethnicity and caste into a single analysis.
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Hernandez, Natalie Dolores. "An Exploration of the Meaning and Consequences of Unintended Pregnancy among Latina Cultural Subgroups: Social, Cultural, Structural, Historical and Political Influences." Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4505.
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In the United States, prominent racial/ethnic and socioeconomic disparities in rates of unintended pregnancy, abortion, and unintended births exist. Recent analysis suggests that Latinas are three times more likely to experience an unintended pregnancy than non-Latina white women. More than half of pregnancies among Latinas (53%) in the United States are unintended and have higher unintended births as they are less likely than black women to have an abortion. In addition, in 2006 the unintended pregnancy rate was highest among women aged 20-24. Little research has 0been conducted to understand unintended pregnancy particularly among young adult Latina women.
The purpose of the study is to determine and understand the meaning of unintended pregnancy among Latina subpopulations and examine the perceived consequences and management of unintended pregnancy among Latina subpopulations. Between May 2012 and October 2012, twenty in-depth-interviews were conducted with U. S. born- Latinas between 18-25 years of age seeking a confirmation pregnancy test at clinics in which some provided abortion services.
Latinas in the study's meaning of pregnancy came from their complicated life situations, and were facilitated by Latino cultural beliefs, such as fatalism, religiosity and familismo. Many held favorable and positive meanings of their unintended pregnancy, particularly those who continued their pregnancies to term. Consistent with several other studies, the act of deliberately trying to plan a pregnancy was foreign to many of these women, particularly because a pregnancy was something that should was not in their control and left up to God. Most of the Latinas in the study felt that women should not plan their pregnancies and doing so was going against fate and natural life course.
Public health research overwhelmingly highlights the negative maternal and child health consequences of unintended, while many women in this study perceived the negative consequences of unintended pregnancy to be primarily emotional and social. The inquiry found stigma surrounding unintended pregnancy among Latinas in this study. More than half of the women in the study resorted to termination of their pregnancy and cited fears of family reaction, fears their partner would deny paternity or responsibility, and/or desires to continue schooling, community and societal attitudes toward an unintended pregnancy and religiosity, as influencing this decision. In addition, contributing to the stigma were the stereotypes of Latinas.
Latinas decision to continue their pregnancies to term or have an abortion was provoked by diverse and interrelated factors. Although a few Latinas in the study stated their partner's had an influence on the pregnancy resolution decision, all Latina stated that ultimately they were in control over their pregnancy resolution decision. Even when Latinas partners did not agree with their decision, women still performed their intended pregnancy resolution decision. .
Family planning services might benefit from intervention designs with the following features that address the cultural needs of this population; a) highlight/stress the importance and benefits of delaying a pregnancy, not discuss pregnancy planning which was found to be irrelevant to these women, b) incorporate and address cultural constructs such as familismo and fatalism as protective factors rather than risk factors, and c) link and discuss issues such as poverty, education, insurance, stigma, and mental health issues. Many women reported these factors as perceived consequences and influencing the management of an unintended pregnancy. Interventions may be aimed at improving provider communication with Latinas about prevention of unintended pregnancy as well their pregnancy resolution options. Future public health campaigns might benefit from incorporating promotores de salud who had similar experiences in curriculums already discussing reproductive health. Support groups and mental health counseling was suggested as needed among participants that terminated their pregnancies. Future research should continue to focus on the multiple levels of influence and the contribution they make on the meaning and consequences of unintended pregnancy. In addition, the role of cultural protective factors in strengthening families and communities merits further exploration.
This study increased our understanding of what unintended pregnancy means in the Latino community, and explored it from a comprehensive, multi-dimensional, and structural perspective. Understanding these factors are important and first steps to addressing an issue that affects Latinas, their families, communities, and the nation-at large.
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Elliott, Sheryl DeJoy. "The Historical, Political, Social, and Individual Factors That Have Influenced the Development of Aging and Disability Resource Centers and Options Counseling." PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1072.
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This thesis reports on the perspectives and experiences of policymakers, advocates, agency supervisors, and experts in the field of gerontology, about the development of Aging and Disability Resource Centers (ADRC) programs and Options Counseling (OC). By examining the foundations upon which ADRCs and OC are built, this study sought to inform future research about the effectiveness of existing practice, increase understanding of best practices, and clarify whether these emerging services are accomplishing original goals.
ADRCs and OC intend to address long-term care issues and healthcare needs by providing a single entry point to the social service system. ADRCs offer information, assistance, and OC to people of all ages, incomes, and disabilities, and promote long-term care options that honor independence and respect for the needs and preferences of individuals, their families, and caregivers. They are the latest iteration of policymakers' efforts to provide affordable home-and community-based care for older persons and their caregivers.
A total of fifteen qualitative interviews were conducted and analyzed using grounded theory methods. Key persons interviewed included experts in the area of aging, aging policy, and aging. Participants were recruited through referrals suggested by Portland State University's (PSU) Institute on Aging (IOA) staff. In addition, several key experts known to the researcher through affiliation with PSU's IOA agreed to be interviewed. Snowball sampling was then used to locate additional key experts.
Interview participants were classified as advocates, state decision makers, policy makers, or academicians. Advocates included national and state directors of agencies that promote the development and management of effective services to aging adults. State decision makers included state directors, ADRC directors and supervisors, and program analysts. Policy makers interviewed were national program directors responsible for shaping the future of developing programs to assist older adults. Academicians who participated in the study have been instrumental in developing and researching practices that promote well-being for the aging and the aged. These key experts were selected based on their knowledge and ability to inform the strengths, weakness, and development of ADRCs and Options Counseling. Many have been instrumental in health and aging policy and service development and research, and possess insider knowledge not available to the general public regarding attitudes and interests motivating the actors.
Findings indicate that ADRCs and OC are designed to manage within existing social service systems. They can benefit some individuals by providing more options and support in accessing public and private services. It remains to be seen whether they have the capacity to ameliorate some existing system-level problems. Findings highlight program strengths and weaknesses, sustainability issues, and policymakers, state decision makers', and providers' commitment to sustaining ADRCs and OC.
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Baai, Gladstone Sandi. "The religious identity of the church and its social and political mission in South Africa 1948-1984 : a historical and theological analysis." Thesis, Durham University, 1988. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/6724/.
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This study is concerned with the identity of the Church and its social and political mission in South Africa. Here the argument is that the religious identity of the Church is fulfilled in the realization of the Kingdom of God through the historical event of incarnation which liberates human identity from oppression and alienation. This doctrine in turn, it is contended, depends for its relevance upon the significance of the concepts of prolepsis and commitment for the mission of the Church, Prolepsis signifies that the Church exists to bear witness to that which has come and is coming in Jesus Christ, In this way the thesis attempts to situate the proclamation of the Kingdom of God in relation to a particular problem of oppression and exploitation in South Africa, Hence commitment should be understood as the fulfilment of Black identity and thus as a liberation which brings about the transformation of the South African identity as a whole. In this thesis the hermeneutic circle as a theory of interpretation is applied in the theological and historical analysis of the South African social formation. Part One of the thesis lays the theoretical foundations of the study by developing the hypothesis and discussing identity theories and methodology. Part Two contains an analysis of South African social reality in which the variable of class is identified as that which underpins the South African social structure. Consequently, Apartheid is explained with reference to the economy rather than race. It is an economic rather than a racial factor. Part Three consists of a theological and sociological analysis of South Africa; it employs the Marxist social theory of alienation and applies the conception of identity advocated by the Liberation Movements of Southern Africa, particularly the African National Congress. It is concluded that the religious identity is a crucial factor in the emergence of a full humanity.
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Edmon, Valerie M. "The effect of consciousness of social, political and historical context on adjustment of undergraduate students at the University of Cape Town : a qualitative study." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/10486.
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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 89-94).<br>It has been shown that black students are generally not finding the academic success in South African universities that would confirm a truly equitable educational system. In response to this, universities in South Africa have taken several different measures to bridge this gap and provide the support needed for these students to thrive through various programmes that provide supplementary support and extended degree programmes to educationally disadvantaged students.
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Tarrant, Shane L. "Are the Guerrillas Gone? a historical political economy and social analysis of the rise and demise of the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias Columbianas (FARC), 1964-2010." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/4424.
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Approved for public release, distribution unlimited<br>This thesis looks at how the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) was able to survive and control significant parts of Colombia until relatively recently. It also explains the decline of the FARC as a significant insurgency (and as one of the last, if not the last significant guerrilla organization in the region). While a historical political economy and social analysis of the rise and demise of the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias Colombianas (FARC) between 1964 and 2010 tells us a great deal about the modern nation-state of Colombia, we also ask what the history and contemporary character of Colombia tells us about the rise and fall of the FARC?. More specifically, what are the future prospects for the FARC? Are the guerrillas gone? Furthermore, what are the implications of the decline of the FARC for Colombian politics? Finally, what are the Counterinsurgency (COIN) and other policy lessons, for Colombia and beyond, which we can derive from a thorough assessment of the rise and apparent demise of the FARC as a major guerrilla organization? We conclude that the dramatic weakening of the FARC in Colombia is part of a wider trend in the region. Despite the continued presence of social inequality and uneven economic development, the general opening of the political process in Colombia and elsewhere combined with the success of various counterinsurgency campaigns and/or the self-destruction of some insurgencies marks the dawn of a new era. Colombia is ultimately an example of the fact that major insurgency and counterinsurgency operations may have passed permanently from the Latin American stage.
