Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Social reformers'

I föreliggande uppsats ville vi fokusera på den styrning vi i dag ser och hur den i olika grad påverkar specialpedagogens yrkesroll. Diskussionen om lärarna som professionella har betonats i takt med att styrningen av skolan har förändradrats och decentraliserats till att bli den mål- och resultatstyrda skola vi har i dag med ett kommunalt huvudmannaskap. Syftet formulerades som så att beskriva och analysera ett antal skolpolitiska reformer och deras potentiella inverkan på specialpedagogprofessionen. Vi utgick ifrån professionsteori som ett teoretiskt ramverk som hjälpte oss att expandera förståelsen för studiens resultat. Med hjälp av styrdokument, forskning inom området samt intervjuer med specialpedagoger skulle studien besvara följande frågeställningar. Vad har specialpedagoger för tankar, erfarenheter och idéer gällande sin profession? Vad har specialpedagoger för tankar, erfarenheter och idéer om professionen i förhållande till de senaste reformerna på området? Vilka faktorer påverkar specialpedagogens profession? Specialpedagogerna i studien har alla ett specialpedagogiskt perspektiv där de ser på skolan utifrån tre olika nivåer; organisation-, grupp- och individ. Vi fann att ändringarna i lagen gällande extra anpassningar och särskilt stöd samt förstelärarreformen har inverkat på professionen och i och med delvis detta kom vi fram till fem faktorer som påverkar specialpedagogprofessionen. Forskning om och utvärdering av implementering av reformer och utfallet av dem kan vara ett sätt att förhoppningsvis stärka professionerna i vårt ovanifrån styrda utbildningsväsende.

In the English socio-cultural landscape of the late eighteenth-century, the concept of kindness inhabited a place of importance for its proponents. For kindness was regarded as actions derived from the capacity of humans to do good. Which resulted in the experience and creation of good qualities, situations, and interactions. Kindness’ dictates allowed for its followers to argue the need to encourage better behavioural qualities in others. The dictates of kindness that allowed for this regulating ability came around due to the tightly entwined religious and social tenets of kindness. In the religious sphere, kindness was tied to being Christian through the ‘Law of Kindness.’ The ‘Law of Kindness’ argued that Christians must show kindness to every human being and creature despite everything. Christian theologians argued that kindness is part of humanity, which must be shown through the correct actions, mannerisms, and feelings of everyday life. Kindness fit neatly into the culture of sensibility and its associated philosophies of moral and sensibilities. In the social sphere proponents argued that kindness acted as a means of reinforcing social hierarchy and behavioural boundaries of English society. This occurred through dictates to people showing kindness and infuse kindness into their behaviour that varied according to social position and gender.

The thesis offers a social history of opium in colonial Assam by tracing the evolution of representations, perceptions and ideological positions on opium from local, national and transnational perspectives which enables a new mode of reading the province’s specific encounter with colonialism and nationalism. It studies Assam’s history through the prism of opium, particularly the interplay between state and society during the period 1828–1947, and focusses on three groups—addicts, peddlers and reformers—whose interaction defined the terrain of the opium question in order to challenge the economic and nationalist bias in the historiography. It interprets opium as a cultural commodity and social practice and reorients the framework of opium in India from export trade to domestic consumption, using opium addiction in Assam and the global prohibition campaign as the vantage point to explore the interplay between colonial policy, local dissent, nationalism and transnational factors in order to understand the role that opium played in shaping social, cultural and political discourses. The thesis highlights that the opium discourse epitomised the juncture where local phenomenon, national processes and transnational developments overlapped and produced a complex narrative of the intersection of notions of indolence, improvement and industry with modernities, resistance and localisms. As a social biography of opium in colonial Assam, the thesis addresses deficiencies in our understanding of opium in India as well as the wider historiography of opium and enables modes of interpreting Assam’s unique encounter with colonialism and nationalism while also providing a framework to understand the influence of transnational factors in determining local facts. The thesis signals the centrality of transnational perspectives to drug history and is, therefore, both an attempt at recovery of local perspectives and regional specificities in the context of Assam as well as the insertion of locality into the global history of opium.

This thesis aims to test the assumption that Progressive Era social reform was a product of "a generation" of reformers. It applies theoretical formulations advanced by socialists and historians, to a specific group of women progressive social reformers who have been characterised as a generation in a fashion common to the treatment of generations in the historiography on progressivism in general. The working hypothesis is that the concept of generation has no meaningful application to the period and has simply been used for rhetorical and literary effect by commentators within and following the Progressive Era. The methodology adopted consists of the following: the selection of a "prime generation candidate" i.e. a tight homogeneous grouping of reformers, of the same sex, roughly the same age, bound together by a dense interlocking network of agencies and institutions, and portrayed as members of a "progressive generation" by historians; the application to this group of generational criteria established by theorists: the subsequent examination of the limitations of the generational criteria to explain important aspects of the individual members' motivation, similarities, differences, decisions, preferences and actions. Chapter one surveys the use of the concept of "generation" by historians of the Progressive Era, and examines theoretical formulations of the concept of "generation" that have been advanced by social scientists and historians; the object being to establish that a "generational question" does indeed loom over Progressive Era social reform and over women's social reform in particular. In chapter two the sample of women social reformers to whom these theoretical formulations are to be applied is selected and the criteria on which the selection is made is justified.

Frances Wright attempted to reform America between 1825 and 1839. Her activities were unlike any other for a woman of her time. In public lectures to audiences of men and women throughout the East and Midwest, she spoke on the evils of orthodox religion and advocated abolition, equal rights, and universal education for all people regardless of gender or class. In both action and thought, she challenged all notions of nineteenth-century womanhood. Wright's public career helps illuminate the history of antebellum American reform because it reflects the ferment and range of such activity.This study will demonstrate that ideology as a category of study is useful when examining nineteenth-century women in several interrelated contexts. Unlike previous studies examining her as a women's rights advocate, however, this is not a feminist interpretation. Wright's significance as a humanitarian is much larger than any emphasis she gave to women in her rhetoric. Part of her motivation, like her sisters in benevolence reform, involved Christianity and orthodox religion. But unlike most women of her time, Wright believed religion prevented the realization of republican values -- in particular, equality -- because the clergy perpetuated elements of theology scientific methods could not prove true. Intellectual development and social improvement could not occur, she boldly asserted, until Americans threw off religion's blanket of ignorance. Most Americans rejected Wright's denunciations of religion and calls for equality, but to some her message rang true. Her rhetoric planted in progressive women concepts about religious constraints on females and the possibilities of egalitarianism. These individuals would become leaders in the women's rights movement during the final decades of the century.
Department of History

John Humphrey Noyes was the founder of the Oneida Community, one of the most successful utopian ventures in nineteenth-century America. Early in his life, Noyes was a deep religious thinker, but he founded Oneida as an ideal society based on extending the family unit, and not as a church. Noyes's social theories eventually overwhelmed his former religious concentration. The purpose of this thesis is to locate in Noyes's religiously-oriented youth the sources of his social interests. Few scholars have studied in depth the childhood and young manhood of John Humphrey Noyes, but that is where the roots of his social theories are to be found. Noyes did write his religious autobiography, but completely passed over his formative years. Further, he never wrote the analysis of his social ideas and experiences that he had once promised. However, many of his early letters and journals have been compiled and edited by his relatives; and his immediate family left reminiscences of his youth. These works provide most of the available information on the childhood of Noyes. Large gaps in his history do exist, however. Therefore, the modern psychological theories of Erik Erikson are used to illuminate the otherwise shadowy areas of Noyes's early life.