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Castano, Arturo Herrera, and Shane L. Tarrant. "Are the Guerrillas Gone?: a historical political economy and social analysis of the rise and demise of the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias Columbianas (FARC), 1964-2010." Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/10390.
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Approved for public release, distribution unlimited<br>This thesis looks at how the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) was able to survive and control significant parts of Colombia until relatively recently. It also explains the decline of the FARC as a significant insurgency (and as one of the last, if not the last significant guerrilla organization in the region). While a historical political economy and social analysis of the rise and demise of the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias Colombianas (FARC) between 1964 and 2010 tells us a great deal about the modern nation-state of Colombia, we also ask what the history and contemporary character of Colombia tells us about the rise and fall of the FARC?. More specifically, what are the future prospects for the FARC? Are the guerrillas gone? Furthermore, what are the implications of the decline of the FARC for Colombian politics? Finally, what are the Counterinsurgency (COIN) and other policy lessons, for Colombia and beyond, which we can derive from a thorough assessment of the rise and apparent demise of the FARC as a major guerrilla organization? We conclude that the dramatic weakening of the FARC in Colombia is part of a wider trend in the region. Despite the continued presence of social inequality and uneven economic development, the general opening of the political process in Colombia and elsewhere combined with the success of various counterinsurgency campaigns and/or the self-destruction of some insurgencies marks the dawn of a new era. Colombia is ultimately an example of the fact that major insurgency and counterinsurgency operations may have passed permanently from the Latin American stage.
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Castano, Arturo Herrera Tarrant Shane L. "Are the Guerrillas Gone? a historical political economy and social analyslis of the rise and demise of the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias Columbianas (FARC), 1964-2010 /." Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FCastano.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Berger, Marcos (Mark T.). Second Reader: Porch, Douglas. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 26, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, FARC (Spanish Acronym), Auto Defense Forces of Colombia, AUC (Spanish Acronym), Government of Colombia, GOC, U.S. policy, illicit drugs, demobilization, Colombian Military, Colombian National Police, Colombian Political system. Includes bibliographical references (p. 69-79). Also available in print.
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Ferar, Nolan Y. "Neoliberal Ideologies and Cultural Models of Work among Young French and American Business Students and Professionals: A Study in Institutional Change and Cultural Meaning." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/91.
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In this thesis I analyze semi-structured interviews I conducted with fifteen young French and American business students and professionals in order to uncover cultural models relating to work, while paying particular attention to the acceptance or rejection of neoliberal ideas. To contextualize the analysis, I first review the history of neoliberal ideology along with its arrival and political and institutional influence in both countries. In the U.S., the neoliberal transition was rapid and dramatic under the Reagan administration, which constitutes a critical institutional juncture and a shift in the dominant paradigm of governance. In France, in contrast, neoliberal policies have been implemented reluctantly and incrementally, suggesting traditional French values relating to the state and its role in regulating the economy remain largely intact. In line with these historical patterns, the Americans I spoke to primarily conceptualize work as a commodity, accepting the definition of work as defined in the market; while the French interviewees conceptualize work as personal fulfillment and occupational citizenship, emphasizing the human and psychological essence of work and the need for moral regulation of the market economy, perceived as immoral and anarchic. Overall, the Americans much more readily accepted neoliberal ideas and policy directives and towards which the French were far less welcoming. In particular, I argue that the traditional role of the French state as responsible for the wellbeing of its citizens presents a major obstacle to neoliberal ideology, historically on an institutional level as well as in the minds of the French interviewees.
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Bryce, William Jeffrey. "Weightlifting in the USSR and CIS 1917-1992 : an examination of some of the historical, social and political aspects of the sport of weightlifting in the USSR and CIS." Thesis, University of Bradford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.617607.
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Even the most detailed and wide- ranging study of the Soviet Union can only hope to reveal the most partial and incomplete understanding of its social structure and character. As a consequence of this, two different approaches to the study of this huge subject can be, and have been, adopted. The first method is to take a bird's eye view, overlooking large areas of social activity, and attempting to trace the inter-relationships on the large scale. The alternative is to take a small area of social relations, and to understand the society from the details of that single activity or limited range of activities. These approaches are not mutually exclusive: indeed, if a student is to claim with any real substance an understanding of Soviet society, then both methods must be utilized, to complement one another. By combining both methods an attempt can be made at improving and expanding the understanding of any society, and in particular that of the Soviet Union.
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Boyden, Julian. "Vox Populi-Vox Belli: A Historical Study of Southern Ante Bellum Public Attitudes and Motivations Toward Secession." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/5142.
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This thesis examines why the south seceded in 1860 as opposed to any other time in the 19th century and what changed the mentalite of the people in the period 1857-1860. The underlying issue in southern politics and the issue of secession was clearly slavery and slavery rested on the economics of cotton. Yet slavery and cotton do not explain why the South seceded in 1860 and not at other times in the preceding seventy years. 1807 saw the outlawing of the international slave trade and 1819 saw Congress pass the Slave Trade Act interdicting the ships involved. In 1828 and 1832 the bitter tariff disputes between northern industrial and southern agricultural interests led to the South Carolina doctrine of "Nullification" but no secession. Neither the 1846 proposed Wilmot Proviso restricting slavery in the new territories nor the immediate post Mexican War disputes over the territorial expansion of slavery caused secession and in every case the South was willing to compromise. The methodology of this work is based on the assumption that words and thoughts are intimately linked and that by measuring changes in frequency of word use, changes in thought can be detected and measured. Evidence for the changing use word frequency was provided by an etymological and article content study of selected daily editions of six newspapers in the three cities. The thesis put forward to explain the change in political attitude is that for the southern cities of Richmond, Charleston and New Orleans, political power and political issues were the most important factors. The rise of the sectional northern Republican Party and fear of its abolitionist principles weighed more heavily than any other factors in altering the psychology of the South. This raised the political dispute over slavery to an issue of secession and potential military conflict.<br>ID: 031001448; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Adviser: .; Title from PDF title page (viewed June 27, 2013).; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2012.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 353-358).<br>M.A.<br>Masters<br>History<br>Arts and Humanities<br>History
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Thompson, Benjamin. "Reparations for historical social injustice." Thesis, McGill University, 2010. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=87022.
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This thesis concerns the justifiability of claims for reparations for historical injustice as claims based on reparative justice. The first component of the thesis aims to bring clarity to this broad topic by, firstly, describing five necessary conditions for a claim to be compelling as a claim of reparative justice and by, secondly, noting some important difficulties that claims for reparations for historical injustice tend to face in meeting these five conditions. The second component concerns the specific case of reparations to African-Americans for slavery and other past legal injustices. The thesis argues that a case for reparations based on reparative justice can meet the five relevant necessary conditions. An important aspect of this argument is the emphasis that it places on how past legal injustice put in place unjust social processes which have perpetuated to the present-day leading to contemporary African-Americans being wronged and harmed.<br>La présente thèse concerne le degré de justification des demandes de réparations ayant trait à des injustices historiques comme des demandes basées sur la justice réparatrice. La première partie de cette thèse vise à clarifier le sujet général en commençant par décrire cinq conditions nécessaires à une demande afin d'être crédible en tant que demande de justice réparatrice et, ensuite, en s'attardant sur quelques difficultés importantes rencontrées que les demandes de réparation pour des injustices historiques tendent à rencontrer au moment de se conformer aux dites cinq conditions. La seconde partie concerne spécifiquement le cas des réparations attribuées aux Africains-Américains en compensation de l'esclavage et autres injustices légales du passé. La présente thèse soutien qu'un cas de réparations basé sur la justice réparatrice peut rencontrer adéquatement les cinq critères susmentionnés. Un aspect important de cet argument reste dans l'emphase mise sur comment les injustices du passé ont contribué à mettre en place des procédés sociaux injustes qui ayant étés perpétués jusqu'à ce jour, menant à une situation dans laquelle certains Africains-Américains contemporains se sont vus être heurtés.
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Moreira, Lucas da Silva [UNESP]. "A interdisciplinaridade no ensino da matemática pela perspectiva da pedagogia histórico-crítica: superando a pedagogia de projetos." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/134357.
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Previous issue date: 2016-02-03<br>Este trabalho busca analisar como a interdisciplinaridade na perspectiva da Pedagogia Histórico-Crítica contribui para a apropriação do conteúdo matemático “Funções” ao mesmo tempo em que promove a reflexão crítica da realidade social em alunos do ensino médio, superando a Pedagogia de Projetos. A problemática da pesquisa se deu a partir do questionamento: Como a interdisciplinaridade pode ser materializada no ensino da matemática a partir da proposta pedagógica da PHC? A metodologia adotada foi de cunho qualitativa, nos moldes da pesquisa-ação. A análise consiste em uma visão interpretativa dos dados referentes ao desenvolvimento de uma sequência didática, para o ensino de função do 1º grau para alunos de uma 1ª série do ensino médio de uma escola estadual de São Paulo. Os dados foram divididos em três categorias, nas quais apresentamos as falas e os registros dos alunos no decorrer das atividades. Pela análise dos resultados, ficou evidente que os alunos se apropriaram de elementos do conteúdo de função. A interdisciplinaridade foi materializada nas ações dos alunos, que a partir da necessidade do aprofundamento do conteúdo, buscaram contribuições de professores de outras disciplinas. Os alunos demonstraram que a abordagem de um tema político-social, norteando as atividades, contribuiu para o aumento do interesse no estudo da Matemática. Além disso, o tema político-social auxiliou no desenvolvimento do pensamento crítico em relação ao tema alimentação, de tal forma que os alunos se mobilizaram para socializar os novos conhecimentos com a comunidade. Por fim, entendemos que a Pedagogia de Projetos, ao priorizar conteúdos relativos a realidade imediata do aluno, foi superada nesse trabalho pela Pedagogia Histórico-Crítica, no sentido que essa prioriza o conteúdo matemático. Assim sendo, a interdisciplinaridade nessa perspectiva colaborou para o processo de apropriação do conteúdo escolar proposto.<br>This paper seeks to examine how interdisciplinary the perspective of HistoricalCritical Pedagogy contributes to the appropriation of the mathematical content "functions" while promoting critical reflection of social reality in high school students, exceeding the Project Pedagogy. The issue of research took place from the question: How interdisciplinary it can be materialized in mathematics education from the pedagogical proposal of PHC? The methodology was qualitative in nature, along the lines of action research. The analysis consists of an interpretive view of the data for the development of a didactic sequence for the function of teaching the 1st degree for students of 1st year of high school in a public school in São Paulo. The data are dived in three categories, in which we present the statements and records of the students during the activities. By analyzing the results, it was evident that the students have appropriated function of content elements. The interdisciplinary approach was embodied in the actions of students who from the need to deepen the content, teachers sought contributions from other disciplines. Students have shown that the approach of a political and social issue, guiding activities, contributed to the increased interest in the study of mathematics. Moreover, the political and social issue helped in the development of critical thinking in relation to the theme food, so that students have mobilized to socialize the new knowledge with the community. Finally, we understand that the Project Pedagogy, to prioritize content on the immediate reality of the student, it was overcome in this work for the HistoricalCritical Pedagogy in the sense that prioritizes the mathematical content. Therefore, the interdisciplinary perspective that contributed to the process of appropriation of the proposed school content.
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Andersson, Tove. "Path dependence or policy change in the EU? : A case study on EU policy change and gender mainstreaming." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100905.
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This thesis aims to clarify how the Single market policy and the Social policy of the European Union has changed since the Treaty of Rome (1957) and what opportunities and/or constraints there might be for integrating gender mainstreaming within the policies. In order to determine how the policy development affects the prospects of integrating gender mainstreaming, a case study supplemented with the method of content analysis is carried out. Furthermore, the thesis adopts a historical institutionalist perspective. Thereby, policy change is operationalised with the help of Peter Hall ́s theory of the three orders of change. It is therefore assumed that the concept of path dependency will explain how policy changes opens up opportunities for or constrain the integration of gender mainstreaming in the policy-making process. The main findings show that the Single market policy mostly changed in accordance with the first order of change and that the Social policy mostly changed in accordance with the second order of change. These findings imply that a paradigm shift of the fundamental ideas and objectives of the policies have not occurred since the signing of the Treaty of Rome which complicates future integration of gender mainstreaming in the policies.
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Boston, Clarinèr Freeman. "An Historical Perspective of Oregon's and Portland's Political and Social Atmosphere in Relation to the Legal Justice System as it Pertained to Minorities: With Specific Reference to State Laws, City Ordinances, and Arrest and Court Records During the Period -- 1840-1895." PDXScholar, 1997. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4992.
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Racial and ethnic minorities are disproportionately represented in Portland, Oregon's criminal justice system. Laws, legal procedures and practices that excessively target minorities are not new phenomena. This study focused on a history of political and social conditions in Oregon, and subsequently, Portland, from the 1840' s to 1895, that created unjust state laws and city ordinances that adversely impacted Native Americans, African Americans, and Chinese Immigrants. Attention was also given to the Jewish population.
The approach was to examine available arrest and court records from Oregon's and Portland's early beginnings to ascertain what qualitative information records could provide regarding the treatment of minorities by the justice system. As an outgrowth of this observation, it was necessary to obtain an understanding of the legal environment related to arrests and dispositions of adjudications. Finally, a review of the political and social atmosphere during the time period provided a look at the framework that shaped public attitudes and civic actions.
Examination of available arrest records and court records recorded during the period were conducted at the City of Portland's Stanley Paar Archives. Observations were limited to the availability of archive records. Oregon's history, relative legislation, Portland's history and applicable ordinances were studied and extrapolated from valid secondary resources. Political and social conditions were reviewed through newspaper accounts during recorded history from that time period.
Research indicated that Native Americans, African Americans and Chinese Immigrants were: not legally afforded equal access to Oregon land provisions; denied equitable treatment under the law in comparison to their white counterparts; were unjustly targeted for criminal activities by the enactment and enforcement of laws based on racist views; and, negatively used as political ploys to the advantage of candidates seeking public office. Much of this research is akin to actions in many political, legal and justice arenas of the 1990' s, that continue to adversely impact racial/ethnic minorities unfairly. Although members of the Jewish community were not negatively affected by law, they suffered social injustices. However, they were members of the legal and political fiber that shaped civic sentiments and legislative action in both positive and negative ways.
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Marsden, Sarah V. "How terrorism ends : understanding the outcomes of violent political contestation." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3970.
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Existing scholarship suggests terrorism is an ineffective method of political contestation; groups rarely achieve their political objectives and are often disrupted by the security services. These findings invite us to look again at the dominant rational choice paradigm, which suggests that terrorism is selected as the best strategy to achieve predetermined goals. Unpicking the assumptions underpinning this model using historical case studies, comparative analysis and typology development, this thesis broadens our interpretation of what those who use terrorism seek to achieve. It does so via a tripartite framework. First, employing a new reading of American pragmatist thought, interpreting militant group goals as culturally and socially mediated problems opens up a new vista of outcomes, in particular examining the way terrorism seeks to change relations between people. Second, using Social Movement Theory as its organising framework, an empirically derived typology of militant groups sets out the background political conditions and organisational characteristics of 28 dormant groups. Using existing models of interpreting outcomes to assess these historical cases demonstrates the unmet challenges of providing robust explanations for why terrorism ends and what it achieves. Third, the thesis explores the promise of a mechanism and process-led approach to explaining outcomes. It does so through in-depth examination of two historical case studies: Kach and the Aden-Abyan Islamic Army. Despite being classified as failures, using largely neglected primary sources, the case studies reveal a range of fascinating and important outcomes that still resonate in Israel and Yemen today. Most of these methodological and conceptual tools are being applied to the question of terrorism's outcomes for only the first or second time. In doing so, this thesis offers greater depth than existing scholarship on how terrorism ends, by looking beyond measures such as success and failure in interpreting outcomes, whilst affording greater breadth through its ability to make comparative assessments at the level of mechanisms and processes. The result is a more detailed and robust set of explanations as to how terrorism ends and what it achieves, illustrated through detailed historical case studies of two interesting, yet often neglected, groups.
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Incorvia, Niki. "Role Theory as an informative lens for understanding the familial and political power struggles of Henry VIII and Mary I of England." NSUWorks, 2014. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/18.
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This study aims to analyze the application of twentieth century sociologist George Mead's role theory to Henry VIII and Mary I, of Britain's Tudor Dynasty, regarding their treatment of their families during the early to mid-sixteenth century. Contemporary role theory can offer a useful lens to study sixteenth century royal family functionality through an analysis of Henry VIII and Mary I's lives as monarchs of England. Role theory can illuminate the role conflict that led to a separation between Henry and Mary as people and as sovereigns. Their roles, derived from traditional authority, set them apart as people and led them to behave in a way that would not have been true to their characters if they were not monarchs. The roles will therefore be given particular attention pertaining to family issues within a sixteenth century social, religious and political context. The findings of this study include an explanation of conflict with identity as well as a conflict with roles using transformation as the catalyst in the case of both of these monarchs. This study includes a qualitative content analysis, while also employing methods from the humanities to create a unique blend of methodology from both the social sciences and the field of history. This blend of methodology aids in creating a model to ensure further understanding of conflict analysis from a historical perspective.
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Randall, Jason. "Cyber-Sovereignty: The Power of Social Media on the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Egypt." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2017. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/cauetds/108.
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This dissertation assesses the role of social media and its effects on the Arab Spring. The research will be guided by two questions: Could the use of American Dot.com social networking websites (e.g. Facebook, Google, Twitter, and YouTube) by Tunisians and Egyptians during the Arab Spring, to overthrow their governments, be characterized as a violation of Tunisia’s and Egypt’s sovereignty (cyber-sovereignty)? Secondly, what was the significance of the abovementioned social networking websites during the Arab Spring?