In 2008 the Ministry of Education in Kuwait began to reform the science curriculum in schools at all academic stages: primary (grades 1-5), intermediate (6-9) and secondary (10-12). The new science curriculum was adapted from an original curriculum which had been designed and published by the Amercan company Pearson-Scott Foreman. This study explores the perspectives of science teachers and students concerning the new science curriculum for the sixth and seventh grades (students aged 11 to 15) in the State of Kuwait. The study also investigated the process of the reform and the roles that science teachers and students performed in this reform process. The study used Sociocultural Theory as a framework to examine the science curriculum reform process and to discuss findings. A multi-method design was used with both quantitative and qualitative methods to collect the data: science teachers’ and students’ questionnaires; interviews with science teachers, students and science curriculum reformers; and classroom observations. The study sample was selected randomly. The questionnaire was conducted with 310 science teachers and 647 students. 11 science teachers, nine reformers and 30 students (five in each of six focus groups) were chosen to conduct in-depth interviews. Ten classroom observations were conducted with four science teachers. The study indicated that the science curriculum reform process was controlled centrally by the Ministry of Education and teachers and students did not participate in any stage of the reform process. The findings also found that many of the science teachers and students held negative views about the new science curriculum. They felt that the content of the new curriculum does not relate very well to Kuwaiti culture, to the Islamic religion and that the curriculum objectives needed to be more clear and achievable. The findings showed that many of the students indicated that they have difficulty understanding much of the content and did not enjoy studying science. Most of the teachers indicated that they faced challenges in teaching the new science curriculum. These included a lack of instructional tools, lack of teacher autonomy, the amount of material that needed covering and large class sizes. This study recommends reviewing the new science curriculum (now currently in use) taking into account the perspectives of teachers and students. It recommends that in carrying out curriculum reform the Ministry of Education be encouraged to provide guidance in the form of instructional tools and professional development programmes for teachers. These should be designed to help teachers develop the pedagogic skills needed to address the complex relationships between science and culture and between science and religion.

This thesis traces the evolution and emergence of the new-vice regal woman during a high point of the British Empire. The social, political and economic forces of the age, which transformed British society, presented different challenges and responsibilities for all women, not least those of the upper-class. Aristocratic women responded to these challenges in a distinctive manner when accompanying their husbands to the colonies and dominions as vice-regal consorts. In the last years of Queen Victoria’s reign a unique link was established between the monarchy and her female representatives throughout the Empire. The concept of the new vice-regal woman during the period 1884-1914 was explored through three case studies. The imperial stores of Lady Hariot Dufferin (1843-1936), Lady Ishbel Aberdeen (1857-1939), and Lady Rachel Dudley (c.1867-1920), establishes both the existence and importance of a new breed of vice-regal woman, one who was a modern, dynamic and pro-active imperialist. From 1884-1914 these three new vice-regal women pushed established boundaries and broke new ground. As a result, during their vice-regal lives, Ladies Dufferin, Aberdeen and Dudley initiated far reaching organisations in India, Ireland, Canada and
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Thesis (Ed.D)--Teachers College, Columbia University, 1991.
Typescript; issued also on microfilm. Sponsor: Ellen Condliffe Lagcmann. Dissertation Committee: Douglas Sloan. Includes bibliographical references (¡. 208-220).

For some analysts, post-industrial capitalist societies have pathological deficiencies which manifest themselves locally and further afield, in marginalisation and oppression of people and despoliation of the environment. For those who are passionately driven to challenge those consequences of the dominant paradigm, activism is deemed to be a potent force for effecting social and political change. The aim of this study was to establish how activists integrate issues, context, strategies, personal factors and other influences into a strategy for action.

Changes in American healthcare over the last half century have created social and economic crises, presenting challenges for doctors and patients. The recently-implemented Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act is an incremental reform that does little to change the complex multi-payer financing characterizing American healthcare. There have been growing demands for more equitable financing arrangements, notably, a single-payer healthcare system in which medical care is financed through a single, non-profit payer and in which medical care is treated as a public good and medically-necessary care is available to everyone. Nationally-representative surveys have demonstrated widespread physician support for single-payer legislation. Yet, very little scholarship has examined physician activism and virtually no studies have examined physician activism for single-payer healthcare. It is important to examine physician activism for single-payer because their participation is considered fundamental to achieving the goals of the movement. If the movement is successful in implementing single-payer financing , more efficient use of healthcare resources will ensure that all residents have access to needed medical care without being saddled by financial burdens from their care. Oregon is one of several US states with a growing grassroots movement to enact single-payer healthcare at the state level. This study seeks to examine the determinants of collective action for physicians in the Oregon movement for single-payer healthcare by answering two research questions. First, what accounts for differences in activism among physicians who support single-payer healthcare system? And second, for those physicians who are active, what activities do they do and what shapes those choices of activities? Data includes 21 semi-structured interviews with physicians around the state of Oregon supplemented with participant observation data. The interview data was analyzed using techniques from grounded theory and thematic analysis. I find that among collective action theories, collective identity theory best accounts for whether or not a physician engages in single-payer activism. A strength of collective identity theory is that it brings to light the importance of subjective interpretations of structural conditions by movement actors. The findings suggest that differences in interpretation shape the influence of motivators for and barriers to an individual's decision to engage in activism. Physicians that become active are primed to engage in single-payer activism because of their moral value sets and frustrating work experiences. They seek out groups of like-minded physicians who then are part of the process of socially-constructing a collective identity. This collective identity is emotionally-laden, is a reaction to state policies, serves to distinguish insiders from outsiders, and facilitates activism. Activist physicians engaging in the process of collective identity come to believe that altering financing is the only way to solve healthcare system issues. The activists view the political and cultural barriers to single-payer as surmountable by their activism. In contrast, non-activists interpret structural conditions like American politics and American culture as immutable barriers that will prevent the attainment of single-payer at the national or state level. In addition, non-activists lack the collective identity activists share because their beliefs contradict key beliefs of activists. The combination of the lack of collective identity and the perception of immutable barriers results in their non-participation.

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-10T10:47:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Novelli_JoseMarcosNayme_D.pdf: 3775501 bytes, checksum: 3f883d3bcb41fce222509268d01bae62 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007
Resumo: Este trabalho aborda os fatores políticos e sociais presentes tanto nos processos inflacionários, quanto nos desinflacionários. Para tanto, partiu das experiências históricas, especialmente da hiperinflação alemã dos anos 1920, para elaborar um marco analítico que contemplasse aqueles elementos e que, assim, pudesse analisar esses fenômenos em alguns países (Argentina, México, Coréia, Índia e Turquia), mas principalmente no Brasil. Nesse sentido, a pesquisa identificou que, independentemente das causas da inflação, a manutenção de taxas altas de inflação requer a existência de uma coalizão composta pelas principais classes sociais. A dinâmica da coalizão inflacionária é dada pelo conflito de classes e é sustentada por mecanismos institucionais criados pelo Estado. Para o desmonte da coalizão inflacionária foi preciso a constituição de uma outra coalizão, bem como o concurso do Estado. Nos casos analisados, detectou-se que a nova coalizão não era apenas desinflacionária, mas também reformista. O Estado, através de diferentes instrumentos, destruiu aqueles mecanismos anteriormente utilizados. Além disso, uma nova ordem econômica internacional foi fundamental para que a estabilidade de preços passasse a vigorar nos países que conviveram com taxas relativamente altas de inflação
Abstract: This thesis deals with the social and political factors present in inflation and disinflation. The research begins with the historical experiences, mainly the German hyperinflation of the 1920s, in order to elaborate an analytical framework containing these elements to make it possible to analyze these phenomena experienced in other countries (Argentina, Mexico, Korea, India and Turkey), but mainly in Brazil. This thesis is not direct at identifying the causes of the inflation, but merely the maintenance of high inflation rates. For this reason it was necessary to build a coalition composed by the main social classes. The dynamics of the inflationary coalition was developed by the class struggle and sustained by institutional mechanisms created by the State. In order to dismantle the inflationary coalition, another coalition constituted, the reformist-disinflationary coalition, which was supported by the State. The State, through different instruments, destroyed the mechanisms previously utilized. A new international economic order was fundamental for sustaining the stability of prices in the countries that had experienced relatively high rates of inflation
Doutorado
Ciencia Politica
Doutor em Ciência Política