The first question will be examined by using Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Theory; the problem, policy, and political streams have to converge simultaneously in order to create a window of opportunity to enact change. For this to occur, it is the responsibility of the policy entrepreneur to combine the three streams. The policy entrepreneur is an individual(s) who are tasked with the responsibility of integrating the three streams. During the Arab Spring, social media served as a mechanism for citizens to bypass government censorship to chronicle and narrate events as they occurred. As a result, I assert that it was the use of social media in this manner by the policy entrepreneurs that violated the sovereignty of both Tunisia and Egypt.
The second question will be analyzed by administering questionnaires and reviewing tertiary sources to assess the significance of the abovementioned social networking websites during the Arab Spring. By examining the two research questions together, the conclusion of this analysis will potentially provide the basis for political cooperation towards an international cyber-sovereignty doctrine. The Arab Spring was far greater than Tunisia and Egypt. However, I felt it was of the utmost importance to focus on the origin of the Arab Spring, as well as the significance in which the role of social media became instrumental. Analyzing the role of social media, the transformation of power, and cyber-sovereignty in both countries through four (individual, state, organizational, and international) layers of analysis will help to assess the role of social media during the Arab Spring and to generate layers of protection to mitigate its influence.
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Souza, Ana Silvia Ariza de. "A saúde na perspectiva ético-política: pesquisa ação participante na Comuna da Terra Irmã Alberta do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2012. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/16983.
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Previous issue date: 2012-08-08<br>Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico<br>This study is a participatory action research (PAR) approach conducted with the
Health Sector of the Movement of the Landless Rural Workers, known by its Portuguese
acronym MST, from 2008 to 2011. During the process, this study aimed to transform the
action developed through the PAR, according to the materialist and dialectical reference basis
of the social-historical psychology, to better orient the actions in the light of the knowledge
learnt from the relation and theoretical mediation toward the Movement objective for
enhancing political action capability.The orienting conception of health is as proposed by
Sawaia, which understands health as a whole, on the confluence of material, political,
biological and ethical dimensions, when referring to the order of life power. Conditions
experienced there (when living at the Irmã Alberta Commune of the Earth, where this study
was conducted) were chosen as focus for this study reflecting the dialectic between life power
and emancipation and ethical-political suffering, consequences and bondage power. In other
words, the aim was to understand the forces, which prepare the grounds for the ethical and
political health condition, or the possibility of existing in act and the assessment of what
inhibits this power in the construction process of Irmã Alberta Commune. To assess the
affectivity dynamics and its interconnection in the health-disease process, having as basis the
social-historical perspective of Vygostky, the philosophy of Espinosa and the considerations
of discussions carried out on the Nucleus on the Psychosocial Study of Social Inclusion
Exclusion Dialectics (NEXIN).The study counted on forty nine individual interviews as well
as reports and a field diary drawn up to find its language subtext. The meaning units found
were: work, land, study/education, communitarian organization and political actions. Although
living under precarious conditions, with health problems as a consequence of the nonregulation
of land ownership, and the lack of governmental resources and public policies for
health as well as for land reform, we could observe achievements and capabilities to face
difficulties encouraging them to be and exist, in act, and promoting their own transformation
as well as of the society, with political actions playing an enhancing role in this context,
especially in what concerns land occupations<br>Esta tese é uma pesquisa ação participante (PAP) realizada com o Setor de Saúde do MST nos
anos de 2008 a 2011. Durante o seu processo de realização, teve o objetivo de transformar a
ação desenvolvida em PAP segundo o referencial da psicologia sócio-histórica que é de base
materialista e dialética para melhor orientar as ações, à luz dos conhecimentos extraídos na
relação e da mediação teórica, na direção do objetivo do Movimento de potencializar a
capacidade de ação política. A concepção de saúde que orienta é a defendida por Sawaia que
entende saúde como uma totalidade, na confluência entre a dimensão material, política,
biológica e ética, pois é da ordem da potência de vida. Foi eleito como foco de pesquisa as
afecções sofridas (experiência de viver na Comuna da Terra Irmã Alberta, local em que foi
realizada a pesquisa) para refletir sobre a dialética entre potência de vida e emancipação e
sofrimento ético-político, potência de padecimento e servidão. Ou seja, compreender as forças
que abrem caminho para a saúde ético-política ou ainda a capacidade de existir em ato e a
compreensão do que inibe essa potência no processo de construção da Comuna Irmã Alberta.
Para compreender a dinâmica da afetividade e sua imbricação no processo saúde-doença,
baseamo-nos na perspectiva sócio-histórica de Vygotsky, na filosofia de Espinosa e nas
reflexões realizadas no Núcleo de Estudos Psicossociais da Dialética Inclusão Exclusão
Social (NEXIN). Foram realizadas 49 entrevistas individuais, além de utilizados relatórios e
diário de campo para encontrar o subtexto dos discursos. As unidades de significado
encontradas foram: trabalho, terra, estudo/formação, organização comunitária e ações
políticas, incluindo o atendimento à saúde para ampliar a compreensão. Concluímos que
embora vivam precariedade e problemas de saúde decorrentes da não regularização da terra
com ausência de recursos e políticas públicas de saúde bem como de reforma agrária por parte
do Estado; as conquistas e capacidade de enfrentar as dificuldades os potencializa a ser e
existir em ato, promovendo a transformação de si e da sociedade, tendo as ações políticas,
especialmente as ocupações, papel potencializador nesse contexto
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Framba, Alice. "What Makes the EU Tick? : Understanding the Role of Ideas in the Design of the European Institutions in a Novel Way." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-177371.
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This Research is aimed at becoming a theoretical contribution to the field of European Integration Theory and IR for two reasons. Firstly, this Research proposes the theoretical perspective of Talcott Parsons from sociology and organizational research to scholars within IR Theory. By employing the historical institutionalist and social constructivist IR perspectives and Parsons's 'four-function paradigm' theory, scholars can identify the two effects of a successful institutional design of international political organizations such as the EU: effectiveness and a good public reputation. The Literature Review in Chapter 2 is a theoretical discussion about compatibility of the Parsonians concepts of 'adaptation', a 'holistic approach to policymaking', 'success', and the 'European institutional design' with the European Integration Theory and IR fields. The same Chapter stresses the need to consider the 'ideas' of political leaders in analysing change of institutional design. The second reason for which this Research is a contribution to IR theory is the presentation of eight specific strategies that are likely to generate an organization's success. The eight strategies are institutional conditions making up the 'eight-condition model' of Charles Edquist. This Research adopts an objective and deductive approach that applies the Parsonians theory and the Edquist's 'eight-condition model' to empirical data about European institutions in a cross-sectional and longitudinal research design in the Analysis Chapters 4, 5, and 6. A 'holistic innovation policy approach' to supranational policymaking is employed by the Researcher for the salient circumstances of success to be identified, in order to guide data collection and analysis. The results show that success occurred three times: fully, in the years between 1945 and 1958 and from 1959 to 2002, and partially from 2003 until our days. The concepts of 'adaptation', 'success', 'ideas', the 'four-function paradigm' theory of Parsons and the 'eight-condition model' of Edquist are discussed and ultimately claimed to be both epistemologically compatible and methodologically valid for studies about the success of European integration in the Discussions and Conclusions Chapter.
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Hernández, Guerrero Daniel. "Rethinking Source Criticism -Towards the development of an analytical model for evaluation of sources in times of massinformation and fake news." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-91339.
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This thesis discusses source criticism from a critical perspective which encompasses its challenges, demands and possibilities for teaching practice. The questions guiding the core of this research are the following:1) What differentiates people’s activities in the process of evaluating sources? 2) What characterizes an effective practice in critical evaluation of sources? 3) Which criteria, factors and strategies might be important to consider in order to have a successful source critical methodology that promotes the improvement of critical thinking when analysing information and news?The studied materials include data from one survey and 54 semi-structured interviews. The interviews, analysed by using a methodology based on Grounded Theory, led to the development of a concept, critical source criticism (CSC), which define a broad perspective for the analysis of sources, and a related theoretical model (the CSC-model) aimed to be used for didactical purposes. The outcomes from this research suggest that different forms and levels of knowledge in history and social studies (in theory and practice), have a critical impact on the way we interact with information. The results also suggest that the combinations of theories and methodologies, alongside an emphasis on pluralism and multiperspectivity, can turn source criticism into an effective practice to achieve several educational goals. Subsequently, these results, are considered in the development of the proposed model in this thesis. The CSC-model developed in this study could be suitable for the analysis of information such as news, in planning of source-critical based teaching and in source critical discussions. I argue that this methodological structure, can be applied to facilitate the development of critical thinking, as well as other skills and abilities essential for democratic participation. This thesis Includes summaries in Swedish and Spanish as appendices".
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Tortola, Pier Domenico. "Federalism, the state and the city : explaining urban policy institutions in the United States and in the European Union." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c7fc59b8-474d-45db-b5ae-e1c95f2e44fc.
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This thesis contributes to the growing EU-US literature by comparing and explaining the evolution of urban policy in these two federal systems. The thesis begins with a puzzle: after introducing two similar and equally short-lived regeneration schemes—Model Cities (MC) (1967) and URBAN (1994)—the US and the EU followed different paths: the former replaced MC with the durable Community Development Block Grant (CDBG) in 1974, while the latter ended urban policy by ‘mainstreaming’ URBAN in its regional policy in 2006. To solve the puzzle I formulate a two-part argument: first, I explain the similarities between MC and URBAN as resulting from three factors: a favourable political context, holistic urban policy ideas, and centre-periphery mistrust. I then explain subsequent trajectories by looking at the interplay of policy and politico-constitutional institutions. While both MC and URBAN were unable to ‘stick’ because of their inherent weaknesses, the result of their demise depended on the existence of a federal ‘city welfare’ state. In the US, the Housing and Urban Development Department (HUD) embodied this state, and channelled Nixon’s attacks on MC into the creation of the structurally stronger CDBG. In the EU, conversely, DG Regio could not provide a comparable anchor for urban policy: when URBAN was attacked by regions and cities, the DG just reverted to its ‘business as usual’ by mainstreaming the programme. I test my argument with a macro-historical comparison of the two cases and four in-depth city studies—Arlington, VA and Baltimore, MD on the US side, and Bristol, UK and Pescara, Italy on the EU side—aimed at analysing micro-level institutional dynamics. In both parts of the study I use a wide range of sources: secondary and grey literature, statistical sources and, especially, archival material and elite interviews. At both levels of analysis the test confirms my argument.
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Wright, Devon A. "Conservative Right-Wing Protest Rhetoric in the Cold War Era of Segregationist Mobilization." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3457.
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In the early Cold War decades, the Citizens’ Councils of America (CCA) became the flagship conservative right-wing social movement organization (SMO). As part of its organizational activities, it engaged in a highly sophisticated propaganda effort to mobilize pro-segregationist opinion, merging traditional racist arguments with modern Cold War geopolitics to characterize civil rights activism and federal civil rights reforms as an effort to bring about a tyrannical, Soviet-inspired, dictatorship. Through a content discourse analysis, this research aims to contribute to understanding what factors determine how SMO’s deploy propaganda rhetoric. The main hypothesis is that geopolitical factors, defined here as specific geographic contexts in which sociopolitical issues are situated and from which propaganda rhetoric is deployed, are influential determinants. Since SMO rhetoric reflects its larger ideological orientation, SMO ideology is also influenced by geopolitical factors. For comparative analysis, propaganda literature from the Ku Klux Klan, as well as elite segregationist rhetoric from the same period is included. Relying on frame theory all rhetoric is quantitatively analyzed centering on the question of what factors drive SMO frame messaging. To contribute to frame theory a concept is proposed called frame constellation, which is a web of SMO frame rhetoric and symbolism that functions as an overlapping, intersecting and interrelated system of ideas which revolve around a central intellectual logic for collective action.
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Monahan, Martin. "The Conservative Party and social justice policy 1997-2010 : an historical institutionalist analysis." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2013. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/4033/.
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This thesis uses Historical Institutionalism (HI) to explain why social justice policy became an important focus for change in the 1997-2010 Conservative Party, how this policy changed, and why radical ideological change did not take place. Utilising interviews with mid- and elite-level Party actors, and analysis of policy publications, this thesis maps the restrictive and enabling effect of material and ideational institutional structures. It introduces new HI theoretical mechanisms of path tendency within path dependency, and confluence junctures, as key processes; neutral and mimicry invasion as key sources of new policy; and policy and institutional entrepreneurs as key types of actor. It couples these newly defined terms to present mechanisms in HI to offer an explanation that down-plays Cameron as a significant break from past ideological practice: rather there has been broad continuity throughout the opposition period, which, rather than being restrictive, has facilitated incremental policy change, largely emerging slowly from mid-level actors in the Party. The thesis contributes to debates in the study of British politics by offering a theoretical and institutionally focused explanation rather than prioritising more descriptive and personality focused work. It also develops HI and improves its explanation of incremental change in a non-crisis institutional environment.
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Prates, Eduardo Freitas. "Os encontros de psicólogos da área de educação (1980-1982): um projeto de psicologia escolar e educacional em São Paulo." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2015. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/17119.
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Previous issue date: 2015-09-11<br>Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico<br>The purpose of this research is to investigate The Psychologists Meetings in the Area of Education, a combination of three events held in the early 1980 s at Instituto Sedes Sapientiae in São Paulo with the organization of Sindicato dos Psicólogos do Estado de São Paulo (SPESP) and Conselho Regional de Psicologia da 6ª Região (CRP-06). The investigation had, as its historical-philosophical base, the historical and dialectical materialism, utilized to biographical and, principally, documentary researches, which procedures were conducted by methodological principles of Italian micro-history. These occasions are an expression of the political organization of psychologists in the late 1970 s that appropriated the entities of the category in the early 1980 s and proposed an ethical-political psychology project based on a critical reading of the profession, comprehended as socially committed with the low income classes. It is from this movement that an Education Committee arises, responsible for the discussion of psychology in education, which has as initiative to arrange the psychologists, through meetings which, in turn, enabled a school and educational psychology project. These events represent a remarkable moment of political organization and critical discussions, as well as a historical synthesis of experiments in educational psychology, whereupon Sérgio Antonio da Silva Leite and Yvonne Alvarenga Gonçalves Khouri stand out for their importance. We conclude that the meetings are products of the ethical-political psychology project, as are producers of a school and educational psychology project, becoming a significant historical fact of the psychology historiography in São Paulo<br>Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo investigar Os Encontros de Psicólogos da Área de Educação, um conjunto de três eventos realizados no início da década de 1980 no Instituto Sedes Sapientiae em São Paulo sob a organização do Sindicato dos Psicólogos do Estado de São Paulo (SPESP) e do Conselho Regional de Psicologia da 6ª Região (CRP-06). A investigação teve como base histórico-filosófica o materialismo histórico-dialético, servindo-se de pesquisa bibliográfica e, sobretudo, pesquisa documental, cujos procedimentos foram orientados pelos princípios metodológicos da micro-história italiana. Esses eventos são expressão da organização política dos psicólogos no final da década de 1970 que ao tomarem as entidades da categoria no início de 1980 propõem um projeto ético-político da Psicologia com base em uma leitura crítica da profissão, compreendida como socialmente comprometida com as classes populares. É a partir desse movimento que surge uma Comissão de Educação, responsável pela discussão da psicologia na área de educação que tem como iniciativa organizar os psicólogos, por meio dos Encontros que, por sua vez, viabilizaram um projeto de psicologia escolar e educacional. Esses eventos representam um importante momento de organização política e discussões críticas, assim como uma síntese histórica das experiências em psicologia da educação, nos quais sobressai o protagonismo de Sérgio Antonio da Silva Leite e Yvonne Alvarenga Gonçalves Khouri. Concluímos que os Encontros são produtos do projeto ético-político da Psicologia, assim como são produtores de um projeto de psicologia escolar e educacional, tornando-se um fato histórico importante da historiografia da psicologia em São Paulo
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Rybaczuk, Rachel. "The Search for Self-Fulfillment: How Individualism Undermines Community Organizing." Amherst, Mass. : University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2009. http://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/278/.
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Siman, Kelly. "Social-Ecological Risk and Vulnerability to Erosion and Flooding Along the Ohio Lake Erie Shoreline." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1597092923090799.
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Gay, Kallie. "Becoming a Master Manager: An Analysis of SNAP Recipient Stories of Navigating Government Assistance." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2019. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3556.
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This study examines experiences of utilizing government assistance in the United States. It focuses on the ways in which persons participating in the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) communicatively managed their lives in relation to their role in the program. Specifically, the research reveals that SNAP recipients are master managers. After synthesizing the pre-existing body of research concerning social assistance in the U.S. and its effects on those who utilize it, the author argues that sharing the stories of marginalized groups can serve to reduce stigma surrounding government assistance participation. Employing a Feminist Standpoint Theory sensibility to elicit such stories, the author drew out narratives gathered through qualitative interviews with current SNAP participants. Findings indicate that communicative management of SNAP participation was experienced as multi-layered and complex. Positioned to navigate the carceral environment of the SNAP program, participants adopted various disciplined communicative actions as they managed program membership, stigmatized identity, and behavioral surveillance.
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Friberg, Anna. "Demokrati bortom politiken : En begreppshistorisk analys av demokratibegreppet inom Sveriges socialdemokratiska arbetareparti 1919–1939." Doctoral thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Avdelningen för humaniora, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-17674.