American history has celebrated the involvement of black women in the "underground railroad," but little is said about women's everyday resistance to the institutional constraints and abuses of slavery. Many Americans have probably heard of and know about Harriet Tubman and Sojourner Truth - two very prominent black female resistance leaders and abolitionists-- but this thesis addresses the lives of some of the less-celebrated and lesser-known (more obscure) women; part of the focus is on the common tasks, relationships, burdens, and leadership roles of these very brave enslaved women. Resistance history in the Caribbean and Americas in its various forms has always emphasized the role of men as leaders and heroes. Studies in the last two decades Momsen 1996, Mintz 1996, Bush 1990, Beckles and Shepherd, Ellis 1985, 1996, Hart 1980, 1985) however, are beginning to suggest the enormous contributions of women to the successes of many of the resistance events. Also, research revelations are being made correcting the negative impressions and images of enslaved women as depicted in colonial writings (Mathis 2001, Beckles and Shepherd 1996, Cooper 1994, Campbell 1986, Price 1996, Campbell 1987). Some of these new findings portray women as not only actively at the forefront of colonial military and political resistance operations but performed those activities in addition to their roles as the bearers of their individual original cultures. Their goal was achievement of freedom for their people. Freedom can be seen as a magic word that politicians, propagandists, psychologists and priests throw around with ease. Yet, to others freedom has a different meaning which varies with the individual's sense of associated values. Freedom without qualification is an abstract noun meaning, "not restricted, unimpeded", or simply, "liberty"; but when it is concretized in individual situations its meaning is narrowed, and it becomes clear that no one can be fully free. Yet the love of freedom is one of our deepest feelings, a truly heartfelt cry, freedom of wide open spaces, liberty to enjoy the taste, in unrestricted fashion, of the joys of nature, to live a life free from external anxieties and internal fears; freedom to be truly ourselves. All living creatures, even animals seem to value their freedom above all else. Enslaved people were not submissive towards their oppressors; attempts were made both subtly, overtly and violently to resist their so-called "masters" and slavery conditions. Violent and non-violent resistance were carried out by the enslaved throughout colonial history on both sides of the Atlantic, and modern historical literature shows that women oftentimes displayed more resistance than men. Enslaved Africans started to fight the transatlantic slave trade as soon as it began. Their struggles were multifaceted and covered four continents over four centuries. Still, they have often been underestimated, overlooked, or forgotten. African resistance was reported in European sources only when it concerned attacks on slave ships and company barracoons, but acts of resistance also took place far from the coast and thus escaped the slavers' attention. To discover them, oral history, archaeology, and autobiographies and biographies of African victims of the slave trade have to be probed. Taken together, these various sources offer a detailed image of the varied strategies Africans used to defend themselves and mount attacks against the slave trade in various ways. The Africans' resistance continued in the Americas, by running away, establishing Maroon communities, sabotage, conspiracy, and open uprising against those who held them in captivity. Freed people petitioned the authorities, led information campaigns, and worked actively to abolish the slave trade and slavery. In Europe, black abolitionists launched or participated in civic movements to end the deportation and enslavement of Africans. They too delivered speeches, provided information, wrote newspaper articles and books. Using violent as well as nonviolent means, Africans in Africa, the Americas, and Europe were constantly involved in the fight against the slave trade and slavery. Women are half the human race and they're half of history, as well. Until recent years, Black women's history has been even less than that. Much work has been done studying the lives of slaves in the United States and the slave system. From elementary school in the USA on through college we are taught the evils of slavery that took place right here in the Land of the Free. However, how much do we know about the enslaved in other places, namely the Caribbean? The Caribbean was the doorway to slavery here in the New World, and so it is important that we study the hardships that enslaved people suffered in that area. Slaves regularly resisted their masters in any way they could. Female slaves, in particular, are reported to have had a very strong sense of independence and they regularly resisted slavery using both violent and non-violent means. The focus of my research is on the lives of enslaved women in the Caribbean and their brave resistance to bondage. Caribbean enslaved women exhibited their strong character, independence and exceptional self worth through their opposition to the tasks they performed in the fields on plantations. Resistance was expressed in many different rebellious ways including not getting married, refusing to reproduce, and through various other forms as part of their open physical resistance. The purpose of this project is to identify the role enslaved women in both the Caribbean and the USA played in some of the major uprisings, revolts, and rebellions during their enslavement period. The research identifies individual female personalities, who played key roles in not only the everyday work on plantations, but also in planning resistance movements in the slave communities. This study utilizes plantations records, archival material, and official sources. Archival records from plantations located in archives and county clerks' offices; interviews with sources such as researchers and experts familiar with the plantations of slave communities in designated areas; and research in libraries, as well as other sources, oral histories, written and oral folklore, and personal interviews were used as well.

Anthony Comstock was a moral crusader who abhorred all things lewd and obscene, and who was successful in introducing the Comstock Law to help his fight against it. His lifelong battle against vice at the end of the nineteenth-century had an impact on literature and the literary world as it transitioned from Victorian prudery to modernist realism. Comstock’s influence negatively affected publishers, distributers, and writers, in particular, canonical Americans Walt Whitman and Theodore Dreiser. His methods were unconventional, and in the name of morality, Comstock often behaved immorally to achieve his goals of protecting youth from being corrupted by obscenity. The question of the value of censorship was present then, as it still endures today, and centered on the potential harm of viewing or reading obscene materials. Although Comstock presented an impressive record of confiscations and arrests, his crusade did not have a lasting effect beyond the fin de siècle.
vi, 99 leaves ; 29 cm

Mestrado em Economia e Políticas Públicas
O sistema de Segurança Social é um elemento-chave na construção de um Estado Social. Sistemas de pensões assentes numa ótica de repartição reforçam a incerteza de saber se as próximas gerações conseguirão pagar as reformas dos futuros pensionistas, num contexto de acelerado envelhecimento demográfico, crises financeiras e restrições orçamentais. Com o intuito de tornar os sistemas de pensões sustentáveis no longo-prazo, diversos países redesenharam em diferentes horizontes temporais os seus sistemas (optando por reformas paramétricas ou estruturais) de forma a acrescentar anos de solvabilidade aos sistemas face às suas potencialidades e vocações. Após a caracterização do sistema de pensões português e da reflexão sobre as diversas reformas ocorridas nos países escolhidos, este Trabalho Final de Mestrado procura, através de quadros de sistematização de indicadores (macroeconómicos, demográficos, microeconómicos e de bem-estar) e posterior ordenação dos mesmos em rankings, fazer sínteses comparativas que evidenciem a relação existente entre o tipo de reforma implementado e a performance esperada em termos de sustentabilidade. Tomadas de decisão futuras assentarão num trade-off entre restrições atuariais e eficiência económico-financeira vs bem-estar e generosidade/proteção do sistema de pensões.
The Social Security system is a key element to build a Social State. Pay-as-you-go pension systems reinforce the uncertainty as to whether future generations will be able to afford the reforms of future pensioners in an accelerated context of population ageing, financial crises and budgetary constraints. To make a sustainable pension system in long term, several countries have redesigned their systems (opting for parametric or structural reforms) over different time horizons, adding years of solvency to their systems, given their potential and vocations. After the characterization of the Portuguese pension system and the reflection on the various reforms that have taken place in the chosen countries, this MFW seeks, through the systematization of indicators (macroeconomic, demographic, microeconomic and welfare) and their subsequent rankings, to make comparative summaries that show the relationship between the type of reform implemented and the expected performance in terms of sustainability. Future decisions will be based on a trade-off between actuarial constraints and economic-financial efficiency vs. welfare and pension system generosity/protection.
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The purpose of this bachelor's thesis in social work has been to examine whether society's perception of poverty and poor people has changed over the more than 160 years have passed since the first national Poor regulation was enacted in Sweden. With a social constructionist approach and inspired by the critical discourse analysis we have conducted two studies to find answers to what differences and similarities between the concepts of scanty care (1847) and standards of living (2002). A study based on previous research was conducted to examine how society's perception of poverty has changed and designed in a historical perspective. We also conducted a textual analysis of relevant legal texts and legislative history to show how these texts reflect the society's official view of poverty based interventions targeted to poor people. The two sub-studies show that the concepts at different times in history has been crucial for the community support poor people were entitled to. Our overall conclusion is that despite today's advanced social policy there are many obvious similarities between the concepts of scanty care and standards of living. For example, there are similarities in the conjecture-driven individuals for warranted to support and which counterclaims society put on the individuals who are in need of society's ultimate financial safety net.