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This dissertation analyzes the concept of democracy as it was used in the official rhetoric of the Swedish SocialDemocratic Party (SAP ) between 1919 and 1939. Theoretically, the dissertation relies on German Begriffsgeschichte, as put forward by Reinhart Koselleck, and Michael Freeden’s theory of ideologies. Together, by supplementing each other, these theories offer a perspective in which concepts are thought of as structures that are under contestation and change due to socio-political circumstances. However, the formulation of this change takes place in relation to the linguistic praxis of each time-period, and renegotiates the relative constraints of established relations between concepts in language. The analysis shows that the profound changes in society provided impetus for a continuous renegotiation of meanings, allowing concepts to retain their explanatory power under changing circumstances, at the same time the SAP needed new ways to express what kind of society the party strived to realize. The SAP had been one of the leading forces in the struggle for universal suffrage, and when the bill, giving universal suffrage to men andwomen, was passed in the Parliament 1919 this meant a temporary cessation to a long and intensive political debate. However, the SAP did not consider the introduction of suffrage reform as the end of full societal democratization. Rather than seeing the reform as a terminal point, the SAP saw it as the starting point for the struggle for full democracy. The SAP did not limit itself to only one concept of democracy but instead used a number of composite concepts, such as political democracy and economic democracy. The use of composite concepts can be understood as a changing temporalization of democracy. Since parliamentarism and suffrage were seen as central components in democracy, the realization of these institutions meant that the concept of democracy lost its future dimension. Thus, the usage of composite concepts should be seen as a re-temporalization of democracy. The composite concepts pointed forward in time, toward political goals that the SAP envisaged realizing in the future. Concepts should not be thought of as having cores but rather, as suggested by Freeden, ineliminable features. An ineliminable feature is not of logical nature but has a strong cultural adjacency. By analyzing the ineliminable components of the concepts of democracy that the SAP used, it is possible to discuss whether the composite concepts should be understood as subsets of a whole or as separate concepts. The analysis shows that the composite concepts that the SAP used during the first half of the 1920s shared a number of ineliminable features, but that the commonality of these features started to disintegrate during the latter half of the decade, leading to a rather diversive concept of democracy. During the 1930s the disintegration ceased as the party was faced with new circumstances, for example the growing threat of international war and national clashes between different social groups. There has always been a close relation between language and society. However, the relationship does not follow a simple and clear-cut logic but a complex mixture of various factors at different levels, both within language itself and of society. When society develops, language also has to change if the ongoing process is to be understood. As this study shows, new circumstances require new argumentsand thus revised concepts.
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Connell, James Astley. "Displacing the 'authentic account' : historical trauma, political subjectification and the overdetermination of Tibetan youth subjectivities and agencies." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7568/.
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This thesis considers the reputedly constitutive effects of violence and (intergenerational) loss on youth political subjectivities and agencies, with specific regard for young Tibetans of the refugee-diaspora of Northern India. While the effects of violence on socialisation and agency are currently a significant concern, prevailing clinical, cultural, and even radical psychoanalytical explanations tend – in universalising the traumatic event – to advance underdetermined accounts of experience, subjectivity and agency, leading to depoliticisation of the young or overstatement of their agency. In contrast, this study draws on the Foucauldian concept of political subjectification to reflect on the displaced wider overdeterminative material-discursive field through which young subjects, their subjectivities, and agencies are constituted. Through an ethnographically-informed genealogical method I attempt to trace the signification and affective-internalisation of a specific masternarrative of (national) loss, and the displacements the advent of this account has caused –with specific regard for the displacement of classed, gendered and generational experiences of loss. Finally, drawing on Foucault’s parrhesia as a heuristic for decentred agency, I consider how far young people in exile are able to resist patrifilial hegemony through indexing alternative forms of loss.
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Canihac, Hugo. "La fabrique savante de l'Europe : une archéologie du discours de l'Europe communautaire (1870-1973)." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017BORD0617.
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Cette thèse prend pour objet la construction d’un discours politique et social nouveau - celuide l’Europe communautaire. Ce processus est appréhendé comme le résultat du travail demultiples collectifs d’acteurs politiques et savants. Ces collectifs ont contribué à l’invention duvocabulaire communautaire, d’une part, et à la normalisation de certains savoirs etinterprétations des Communautés, d’autre part. Il s’agit alors de mettre en lumière lesconditions historiques de ce travail collectif dans deux Etats fondateurs de la constructioneuropéenne – la France et l’Allemagne. L’enjeu est d’explorer tout à la fois les conditions depossibilité de l’innovation politique et les conditions de légitimation d’un objet politiquenouveau.En mobilisant des sources historiques variées, ce travail retrace les carrières dans les débatscommunautaires de deux des définitions largement utilisées pour définir l’Europecommunautaire jusqu’à aujourd’hui - la « supranationalité » et « l’économie sociale demarché ». L’étude croisée de leurs usages permet d’examiner les controverses politicoacadémiquesdans lesquelles l’Europe communautaire a été définie comme type institutionneldistinct (de l’Etat-nation) et comme mode de gouvernement spécifique (du marché). A reboursde l’hypothèse d’une « révolution communautaire », la thèse invite à réinscrire l’inventioncommunautaire dans le temps plus long de la construction des Etats nationaux et de leurssavoirs. A l’opposé d’une lecture génétique de la construction communautaire commedéploiement d’un sens défini depuis les années 1950, elle donne à voir la diversité desinterprétations et des savoirs qui ont été produits et se sont affrontés dans les premières, etidentifie les conditions de leurs succès différenciés<br>This dissertation aims to understand the construction of a new type of political and socialdiscourse: that of the European Economic Community (EEC). This process is taken, on theone hand, to be the invention on the part of political actors and scholars of a vocabulary andconceptual apparatus which made the EEC thinkable. On the other hand, the process isunderstood as the constitution of specialized disciplines which, by more or less successfullyasserting their legitimacy to produce discourse on the EEC as an object, have contributed torendering certain interpretations obligatory. The dissertation highlights the historical conditionsin which actors have contributed to the emergence, circulation and stabilization of suchknowledge in two founding member states of the EEC - France and Germany – up to the firstenlargement of the EEC in 1973. Beyond the specific case of European integration, thechallenge is to explore the conditions both for political innovation and for the legitimization ofa new political object.Making use of several types of historical source, the thesis retraces the careers of two of thedefinitions widely used to define the EEC up to the present - "supranationality" and the "socialmarket economy". Examination of the uses of these terms makes it possible to identify andinvestigate politico-academic controversies in which the EEC has been defined as a distinctinstitutional type (of the nation-state) and as specific mode of government (of the market).In contrast to the hypothesis of a "revolution" in the EEC, the thesis calls for the reinsertion ofthe invention of the EEC into the longer history of construction of national states andgovernment sciences. Contrary to a genetic interpretation of European integration as a definiteproject from the 1950s, it reveals the diversity of interpretations and knowledges which wereproduced and which competed with one another in the early years of the EEC, and identifiesthe conditions for their unequal success. Finally, the dissertation leads us to qualify thehypothesis of the formation of "common sense" about the EEC, emphasizing the national anddisciplinary differences which persist in their interpretations
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Ott, Janelle (Bassoonist). "The Concerto for Bassoon by Andrzej Panufnik: Religion, Liberation, and Postmodernism." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc849689/.
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The Concerto for Bassoon by Andrzej Panufnik is a valuable addition to bassoon literature. It provides a rare opportunity for the bassoon soloist to perform a piece which is strongly programmatic. The purpose of this document is to examine the historical and theoretical context of the Concerto for Bassoon with special emphasis drawn to Panufnik's understanding of religion in connection with Polish national identity and the national struggle for democratic independence galvanized by the murder of Father Jerzy Popieluszko in 1984. Panufnik's relationship with the Polish communist regime, both prior to and after his 1954 defection to England, is explored at length. Each of these aspects informed Panufnik's compositional approach and the expressive qualities inherent in the Concerto for Bassoon.
The Concerto for Bassoon was commissioned by the Polanki Society of Milwaukee, Wisconsin and was premiered by the Milwaukee Chamber Players, with Robert Thompson as the soloist. While Panufnik intended the piece to serve as a protest against the repression of the Soviet government in Poland, the U. S. context of the commission and premiere is also examined. Additionally, the original manuscript and subsequent piano reduction are compared.
Although the Concerto for Bassoon has been subject to formal analysis by several scholars, discussion of the piece is generally contained within a larger discussion of several other compositions, and a comprehensive analysis of the piece has not yet been presented. This document contains a thorough formal analysis of all movements, as well as analysis of Panufnik's compositional style within the context of serialism, postmodernism, and the new Polish school of composition. The Concerto fro Bassoon features several devices common to Panufnik's larger opus, including the se of a common three-note cell, strong contrasts between section and movements, and symmetrical patterns of transposition, metric alteration, dynamic alteration, and registral expansion.
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Almeida, Alessandro de. "Dimensões políticas e sociais de um entretenimento audiovisual lucrativo: os Simpsons e as construções imagéticas sobre o Brasil." Universidade Federal de Uberlândia, 2011. https://repositorio.ufu.br/handle/123456789/16294.