The Thesis analyzes the insurance provided by pension systems against macroeconomic and demographic risks. This purpose is accomplished by simulating individual life-cycle behaviors in a steady-state partial equilibrium model with uncertainty on wages, financial market returns and life expectancy, calibrated so as to reproduce stylized facts of the Italian economy. In particular, stochastic (macroeconomic and demographic) variables, such as wages, financial market returns, social mobility and survival probabilities follow processes that have been estimated based on available data for Italy, mostly over the period 1990-2004. The Thesis is composed of three essays. The first two papers focus on comparing the insurance provided against wage-related risk by a typical Defined Benefit pension system (modeled according to the old Italian pension scheme before the 1992 Amato reform), providing benefits based on the risky wages earned in the last years before retirement on the one hand; and a typical Notional Defined Contribution system (modeled according to the new Italian pension scheme introduced by the 1995 Dini reform), providing benefits based on all working-life contributions, capitalized at a “notional” rate of return i.e. the growth rate of the economy, on the other hand. The first paper considers a model with a representative individual facing uncertainty on aggregate wages and financial market returns as well as mortality risk. The new NDC Italian pension system turns out to improve “ex-ante” individual welfare (namely, individual welfare measured at the beginning of lifetime) with respect to the old DB scheme, from a purely risk-insurance perspective. This relative gain stems from the new regime pooling a longer series of risky wages in computing benefits, thereby yielding a better wage-risk diversification which causes a reduction (in expected terms) in the variance of pensions. The second paper extends the scope of the analysis by considering a model with heterogeneous agents belonging to different social (i.e. labor-income) classes, facing uncertainty on class-specific wages and stochastic intra-generational social mobility during working life, besides riskiness related to financial market returns and life expectancy. In this setting the previous result reverses, in that the new NDC system turns out to decrease welfare in “ex-ante” terms with respect to the old DB system from a purely risk-insurance perspective, for individuals belonging to all social classes. This result is due to the fact that the new pension scheme causes a higher correlation between pensions (the social security “asset”) and working-life wages (deemed as a proxy for “human capital”), thereby increasing the overall uncertainty individuals are confronted with during their whole lifetime. Such effect prevails (therefore yielding a welfare loss) as a substantial part of the overall wage uncertainty stems from stochastic social class mobility. Generally, social security in the model (under both the old and the new system) is slightly desirable only for individuals whose labor income conditions worsen during working life, in terms of individual welfare being measured after agents discover the final social class in which they have ended up. The analysis of the third paper overall investigates the determinants of the individual choice of contributing to supplementary private pension funds, by evaluating the effects of the latest (2004) pension reform in Italy on the behavior of a representative agent facing uncertainty on aggregate wages, financial market returns and life expectancy. The 2004 reform let individuals choose between contributing to two alternative complementary schemes (each in addition to the mandatory contribution to the public social security system), namely the firm-based severance pay scheme (the so-called TFR) on the one hand, and complementary private pension funds on the other hand. Investing in pension funds turns out to be slightly welfare improving with respect to contributing to the severance pay scheme in the model. This result is uniquely due to the fact that pension funds offer a preferred risk-return combination, since individuals in the model generally turn out to prefer receiving the capitalized amount in lump-sum fashion at retirement (as under the severance pay scheme) rather than in the form of annuities from retirement onwards (as under pension funds). The preference towards lump-sum i.e. more liquid retirement assets, despite supplementary private annuities providing insurance against longevity risk (namely the risk of workers outliving their savings after retirement), is due to two main reasons: a) the pre-existence of (sizeable) public annuities, reducing the relative value of additional longevity-risk insurance from private pensions; and b) the convenience of investing considerable resources (out of a lump-sum payout) in rewarding financial markets upon retirement.
La Tesi si propone di analizzare la capacità dei sistemi pensionistici di assicurare gli individui contro rischi di natura macroeconomica e demografica. A tal fine, il lavoro effettua delle simulazioni di comportamenti individuali lungo il ciclo di vita, in un modello di equilibrio parziale in stato stazionario, caratterizzato da incertezza su salari, rendimenti finanziari e aspettativa di vita. Il modello è calibrato in modo da riprodurre fatti stilizzati dell'economia italiana. In particolare le variabili stocastiche (macroeconomiche e demografiche), quali salari, rendimenti finanziari, mobilità sociale e probabilità di sopravvivenza seguono processi stimati sulla base dei dati disponibili per il contesto socio-economico italiano, per lo più nell'arco del periodo 1990-2004. La Tesi si compone di tre saggi. I primi due lavori si prefiggono di confrontare la capacità di assicurare rischi collegati ai salari, ad opera da un lato di un tipico sistema pensionistico di tipo retributivo (di seguito nell'abbreviazione inglese DB, Defined Benefit) che eroga pensioni basate sui salari percepiti negli ultimi anni di lavoro prima del pensionamento, modellato sul sistema pensionistico italiano precedente alla riforma Amato del 1992; dall'altro lato, ad opera di un tipico sistema pensionistico contributivo a capitalizzazione figurativa dei contributi (di seguito nell'abbreviazione inglese NDC, Notional Defined Contribution) che eroga pensioni basate sui contributi versati nel corso dell'intera vita lavorativa e capitalizzati ad un tasso figurativo (“notional”) quale il tasso medio di crescita dell'economia, modellato sul nuovo sistema pensionistico italiano introdotto dalla riforma Dini nel 1995. Il primo lavoro considera un modello con un agente rappresentativo, soggetto a incertezza su salari aggregati e rendimenti finanziari nonché al rischio di mortalità. Il nuovo sistema pensionistico italiano di tipo NDC risulta migliorare il benessere individuale “ex-ante” (ossia, il benessere individuale misurato all'inizio della vita economica) rispetto al precedente sistema di tipo DB, in termini puramente assicurativi. Questo guadagno deriva dal fatto che il nuovo regime pensionistico, nel calcolo delle pensioni, aggrega (in “pooling”) una serie più estesa di salari rischiosi, determinando in tal modo una migliore diversificazione del rischio sui salari, che causa una riduzione in termini attesi nella varianza delle pensioni stesse. Il secondo lavoro estende la portata della precedente analisi considerando un modello con agenti eterogenei appartenenti a diverse classi sociali (ossia, a diverse classi di reddito lavorativo), soggetti a incertezza sia sui salari specifici di ciascuna classe sia sulla mobilità sociale (stocastica) intra-generazionale durante la vita lavorativa, oltre che alla rischiosità dei rendimenti finanziari e dell'aspettativa di vita. In questo scenario il precedente risultato si ribalta, in quanto il nuovo sistema NDC risulta peggiorare il benessere “ex-ante” rispetto al precedente sistema DB in termini puramente assicurativi, per individui appartenenti a tutte le classi sociali. Questo risultato è dovuto al fatto che il nuovo schema pensionistico comporta una più alta correlazione tra pensioni (“asset” previdenziale) e salari percepiti nel corso dell'intera vita lavorativa (considerati come proxy per il “capitale umano” individuale), in tal modo aumentando la quantità complessiva di incertezza cui gli individui sono soggetti nel corso della loro intera vita, e questo effetto prevale (causando una perdita di benessere) quando gran parte dell'incertezza salariale è legata alla mobilità sociale stocastica intra-generazionale. In generale, il sistema previdenziale nel modello (sia del tipo DB che del nuovo tipo NDC) risulta leggermente desiderabile esclusivamente per gli individui le cui condizioni reddituali peggiorano durante la vita lavorativa, in termini di benessere individuale misurato dopo che gli agenti hanno scoperto la classe sociale finale cui si trovano ad appartenere. L'analisi del terzo lavoro è complessivamente volta ad investigare le determinanti della scelta individuale di contribuire a forme di previdenza privata complementare, attraverso la valutazione degli effetti dell'ultima riforma previdenziale in Italia (2004) sul comportamento di un agente rappresentativo soggetto a incertezza su salari aggregati, rendimenti finanziari e aspettativa di vita. La suddetta riforma permette agli individui di scegliere tra due schemi alternativi a cui versare contributi (obbligatori), in aggiunta ai contributi per il sistema pensionistico pubblico, ossia lo schema del Trattamento di Fine Rapporto da un lato, e i fondi pensione complementari dall’altro. Investire nei fondi pensione risulta aumentare leggermente il benessere degli individui nel modello, rispetto alla scelta di contribuire allo schema del TFR. Questo esito è dovuto unicamente al fatto che i fondi pensione offrono una migliore combinazione rischio-rendimento, poiché gli individui nel modello preferiscono in generale ricevere il capitale accumulato in somma fissa al pensionamento (come accade nel caso del TFR) piuttosto che sotto forma di rendita dal pensionamento in avanti (come accade nel caso dei fondi pensione). Questa preferenza per il versamento in un'unica soluzione, ossia per forme più liquide di risparmio previdenziale privato, nonostante pensioni erogate sotto forma di rendita forniscano assicurazione contro il rischio di longevità (ossia il rischio che un lavoratore viva più a lungo di quanto atteso, e quindi si ritrovi con insufficienti risorse risparmiate per gli ultimi anni di vita), è dovuta a due motivi principali: a) la pre-esistenza di (cospicue) rendite pensionistiche pubbliche, che riduce il valore relativo dell'assicurazione aggiuntiva fornita da rendite private; b) la convenienza relativa di investire, al momento del pensionamento, nei mercati finanziari ad alto rendimento atteso una quota consistente delle risorse ricevute in somma fissa.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
The aim of this study is to analyze the Brazilian pension reform implemented since the 1990s. The current characteristics of the Social Security system were built in the 1988 Federal Constitution and gradually modified in the reforms. Soon after the promulgation of the Charter, several proposals for Social Pension reform were discussed on the grounds of financial crisis and exhaustion of the system. This debate focuses on the guidelines of a neoliberal state that has gained greater acceptance from the government of Fernando Collor de Melo. Reforms of the Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Luis Inácio Lula da Silva are analyzed mainly with regard to access to pensions, the roofs of retirement, the age limits. Among the consequences this study analyzes the significant changes in Social Security and limited expansion of pension funds. Moreover, given the backdrop of globalized finance, it is concluded that these reforms jeopardized the achievements of social protection built in the 1988 Constitution
Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar as reformas previdenciárias brasileiras implantadas no Brasil a partir da década de 1990. As características atuais do sistema previdenciário brasileiro foram construídas na Constituição de 1988 e aos poucos modificadas nas reformas. Logo após a promulgação da Carta, várias propostas de reforma da Previdência Social foram discutidas sob o discurso de crise financeira e de esgotamento do seu sistema. Esse debate contempla as diretrizes de um Estado neoliberal que ganhou maior aceitação a partir do governo Fernando Collor de Melo. As reformas dos governos Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Luís Inácio Lula da Silva são analisadas principalmente no que se refere ao acesso às aposentadorias, aos tetos das aposentadorias, aos limites de idade. Entre as conseqüências, são analisadas as alterações significativas na Previdência Social e a expansão limitada dos fundos de pensão no Brasil. Ademais, dado o cenário das finanças mundializadas, conclui-se que essas reformas colocaram em risco as conquistas da proteção social construídas na Constituição de 1988