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Although animated sitcom fiction has always been the focus of researchers analysis,
historical studies about animated series aired on TV are still scarce. Moreover, whether
researchers have investigated animated sitcoms, it was not with the intention of
discussing their relation to the images of Brazil and Brazilians conveyed both on TV
and the Internet. Because of that the object of study of this thesis is the discussion of
socio-historical-political dimensions in The Simpsons , a profitable animated sitcom
and a satirical parody of a working class American lifestyle family, whose episodes
have been aired on Brazil and all over the world s TV channels for more than two
decades. Therefore, the corpus of this investigation is some of the series episodes,
notably Blame it on Lisa during which the fictional family travels to Brazil. With the
objective of bringing to light the representations of Brazil in the last decades the
research makes use of the internauts speech acts of which emerge their critical discourse
construction of the The Simpsons. The Internet, an interesting locus to reveal Brazil and
its relation to the American production of series, is also used not only in an attempt to
define simpsonized language and discuss the (re)signification of Brazil s imagery as
created by the internauts, but also to put to question concepts such as family, childhood,
criminality, violence, sexuality in children s programs and the lampooning of Brazilian
identity symbols, always treated in an unflattering or negative light, in the search for
larger audiences (Top 30 ratings) and for money, categories also selected for the
development of this work. Still, anthropophagy, a category largely used in Brazilian
literary (con)texts in the beginning of the XX century, supported the analysis of
internauts and actual viewers perception of the series as a point of departure for helping
engender behavior and attitudes that can help rebuild realities, via massive media, even
if inspired by The Simpsons, and mainly based upon criticism revealed by the episode
Blame it in Lisa. On the one hand, the text attests the capacity of Brazilians, by means
of using communicative technologies, for reacting against the negative satirical portrait
of Brazil and Brazilians and on the other, for rescuing this image, even if utilizing that
simpsonized language . Research leads to the conclusion that Brazilian internauts and
actual viewers do not watch The Simpsons passively but stand up against the
unflattering insinuations in relation to Brazilian culture, society, history, folklore, Brazil
and the Brazilian people, and try to rescue those images conveyed by the sitcom
episodes, especially the ones in Blame it on Lisa . And yet, the text evidences that
certain images of Brazil and Brazilians represented in the animated sitcom expresses the
troublesome reality of truthfully and because of that they have become one of the thesis
concerns and another significant aspect to be considered. Such images are the reason for
the investigator s raising relevant questions and his strongly suggesting accurate
reflection and discussion on such a matter.<br>Embora as séries ficcionais animadas tenham sido alvo de análises pelos pesquisadores,
estudos históricos sobre os desenhos animados da TV são ainda incipientes. Alem disso,
se os pesquisadores investigaram os seriados animados, não foi com a intenção de
discutir sua relação com as imagens de Brasil e de brasileiros veiculados na TV e na
Internet. Por essas razões, o objeto de estudo desta tese é a discussão sobre as
dimensões sócio-histórico-políticas em Os Simpsons , paródia satírica lucrativa sobre
uma família de classe média americana cujos episódios povoaram as telinhas do Brasil e
de outros países por mais de duas décadas. Portanto, o corpus desta investigação são
alguns dos capítulos da série, em especial O Feitiço de Lisa, durante o qual a família
ficcional viaja ao Brasil. Com o objetivo de trazer à luz as representações de Brasil das
últimas décadas, esta pesquisa utiliza a fala dos internautas da qual emerge a construção
de seu discurso crítico sobre Os Simpsons e nosso país. A Internet, lugar para revelar o
Brasil e suas relações com a produção americana de séries ficcionais, é também usada,
não apenas como tentativa para definir linguagem simpsonizada e discutir a
(re)significação da imagem do Brasil como criada pelos internautas, mas também para
repensar os conceitos de família, infância, criminalidade, violência, sexualidade em
programas infantis e o descaso pelos símbolos identitários do Brasil, sempre tratados de
modo negativo e denigritório, na busca por maiores níveis de audiência e dinheiro,
estas, categorias também selecionadas para se desenvolver esta investigação. Também,
a antropofagia, categoria muito utilizada em (con)textos literários brasileiros no começo
do século XX, foi o suporte da análise da percepção dos internautas e telespectadores
sobre a referida série, como geradora de atitudes e comportamentos que ajudam a
reconstruir realidades, via mídia de massa, mesmo se inspiradas por Os Simpsons,
principalmente a partir da crítica revelada no episódio O feitiço de Lisa . O texto,
por um lado, atesta a capacidade dos brasileiros, com o uso de tecnologias
comunicativas, de reagir contra o retrato satírico-negativo do Brasil e dos brasileiros e,
por outro, de promover a retomada dessa imagem, mesmo fazendo uso daquela
linguagem simpsonizada . A pesquisa leva à conclusão de que os brasileiros,
internautas e telespectadores, nem sempre assistem aos episódios de Os Simpsons
passivamente, mas reagem criticamente, posicionando-se contrários às insinuações
depreciativas em relação à cultura, sociedade, história, ao folclore, ao próprio povo
brasileiro e ao Brasil, e tentam resgatar as imagens do Brasil e dos brasileiros veiculadas
na série Os Simpsons, principalmente as exploradas no episódio O Feitiço de Lisa. E, no
entanto, o texto evidencia que certas imagens de Brasil e dos brasileiros representadas
no desenho animado expressam a problemática realidade do Brasil e, por isso, tornaramse
uma preocupação e outro aspecto significante a serem considerados nesta tese. Por
essas razões, essas imagens de Brasil se tornam a razão de o investigador levantar
questões pertinentes e sugerir veementemente reflexões e discussões sérias sobre esse
assunto.<br>Doutor em História
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Antichan, Sylvain. "Mettre la France en tableaux : la formation politique et sociale d’une iconographie nationale au musée historique du château de Versailles (1830-1950)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010331.
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En 1837, le château de Versailles est « converti » en un vaste musée visant à « réunir tous lessouvenirs historiques nationaux qu’il appartient aux arts de perpétuer ». Durant près d’unsiècle, cette histoire muséale de la France est reconduite, remaniée et actualisée jusqu’auprésent du Second Empire puis de la Troisième République. Notre thèse tente de comprendre,à partir d’un matériau archivistique dense, la contribution du musée à l’élaboration tout autantqu’à la diffusion d’un imaginaire national et civique.L’analyse iconographique de près de 1300 peintures, réinscrites dans leur cadre palatial,permet d’approcher les mises en forme picturales et matérielles du politique, ses variations etses invariants. Dès lors, l’enjeu est d’appréhender comment ces visions historicisées d’unÉtat-nation ont pu tenir et être appropriées. Leurs succès ne relèvent pas seulement d’uneaction politique et administrative mais s’arriment à l’agencement réciproque de différentessphères sociales et strates d’appartenance. Cette histoire nationale se forme en retraduisant lesunivers les plus familiers des acteurs, en empruntant à la mémoire domestique des « grandsnotables », aux normes et aux enjeux de groupements professionnels (peintres, historiens,militaires) ou encore en solennisant les pratiques routinières d’un « public mêlé ». L’histoirede France s’objective dans cette interpénétration des identités et des loyautés, dans cesconsolidations croisées de secteurs sociaux, dans ces dynamiques de politisation du social etde socialisation du politique. Saisir la formation, le contenu et la diffusion de cet imaginairenational équivaut alors à scruter des systèmes de relation entre groupements sociaux, desarticulations variables entre le quotidien et le national, entre l’art et l’histoire, entre le social etle politique<br>In 1837, the Palace of Versailles was « converted » into a vast museum aiming to « gather allthe national historical memories that it belongs to the arts to perpetuate ». For about a century,the Second Empire, followed by the Third Republic, maintained, reshuffled and expanded themuseum, to include representations of contemporaneous events. This thesis aims tounderstand, based on a dense network of archival materials, the museum’s contribution to theelaboration and diffusion of a national and civic imagination.The iconographic analysis of nearly 1,300 paintings within the context of their palatialframework allows us to explore the pictorial and material representations of the political, theirsimilarities and differences. The issue, therefore, is to apprehend the manner in which thesehistoricized visions of the nation-Statecould hold and become internalized. Their success isnot only the result of political and administrative action, but also finds its source in the mutualreinforcement of different social spheres and loyalties. This national history takes shape byreproducing the actors’ most familiar environments, by borrowing from the domestic memoryof the “great notables” and from the norms and issues of professional groups (painters,historians, the military), or by solemnizing the popular habits. The history of France becomesobjective through this interpenetration of identities, through this mutual reinforcement ofsocial sectors, in these processes of politicization of the social and socialization of thepolitical. To understand the formation, content and diffusion of this national imaginationamounts to scrutinizing the systems of relationships between social groups, the evolvinginterrelations between everyday life and the national, between art and history, and betweenthe social and the political
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Tala, Diaz Denise. "Living Through the Chilean Coup d’Etat: The Second-Generation’s Reflection on Their Sense of Agency, Civic Engagement and Democracy." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch159302076798197.
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Boone, George E. "Emotion, community development, and the physical environment: An experimental investigation of measurements." UKnowledge, 2013. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/cld_etds/10.