After the Seven Years War ended in 1763, Spain undertook fiscal reforms not only to pay for the costs of the conflict but also to improve imperial defenses. New and increased taxes led to colonial resistance. Meanwhile, the British Parliament imposed new taxes on its American subjects. In the British case, fiscal demands drove the Thirteen Colonies out of the empire, whereas in the Spanish colonies, the resistance provoked by the new fiscal policies did not lead to independence. This paper will examine some of the reasons for the different outcomes in British and Spanish America.
Después de que terminó la Guerra de los Siete Años en 1763, España inició una serie de reformas fiscales, que tuvo el propósito no solamente de sufragar el costo del conflicto sino también de mejorar las defensas imperiales. Los nuevos e incre- mentados impuestos causaron la resistencia en el ámbito colonial. El Parlamento británico también impuso nuevas contribuciones sobre sus colonos americanos. En el caso británico, las demandas fiscales resultaron en la Independencia de las Trece Colonias, mientras que, para el Perú, la nueva política fiscal no condujo a la Independencia. Este artículo examina algunas de las razones por las que en ambos procesos se dieron diferentes resultados.

Tese de Doutoramento em História Contemporânea
Esta tese tem como objectivo conhecer e analisar as leis de carácter social publicadas durante a Primeira República Portuguesa. Não existindo estudos sobre a totalidade destas leis, a maior parte do texto foi produzido com base em fontes documentais. A caracterização das épocas e dos grupos sociais, bem como a sua composição, estão fundamentadas com transcrições de textos de historiadores especializados neste período e nestas matérias. O trabalho foi dividido de acordo com os órgãos do poder que produziram os vários textos legislativos, pelo que temos: . Decretos emanados do Governo Provisório em 1910/1911; . Leis aprovadas pelo parlamento, durante os anos de 1913/1915; . Decretos do Governo no ano de 1919. As fontes principais a partir das quais foi feito este trabalho, foram os Diários das sessões da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte, da Câmara dos Deputados e da Câmara dos Senadores bem como os próprios textos legislativos. No caso da lei do descanso semanal e do horário dos menores e das mulheres, foram feitas consultas aos Diários das sessões da Câmara dos Senhores Deputados da monarquia, nas quais foram apresentados e debatidos projectos sobre estas duas leis. No texto estão declarados os contributos desses projectos para a lei publicada pelo Governo Provisório no caso do descanso semanal e para a lei do horário dos menores e das mulheres publicada em 1915. O estudo acompanha todo o processo pelo qual passou uma lei, desde a apresentação do projecto-lei e seguindo a sua discussão na generalidade e na especialidade até à aprovação final e publicação no órgão oficial do Governo. Segue depois a regulamentação destas leis e a sua efectivação e cumprimento. Alude a documentos enviados ao parlamento pelas organizações operárias e às formas de exercer pressão, com o objectivo de fazerem aprovar as leis, na altura da sua discussão ou para que fossem publicadas quando já estavam aprovadas. Recorre ainda a outras fontes para conhecimento da aceitação ou desagrado popular manifestados na imprensa, preferencialmente aos órgãos dos sindicatos e em segundo lugar à imprensa generalista. No que diz respeito aos decretos publicados em 1919, é dada uma visão do contexto histórico português e europeu, informando das vicissitudes por que passaram estes decretos até serem levados à prática. Foi constituído um capítulo final onde se apresentam os republicanos que tomaram parte na elaboração destas leis, quer como apresentadores de projectos quer como intervenientes nos debates. Na conclusão tecem-se algumas considerações sobre todo o período de vigência da Primeira República Portuguesa, a forma como actuaram os governos republicanos e os políticos dos vários partidos, relativamente à questão social.

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Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior
The present research study the work professional of the Social worker in the National Institute of Social Security of Rio Grande do Norte s State, especially about the working terms, the demands and working process of Social worker in consequence of the limits established with disorganization of his institutional space derived of the Counter-Reforms of the State and of Social Security. In decade of 1990 there was in Brazil adhesion to the neoliberal politics what configured a new organization of work and a new performance of the State. Inside this context, it was accomplished the Counter-Reforms with emphasis in the privatizations, reform of the Social Security and of the device of the Brazilian State, among other actions. Particularly, in Social Service reforms brought profound consequences for the Social workers of INSS, among it: reduction of professionals and in his institutional space. This study situates the Social Worker of Social Security in front of the contemporary modifications in the world of work as well as in front of the consequences come upon of the Counter-Reforms implemented and executed by the neoliberal governments in the country of way the of frame and to enter to the globalized world and the new order of the capital. From the qualitative research based in the critical and dialectic theoreticianmethodological perspective that study the phenomena from your relations, mediations and contradictions, was possible unveil the limits and the possibilities of the professional work of the Social worker in INSS placed the Counter-Reforms of Social Security. Synthetically, the results of this investigation indicate that, there is an worsening in the inconsistency of the work with relation to social worker's functional situation and his working terms in the institution
O presente estudo trata do trabalho profissional do (a) Assistente Social no Instituto Nacional do Seguro Social no Estado do Rio Grande do Norte. Focalizaremos as condi??es de trabalho e suas as demandas em face dos limites estabelecidos com a desestrutura??o do seu espa?o institucional oriundos das Contra-Reformas do Estado e da Previd?ncia Social. Na d?cada de 1990, houve a ades?o do Brasil ? pol?tica neoliberal, o que configurou uma nova organiza??o do trabalho e uma nova atua??o do Estado. Dentro desse contexto, foi realizada a Contra-Reforma com ?nfase nas privatiza??es, Reforma da Previd?ncia e do aparelho do Estado, dentre outras a??es. Particularmente, na Previd?ncia a reforma trouxe profundas conseq??ncias para os Assistentes Sociais do INSS, dentre elas: redu??o no quadro de profissionais e no espa?o institucional. Assim, situamos o Assistente Social da Previd?ncia diante das modifica??es contempor?neas no mundo do trabalho, como tamb?m diante das conseq??ncias advindas das Contra-Reformas implementadas e executadas pelos governos neoliberais no pa?s como forma de se enquadrar e adentrar ao mundo globalizado e ? nova ordem do capital. A partir da pesquisa qualitativa, fundamentada na perspectiva te?rico-metodol?gica cr?tica e dial?tica que busca estudar os fen?menos a partir das suas rela??es, media??es e contradi??es, foi poss?vel analisarmos os limites e as possibilidades do trabalho profissional do Assistente Social no INSS p?s as Contra-Reformas da Previd?ncia Social. Os resultados dessa investiga??o indicam que h? uma maior precariza??o do trabalho, no que se refere a situa??o funcional do Assistente Social, e as suas condi??es de trabalho na institui??o

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The work evaluates the process that lead to the approval and establishment of the two generations of welfare reforms, considering the system as a whole, but it concentrates on the changes made in the public servers regime of social security. The analysis is understood among the years of 1995 and 2005. The first reform began with the sending to the National Congress of the Proposal of Constitutional Amendment n. 33, in March 1995. That proposal was discussed during almost the whole first government of the president Fernando Henrique Cardoso, having been approved in December 1998, and turned into the Constitutional Amendment n. 20/98. The second reform already had beginning in April 2003, in the president Luís Inácio Lula da Silva s government, when a new proposal of constitutional amendment (PEC n. 40/2003) was directed to the parliament, focused in the reform of the own public servers regime of social security, based on a diagnosis that appeared that most of the distortions still existent in the system was in that regime. That proposal was approved in December of that same year, and turned into the Amendment n. 41/20303 and, later, in the Amendment n. 47/2005. It analyzes the two reforms of the Brazilian welfare system comparatively, introducing the progresses or setbacks of each one of them, the importance of the group of the changes on the welfare, as well as the reasons that took such reforms to have ways and discussions so differentiated. Finally, it shows the points still modification pendants, the probable future stages and as the reform process in this country is inserted in the international panorama
Avalia o processo que levou à aprovação e implementação das duas gerações de reformas previdenciárias, considerando o sistema como um todo, mas concentra-se nas mudanças efetuadas no regime de previdência dos servidores públicos. A análise está compreendida entre os anos de 1995 e 2005. A primeira reforma teve início com o envio ao Congresso Nacional da Proposta de Emenda Constitucional n. 33, em março de 1995. Essa proposta foi discutida durante quase todo o primeiro governo do presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso, tendo sido aprovada em dezembro de 1998, e convertida na Emenda Constitucional n. 20/98. A segunda reforma teve início no mês de abril de 2003, já no governo do presidente Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, quando foi encaminhada ao parlamento nova proposta de emenda constitucional (PEC n. 40/2003), focada na reforma do regime próprio de previdência dos servidores públicos, tendo por base um diagnóstico que apontava que a maior parte das distorções ainda existentes no sistema se encontrava nesse regime. Essa proposta foi aprovada em dezembro daquele mesmo ano, e convertida na Emenda n. 41/20303 e , posteriormente, na Emenda n. 47/2005. Analisa comparativamente as duas reformas do sistema previdenciário brasileiro, apresentando os avanços ou retrocessos de cada uma delas, a importância do conjunto das mudanças sobre a previdência, assim como os motivos que levaram tais reformas a ter tramitações e discussões tão diferenciadas. Por fim, mostra os pontos que ainda se encontram pendentes de modificação, as prováveis etapas futuras e como o processo de reforma no país se encaixa no panorama internacional