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A wide range of research fields have studied how emotions and behavior are affected by the physical environment. This gestalt theorist approach of experimental research as well seeks to measure emotion (using the valence-arousal scale) and micro-scale community development interactions when weighted physical environment factors are adjusted. Community development (CD) interactions at the micro-scale have received but slight attention from scholars in the CD research field and this study aims partially to investigate developing objective measures from social observations. CD interactions from recordings along with self-reported emotion through surveys in four quasi-experimental groups (where the environments were constructed based on peer-reviewed literature to cause emotional reactions) and one control group made up the data collected for this experiment. While the results of this experiment displayed apparent convincing quantitative differences in both CD interactions and emotion when the physical environment was manipulated, the results of a one-way ANOVA indicated no statistical significance to either dependent variable. The conclusions suggest limiting the physical factors of the environment to produce more precise changes as a result of the manipulated quasi environments.
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Jansson, Gabriella. "The Eastern Enlargement and the Political Rationale of the EU Regional Policy: The Case of Hungary and the Implementation of the Partnership Principle." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-1734.
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<p>This paper addresses the so-called political rationale of the European Union’s (EU) regional policy in the context of the forthcoming eastern enlargement. The political rationale emphasises a particular type of organisation, involving multiple layers of governance and actors. This organisation is considered important in effectively reducing regional disparities. Regarding the great amount of EU regional funding the candidate states in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) are expected to receive upon accession, capable institutions and structures for handling these funds are vital. Also, it is a crucial part of the EU’s accession criteria. By using Hungary and the implementation of the partnership principle as a case study, the process of preparing for the regional funds in CEE is investigated in-depth. A policy analysis of the cohesion between EU policy objectives and the Hungarian implementation process of the partnership principle serves as the overall basis for the analysis. In order to analyse and understand the implementation process, Historical Institutionalism (HI) is applied as a theoretical framework. It contributes by assessing the factors affecting the implementation process and thus, policy coherence. A triangulation of data consisting of interviews with Hungarian officials and EU Member State experts involved in the implementation of partnership practices, primary and secondary texts as well as basic statistics is made against the propositions formulated through HI.</p><p> In turn, a number of analytical findings have been discovered. Firstly, the policy process is seen as highly constrained by formal and informal institutional factors, created by historical policy legacies. These have shaped the goals and preferences of the actors involved and have also privileged certain groups over others. In turn, path-dependency is noticed. Secondly, this has made policy cohesion rather weak, with certain short-term requirements being fulfilled but with a lack of more in-depth, long-term measures. Thus, there is a mismatch between the EU and the Hungarian regional policy organisation. Thirdly, although the formal institutional mechanisms for change are rather rigid, indications of informal mechanisms providing possibilities of institutional change were found, with some actors adapting to the EU enlargement context. This could lead to partnership practises gradually infiltrating some ofthe institutional and organizational features and in turn, become strengthened through the multi-level governance structure of the EU. Yet, implementation of the partnership principle is identified as a long and open process, with the real challenges arriving as Hungary enters the EU</p>
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Verhaeghe, Sidonie. "De la Commune de Paris au Panthéon (1871-2013) : célébrité, postérité et mémoires de Louise Michel Sociologie historique de la circulation d’une figure politique." Thesis, Lille 2, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LIL20010/document.
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Née d’une interrogation sur les dynamiques d’intégration républicaine des radicalités politiques, cette recherche au carrefour de la sociologie historique du politique, de l’histoire sociale des idées et de la sociologie politique des mémoires collectives,s’attache à expliquer les conditions dans lesquelles Louise Michel, une femme et une anarchiste du XIXe siècle, devient une figure éligible à la panthéonisation en 2013. L’analyse longitudinale de la carrière de la figure de Louise Michel interroge plus généralement les processus de canonisation, de circulation et de transmission qui caractérisent les dispositifs de célébration politique. A partir de l’étude monographique des multiples occurrences de lafigure de Louise Michel du dernier tiers du XIXe siècle au début du XXIe siècle (presse, discours, pratiques commémoratives, biographies ou encore manuels scolaires), ce travail montre comment une personnalité marquée par la marginalité politique devient une référence commune de la gauche. Les formes et les espaces de la célébration ne peuvent alors se comprendre qu’au regard des positions occupées par ses traducteurs et de la structure de l’espace politique et social dans lequel ils s’inscrivent. Le processus de reconnaissance institutionnelle de Louise Michel doit d’une part à la pacification d’une mémoire officielle de la Commune de Paris, et d’autre part à l’intégration de l’histoire des femmes au sein d’un féminisme d’Etat. Ce double mouvement explique l’élargissement de l’identification collective et individuelle dans la figure de Louise Michel. Il autorise l’hypothèse d’une entrée de Louise Michel au Panthéon républicain. Pourtant, cette thèse montre également que des mécanismes de résistance aux processus de reconnaissance institutionnelle demeurent. Loin d’un processus linéaire la construction de la figure Louise Michel fait l’objet d’appropriations multiples qui coexistent aujourd’hui. L’inscription d’une figure historique dans les mémoires collectives constitue dès lors un dispositif conflictuel, marqué par des conjonctures mouvantes qui met aux prises des acteurs à la croisée des espaces politiques, militants, universitaires et intellectuels<br>At the crossroads of political historical sociology, social history of ideas, and political sociology of collective memories, this research starts from an interrogation on the republican integration dynamics of political radicalism. Itfocuses on explaining the conditions in which Louise Michel, a 19th century woman and anarchist, has become an eligible icon for pantheonisation in 2013. The longitudinal analysis of Louise Michel's career broadly questions the processes of canonization, circulation and transmission which characterize the schemes of political celebration. Initiated by the monographic study of Louise Michel's numerous apparitions, from the last third of the 19th century to the early21st century (press, speeches, memorial events, biographies or textbooks), this essay highlights how a politically marginalized character turns into a leftist icon. It's only by apprehending the political posture and social background ofher interpreters that one can acknowledge the different areas and forms of commemoration. The process of institutional recognition of Louise Michel's legacy is made possible on the one hand by the pacification process of the officialremembrance of the Paris Commune, and on the other hand by the incorporation of Women History in state feminism. It explained the enlargement of both collective and individual identification to Louise Michel's figure. It also authorizedthe hypothesis of Louise Michel's entry to the republican Pantheon. However, this thesis demonstrates as well that some resistance mechanisms remains. The edification of Louise Michel's emblematic figure isn't a linear process but issubject to multiples appropriations that coexist nowadays. Historical figure in collective memories poses a divisive mechanism, characterized by shifting conjunctures that confront forces at the crossroads of different political, activist, academic and intellectual spaces
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Chediak, Lynsey. "Holes in the Historical Record: The Politics of Torture in Great Britain, the United States, and Argentina, 1869-1977." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/875.
Full textAbstract:
While many politicians gain national or international acclaim, domestic political activists are rarely remembered for their dedication and, similarly, their sufferings. More specifically, the acts of female political activists, and the harsh punishments they endure following government pushback, are not appreciated or acknowledged by popular histories.
Across Great Britain, the United States, and Argentina, three women played crucial roles in advancing reform against unjust government policies. Josephine Butler (1828-1906) was a pivotal character in repealing laws allowing for the government regulation of prostitution, the Contagious Diseases Acts, in Great Britain. Similarly, Alice Paul (1885-1997) was essential in achieving the ratification of the Nineteenth Constitutional Amendment in the United States—granting universal suffrage. Lastly, Azucena Villaflor (1924-1977) was one of the first people, man or woman, to openly oppose the Junta dictatorship in Argentina and openly advocate for the release of information on desaparecidos.
Despite advancing such important policy reform, all three women increasingly faced physical suffering, torture or death at the hands of their respective state governments. Amid a lack of media coverage or biased, partial media coverage paired with the direct confrontation of male government leaders, noncombatant activists were unjustly treated in violation of their fundamental human rights.
Progressive, forceful voices for positive change are consistently dismissed as crazy, extreme or irrational, rather than praised for their efforts. In exploring the cycle of violence surrounding the treatment of political activists, it appears nationalist histories are often void of past government faults.
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Kaul, Maya. "Deconstructing “Deviance” and “Disorder” as Systems of Domination: Chicago Public Schools as a Case Study of the Effects of Zero Tolerance Discipline Policies on Educational Outcomes in US Schools." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/184.
Full textAbstract:
The rise of “zero tolerance” discipline practices in US primary and secondary schools has become increasingly well documented by the media and empirical studies. Despite the extensive scholarship that has emerged from these conversations, many of these analyses are limited in their scope and do not connect the phenomena of zero tolerance in schools to the diverse, shifting forces at play within American politics and policy today. As such, the goal of this work is to synthesize ideas about zero tolerance across disciplines by integrating historical thought, philosophical frameworks of punishment, shifting policy goals within the US education system, the sociological constructions of “deviance” and “disorder” in the context of the US criminal justice system, and empirical data directly from a school district to develop particular policy recommendations accordingly. The primary research question of this analysis is: What are the effects of zero tolerance discipline policies on educational outcomes? To answer this question, Chicago Public Schools will be employed as a case study from which lessons for the nation at large will be drawn. Ultimately, this analysis ends up revealing the ways in which zero tolerance policies stem from much deeper forces at play between dominant and marginal groups, and what comes to be defined as “deviance” in relation to a socially constructed system of “order.”