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The purpose of this dissertation is to study the expressions of public-private relationship at the Universidade Federal de Goias, an institution embedded in a broader process of privatization of Federal Institutions of Higher Education, with the time frame from 2004 to 2009. Given the various educational reforms implemented, the Brazilian federal universities, including Goias, are have enabled the reduction of its workforce, which is replaced by workers from private companies. This dissertation shows that in UFG, retirement and incentive for joining the buyout, a process was implemented in the period of the study, when the institution extinguished several positions. As the functions developed in them are necessary, the institution expands the space to be covered by "outsiders" that in addition to cleaning, maintenance had been performed, also enters the administrative services. For this analysis were rescued historical aspects of Brazilian higher education, the first regulations to reach the current situation where the public higher education has taken on the privatization of its space through public-private relationship.
O objeto desta dissertação é entender as expressões da relação público privado na Universidade Federal de Goiás, instituição inserida em um processo de privatização amplo das Instituições Federais de Ensino Superior (IFES), com o recorte temporal de 2004 a 2009. Diante das diversas reformas educacionais implantadas, as universidades federais brasileiras, inclusive a de Goiás, têm possibilitado a redução de seu quadro de pessoal, que é substituído por trabalhadores de empresas privadas. Esta dissertação mostra que, na UFG, as aposentadorias e o incentivo para adesão ao PDV, foram processos implantados no período de referência do estudo, quando a instituição extingue diversos cargos. Como as funções neles desenvolvidas são necessárias, a instituição amplia o espaço a ser coberto pelas empresas terceirizadas que além dos serviços de limpeza, manutenção que já haviam sendo realizados, insere também os serviços administrativos. Para essa análise foram resgatados aspectos históricos da educação superior brasileira, as primeiras regulamentações para chegar à conjuntura atual aonde a educação superior pública vêm assumindo a privatização do seu espaço mediante a relação público privado.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
The resumption of talks on the performance of the subjects in the final years of the Brazilian Empire has aroused the interest of researchers in several fields of study such as social sciences, history and education as well. A review of some theses, in particular about the placement of these individuals face the transformations of time, has opened space for dialogue among scholars and allowed new perspectives on the topic. Interested in this discussion, we focused on the relationship between intellectuals and the history of education, and the role of these in the process of modernization of society through educational bias. We propose the history of intellectuals as guiding this work, in the sense of finding out the ideas, trajectories and the social role assumed by intellectuals in the construction of the project of modernity. Particularly, we are interested in studying the role education played in the Joaquim Nabuco s political project, as a constitutional and fundamental national progress element. Based on this premise, we seek since then analyze his reformation projects and understand how it was conceived in order to civilize society and promote the sense of rational work. Therefore, we elected as a source for this study, the work of Joaquim Nabuco produced between 1879 and 1888, the initial and final years of his parliamentary career, conceiving it as a political agenda undertaken by Nabuco to Brazil. We take as our basic interpretation of Angela Alonso (2002), which suggests the existence of a reformist movement composed by the intellectuals generation of 1870, points the concepts of political opportunity structure, repertoire and community experience to support his argument. According to Alonso (2002), was from a structure of political opportunities and immersion into a community of experience that intellectuals generation in 1870 had appropriated the European repertoire in order to develop criticism to the imperial status quo. The productions of this generation configured a reform program for Imperial Brazil. It is in the light of the directions of Alonso (2002), that we situate the political project of Nabuco Joaquim for the Brazilian society in that period, seeing education as a basis for social (re)arrangement after the abolition, starting point, according to Nabuco, to the end of the moral backwardness and economic context in which the country was immersed. The education assume the transformational role and shaper of society that sought to be civilized, according to the European standard. The function that it assumed was to not only educate and train future workers, but also to educate a conscious subject, capable of forming an autonomous and consistent public opinion, basis of the exercise of citizenship. We understand yet, the existence of a network of sociability (Sirinelli, 2003) in which Nabuco was inserted and, thus, seek to situate the gestation of ideas this intellectual dialogue with their peers, which is consistent with his criticism of the decree Leôncio de Carvalho, one the most relevant documents of the late Empire.
A retomada das discussões sobre a atuação dos sujeitos nos anos finais do Império Brasileiro tem despertado o interesse de pesquisadores em diversas áreas de estudo como as ciências sociais, a história e também a educação. A revisão de algumas teses em especial, sobre o posicionamento desses sujeitos frente às transformações da época, tem aberto espaço para o diálogo entre os estudiosos e permitido novos olhares sobre o tema. Interessados nessa discussão, debruçamo-nos sobre a relação entre os intelectuais e a história da educação, e sobre a atuação destes no processo de modernização da sociedade, através do viés educativo. Propomos a história dos intelectuais como norteadora desse trabalho, no sentido de buscarmos as ideias, as trajetórias e também o papel social assumido pelos intelectuais na construção do projeto da modernidade. Particularmente, interessa-nos o estudo do lugar ocupado pela educação no projeto político de Joaquim Nabuco, enquanto elemento constituinte e basilar do progresso nacional. Com base nessa premissa, buscamos desde então analisar o seu projeto de reformas e compreender como ele foi pensado no sentido de civilizar a sociedade e promover o sentido do trabalho racional. Para tanto, elegemos como fonte para esse estudo, a obra de Joaquim Nabuco produzida entre 1879 e 1888, anos inicial e final de sua carreira parlamentar concebendo-a como a agenda política empreendida por Nabuco para o Brasil. Tomamos como basilar a interpretação de Ângela Alonso (2002) que, sugerindo a existência de um movimento reformista composto pela geração intelectual de 1870, aponta os conceitos de estrutura de oportunidades políticas, repertório e comunidade de experiência para fundamentar seu argumento. De acordo com Alonso (2002), foi a partir de uma estrutura de oportunidades políticas e da imersão em uma comunidade de experiência que os intelectuais da geração 1870 se apropriaram do repertório europeu, a fim de desenvolverem uma crítica ao status quo imperial. Suas produções configuravam um programa de reformas para o Brasil imperial. É à luz das indicações de Alonso (2002), que situamos o projeto político de Joaquim Nabuco para a sociedade brasileira do período, enxergando a educação como base para o (re) arranjo social posterior à abolição, ponto de partida, segundo Nabuco, para o fim do atraso moral e econômico no qual estava imerso o país. A educação assumiria o papel transformador e modelador da sociedade que se buscava civilizada, de acordo com o padrão europeu. A função que esta assumia era não apenas o de instruir e capacitar o futuro trabalhador, mas também o de educar um sujeito consciente, capaz de formar uma opinião pública autônoma e consistente, base do exercício da cidadania. Compreendemos ainda, a existência de uma rede de sociabilidades (Sirinelli, 2003) na qual Nabuco esteve inserido e assim, buscamos situar a gestação de ideias desse intelectual em diálogo com seus pares, o que coaduna com sua crítica ao Decreto Leôncio de Carvalho, um dos documentos mais relevantes do final do Império.

Cet essai scientifique propose une lecture renouvelée des réformes contemporaines dans les sociétés salariales de. A l'épreuve du basculement vers la seconde modernité, les principes et fondements d'organisation de la société salariale entrent en tension avec la réalité du monde vécu. Si la vulgate européenne évoque souvent une forte résistance de la France au changement, le paysage social et économique français n'en évolue pas moins radicalement depuis la fin des années 70. Dans ce contexte, on ne peut parler d'" effondrement de la société salariale " : le déclin du salariat stable n'est pas celui de la société salariale et on assiste plutôt à ce que Robert Castel appelle un " effritement de la société salariale " avec un mouvement parallèle de " recomposition " porté par un chantier de réforme sans précédent. A la recherche d'une nouvelle cohérence, les nations misent sur l'Etat pour encourager les grandes administrations à intervenir par la réforme. Ce retour sur l'Etat amène les politiques publiques à devenir des vecteurs d'action et de changement social majeurs dans le monde contemporain. Partant de là, il est intéressant de traiter de la dimension transformatrice de certaines réformes françaises et cet essai se propose de le faire en matière d'Egalité de genre : il s'agira de démonter ces réformes entament les fondements de l'ordre social et participent à en transformer la nature. La mise en évidence de cette dimension transformatrice impose une posture de recherche particulière qui consiste à lire les récentes réformes sociales en matière de politiques familiales et de politiques d'emploi dans une perspective de refondation du régime d'Etat providence français. Il s'agit donc de raisonner en dehors de l'équation sociale fordiste et de prendre au sérieux l'hypothèse d'une " nouvelle équation sociale ", post fordiste, dans laquelle les réformes trouvent leur véritable sens. L'hypothèse de travail majeure de cet essai scientifique peut alors s'énoncer ainsi : bien que partiels, mal financés et peu stabilisés dans la pratique, certains dispositifs issus des grandes réformes contemporaines de l'Action publique peuvent être lus comme des dispositifs de type nouveau à caractère transformateur : nouveaux parce qu'ils sont co-produits dans des espaces novateurs qui articulent les logiques d'offre et d'usage ; transformateurs parce qu'ils remettent en cohérence les pratique sociales et le monde vécu avec leur univers de sens. Vecteurs de reconnaissance, supports de légitimité et de nouveaux équilibres sociaux, ces dispositifs de l'Action publique peuvent donc être analysés comme des voies de progression vers de nouveaux ordres à venir, plus proches de grands principes démocratiques, notamment en matière d'ordre de genre. Les réformes sociales contemporaines tendent, par la spécificité de leur mode de production, à se fonder sur des principes à même de bousculer l'ordre social traditionnel. Pour agir sur le social, l'intervention publique lance des programmes dont la logique d'offre s'écarte de la logique des besoins et les nombreux ajustements issus de ce décalage alimentent de nombreux processus d'innovation sociale (co-production, apprentissage social, nouvelles pratiques) qui tendent à miner les fondements de l'ordre du social. Notamment la base genrée et discriminatoire du régime "de temporalité" et de "citoyenneté sociale" antérieurs. La construction d'un nouveau paradigme sociétal, fondé sur une équation emploi/protection sociale plus égalitaire, plus solidaire et moins genrée peut en être l'enjeu à terme, même se terme reste lointain. Dans cette perspective, les nouveaux dispositifs français de l'Action publique issus de la Paje (les congés parentaux Clca et Colca) ) sont envisagés comme des suggestions pour les hommes et pour les femmes à disposer de leur force de travail dans le cadre d'un régime temporel de type nouveau. Prototypes d'outils au service d'un compromis salarial alternatif au compromis fordiste, ces dispositifs publics ont peu de sens dans l'équation sociale fordiste ; en revanche, inscrits dans une nouvelle équation sociale, ils sont (dans leur principe) à même d'encourager la progression des droits humains fondamentaux, notamment celui d'égalité entre homme et femme. Ce qui se joue en France avec la Paje c'est non seulement la reconnaissance de l'investissement de la force de travail des individus dans toutes les sphères d'activités socialement utiles et celle de la valeur sociale d'autres activités que productives mais c'est aussi la légitimation sociale, financière et les supports légaux de leur exercice. A ce titre, la mise en forme de la Paje relève d'une logique transformatrice dans la mesure où elle rejoint les dimensions aujourd'hui considérées comme justes et indispensables aux valeurs de citoyenneté affichées par les droits fondamentaux dont se réclame le deuxième âge démocratique à savoir : droit des enfants à être élevés en famille, droit des femmes à vivre à égalité avec les hommes, droit à l'épanouissement personnel pour tous, droit à l'autonomie (l'autonomie signifiant ici que les normes ne s'imposent plus dans la mesure où les individus la co-produisent avant de s'y référer et de la mettre à l'épreuve de leurs propres aspirations). Outre la proposition d'une lecture renouvelée des réformes contemporaines dans les sociétés salariales de seconde modernité, l'ouvrage est une invitation argumentée et outillée vers un raisonnement constructiviste et relationnel en sociologie. Ce raisonnement est présenté comme le seul à même de rendre compte de la complexification et de l'accélération de la dynamique sociale contemporaine. Dans cette perspective, le déclin des Etats providence est moins à interpréter en terme de crise qu'en termes de transition vers un nouveau logiciel d'Etat social. Dans l'argumentation, une place privilégiée est accordée au développement de la co-construction des normes issue de l'encastrement croissant des conduites réflexives et de l'institutionnalisation des parcours de vie. Spécificité du mouvement démocratique contemporain, le développement de la co-construction des normes est ce qui semble aujourd'hui remettre en cohérence la société et sont univers de sens. Dans ce cadre analytique l'innovation sociale relève alors d'une approche " réformiste " du changement social : plus les normes et les institutions sont co-construites, plus le processus de mise en cohérence se développe et plus il alimente une logique transformatrice du social. Pour rendre compte de ce mouvement, un outil d'analyse ad hoc, de type constructiviste a été élaboré : la gouvernance biographique. La gouvernance biographique renvoie à l'encastrement croissant des conduites réflexives (dimension biographique) avec l'institutionnalisation des parcours de vie (dimensions normatives). Cet encastrement va produire quelque chose de plus qu'une simple complémentarité : les individus vont répondre aux injonctions contradictoires en agissant et en tordant l'offre généraliste de l'intervention sociale vers des logiques opportunistes plus proches de leurs besoins et, ce faisant, va provoquer en retour des processus d'ajustement féconds en matière de cohérence globale. La notion de gouvernance biographique est donc la cristallisation sémantique de " l'inscription croissante et tout au long de la vie de l'agir individuel dans des procédures sociales " et exprime le passage de " l'institutionnalisation du comportement à l'institutionnalisation de la réflexion". D'une façon générale on peut dire qu'un tel travail insiste sur l'intérêt que peut avoir une approche relationnelle et constructiviste du social, plus apte à rendre compte de la pluralité des dynamiques de changement à l'œuvre dans les mondes sociaux contemporains. L'objectif est d'ouvrir la voie à de nouvelles pistes de recherche, notamment celles qui consistent à reconnaître l'innovation sociale, à la lire comme telle et à mener les combats vers leur aboutissement.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Oct. 10, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.

Profession is an autonomous social system based on the fact that the work emanates in some form of scientifically produced knowledge. The purpose of the knowledge overview is to find out how the political arena has shaped subject teachers as a profession. Our question for the essay is: What does the educational science research say about how political decisions and governance have affected the teaching profession? The method in the overview was based on research after making a selection based on the relevance to our defined area of the 649 search results (which arefurther presented in the method section). Through this we have gained an insight in how political decisions have changed the teacher’s identity that has once been very strong. The background to this project is that the teachers’ profession is changed by political reforms in the era throughout the 1990s - 2000s. The reform municipalization of the school in 1991, is described as a part of the reduction of the teacher’s control, weakening of the profession and loss of autonomy. The New Public Management - model was spread through the 1890s - 1990s and is a resultoriented management as a streaming of the schoolwork unit. The reform where freedom of choice and competition among schools brings us to problems that we are encountering today, we have a strong grade inflation, especially among private schools. We are also noticing that various market forces have contributed to inequality and segregation in schools. The teacher education reform in 2001 was a change where the government shifted the discourse in the teaching profession by replacing the scientific knowledge base with pedagogical work and allowing therapists to enter school businesses. The political reforms are commonly discussed by researchers as the beginning process of the teachers’ deprofessionalization.

The life of Elisha P. Hurlbut (1807-1889) has been mostly forgotten since his death. This examination of his personal journal, which he wrote from 1858 to 1887, brings back to the forefront an influential figure that lived most of his life in and around Albany, New York. Prior to beginning the journal, Hurlbut was a lawyer and then a Supreme Court justice in New York. Seven years after retiring from public life in 1851, he commenced work on the journal that provided a detailed social and political commentary on New York, the United States, and the world as a whole. While the journal offers detailed insight into many specific subjects, this thesis focuses on Hurlbut’s views and expertise in civil rights, religion, and phrenology. This body of work will demonstrate how he shaped arguments for equality for all people, despised the influence of organized religion, and was a leader in phrenological studies.

Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2006.
Thesis research directed by: Physics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.

I denna studie diskuteras utfallet av reformen förstelärare som är ett politiskt beslut i termer av domäner, beslutsfattare och verkställare. Studien tar sin utgångspunkt i hur reformen översätts vid genomförandefasen. Forskningen av detta slag har bedrivits inom olika vetenskapliga discipliner med olika teoretiska utgångspunkter, inte minst av att politiska beslut inte får de avsedda effekterna. Studien bygger på en kvalitativ metod med abduktiv ansats, och det empiriska materialet utgörs framför allt av olika offentliga handlingar och av semistrukturerade intervjuer med tjänstemän och politiker. Studien kommer fram till att det utifrån begreppet översättning sker en förändring vid tolkning av reformen förstelärare, från ett sammanhang till en annan. Reformen förstelärare innefattas av en del begrepp men som samtidigt har haft ett frirum för tolkning och anpassningar efter skolornas behov. Resultatet visar vidare på att reformen förstelärare ska implementeras efter beslutets grundidé, vilket tyder på en omöjlighet. Det beror till stor del på hur reformen accepteras och tolkas, samt hur reformen sprids genom en organisation just efter dess specifika behov. Nyckelord: offentlig förvaltning, reform, förstelärare, översättning, domäner, implementering.
This study debates the outcome of the Swedish reform of a “förstelärare” (first teacher) which is a political position in terms of domains, decision makers and implementers. The study has its outset in how the reform is translated in the implementation phase. Research in this field has been done within various scientific disciplines with different theoretical starting points, nevertheless; political decisions does not receive its intended effects. The study is based on a qualitative method with an abductive approach and the empiric data is obtained mainly in different public documents and by semi-structured interviews with officials and politicians. The result of the study shows that it occurs a readjustment of the dissemination from one context to another, based on the translation notion. The first teacher reform includes a few notions but has, at the same time, had a space for interpretations and adjustments according to the schools needs. Furthermore; the result shows that the first teacher reform should be implemented according to the basic idea of the decision, wish indicates to be impossible. This has mainly to do with how the reform is accepted and interpreted, also how the reform is spread through an organization according to its needs. Key words: public management, reform, first teacher, translation, domains, implementation.