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Journal articles on the topic 'Social sciences – United States – Philosophy'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 8 February 2022

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1

Klein, Herbert S. "The “Historical Turn” in the Social Sciences." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 48, no. 3 (November 2017): 295–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01159.

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The first professional societies in the United States, from the 1880s to the 1910s, understood history to be closely associated with the other social sciences. Even in the mid-twentieth century, history was still grouped with the other social sciences, along with economics, sociology, political science, and anthropology. But in the past few decades, history and anthropology in the United States (though not necessarily in other countries) have moved away from the social sciences to ally themselves with the humanities—paradoxically, just when the other social sciences are becoming more committed to historical research.

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2

Hudelson, Richard, and Robert Evans. "McCarthyism and Philosophy in the United States." Philosophy of the Social Sciences 33, no. 2 (June 2003): 242–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0048393103033002006.

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3

Brick, Howard, and Donald Fisher. "Fundamental Development of the Social Sciences: Rockefeller Philanthropy and the United States Social Science Research Council." Journal of American History 81, no. 2 (September 1994): 770. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081351.

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Bogue, Allan G., and Donald Fisher. "Fundamental Development of the Social Sciences: Rockefeller Philanthropy and the United States Social Science Research Council." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 26, no. 1 (1995): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205603.

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5

Kaminsky, James. "A Pre-History of Educational Philosophy in the United States: 1861 to 1914." Harvard Educational Review 62, no. 2 (July 1, 1992): 179–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.62.2.g387n7j15n70x180.

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In this article, James Kaminsky describes what he calls the "pre-history" of educational philosophy— that period before the discipline was established, when Americans were reacting to the economic and social changes associated with industrialization and urbanization. According to Kaminsky, the early stages of this discipline involved the social reform movement of the 1890s, populism and progressivism, the history of social science, American literary history, muckraking, Hull House, the English intellectual Herbert Spencer, and, of course,the intellectual work of John Dewey. What was radical and new in the pre-history of educational philosophy was not its methodologies or intellectual concepts, but rather its alliance with the complex forces of social reform that were emerging as the United States entered the twentieth century.

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Sundstrom, Ronald R. "The Unfolding History of the Philosophy of Race in the United States." Philosophy of the Social Sciences 33, no. 4 (December 2003): 499–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0048393103257993.

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7

Furner, Mary O. "Structure and Virtue in United States Political Economy." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 27, no. 1 (March 2005): 13–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557570500031539.

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During a crucial period of United States history, 1880s–1940s, ideas developed in political economy were the core component of a transformation in the way Americans thought about the social and political order. These decades, the era of the elaboration in the United States and internationally of what historians of liberal reform thought refer to as the New Liberalism, were the site of a general reassessment of the constitutive ideologies, Smithian/Lockean liberalism, and a democratized, commercialized version of classical republicanism hanging over from the agrarian republic. Scary, unexpectedly turbulent conditions in an economy plagued by recurrent cyclical downturns in investment and employment, accompanied by unprecedented levels of social conflict, placed a premium on new knowledge. This need arose just as the academic professionalization of the social sciences, the rise of critical political journalism, and highly mobilized women's and labor movements began providing impressive new analytical talent. Efforts to find answers to pressing issues raised by the “social question” were intended initially by most of those involved as a salvage operation for what remained valid among key tenets of American liberalism regarding individualism, competition, the efficacy of the market, and the role of the state. Instead, they led ultimately to a reconstruction in public philosophy, at least on the scale of the one underway since the 1970s, with the “the return of the market,” the unprecedented sway of neoclassicism, and the multidisciplinary appeal of rational choice theory.

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8

Chalmers, David, and William Issel. "Social Change in the United States, 1945-1983." Journal of American History 72, no. 3 (December 1985): 740. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1904394.

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Seiferth, C. Justin. "Open source and these United States." Knowledge, Technology & Policy 12, no. 3 (September 1999): 50–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12130-999-1027-z.

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10

Weingart, Peter. "Eugenics — Medical or Social Science?" Science in Context 8, no. 1 (1995): 197–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889700001952.

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The ArgumentEugenics is the paradigmatic case of the conflict between biology and medicine over social influence. Commenting on as essay by Debora Kamrat–Lang(1995), the paper reconstructs the historical roots of eugenics as a form of preventive medicine. A comparision between the development of some crucial aspects of eugenics between Germany and the United States reveals that the prevalence of the value placed on the individual over hereditary health of a population ultimately determined the outcome of the conflict but collective concepts may be revived by new biological knowledge

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11

Seabury, Paul. "Marxism-Leninism and its Strategic Implications for the United States." Social Philosophy and Policy 3, no. 1 (1985): 192–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500000236.

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My central concern in this paper is with the implications of Marxist-Leninist ideology for Western defense policy and for United States strategic policy in particular. However, this is an extremely complex issue, and consideration of it will lead me to examine the ways in which ideas are related to interests, interests to strategy, and strategy to actions.II begin with an important observation: Americans in general, and for various reasons, have not taken Marxism-Leninism seriously for a long time. This is true even of many experts who consider the Soviet challenge to be very serious, affecting our very survival as a free society. At the risk of oversimplification, I would claim that many quite well-informed Americans, hardened to the realities of the Soviet “empire” and its activities, have come around to the view that Marxist-Leninist ideology has simply degenerated into a rigid system of enforced belief administered by authorities who have no particular commitment to it other than to employ it in order to remain in power. In this regard, “Marxism” (like “God” in America in the 1960s) is deemed “dead,” surviving only in the publicity offices of formal establishments as a means of maintaining their authority. Marxism-Leninism is thought to be no different from the moribund “divine right of kings,” which undergirded the monarchical establishments of 17th Century Europe.Oddly enough, the “socialism-is-dead” theme is today found in the writings of such prominent American neo-conservatives as Irving Kristol, George Gilder, and many others. It is also echoed in Europe in the writings of such eminent philosophers as Leszek Kolakowski of Poland and Paul Johnson of England.

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12

Coll, Blanche D., and Robert X. Browning. "Politics and Social Welfare Policy in the United States." Journal of American History 73, no. 4 (March 1987): 1073. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1904147.

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13

Mitcham, Carl, and A. A. Kazakova. "Let Us Now Think Engineering: an Interview with Carl Mitcham." Philosophy of Science and Technology 25, no. 2 (2020): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2413-9084-2021-25-2-26-36.

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Carl Mitcham is International Distinguished Professor of Philosophy of Technology at Renmin Universityof China and Professor Emeritus of Humanities, Arts, and Social Sciences at Colorado School of Mines inthe United States. For more than four decades of his work in the field of philosophy of science andtechnology, he has made important contributions on its most controversial topics, including biotechnologies,IT, energy and many others. Of special interest is his philosophical and socio-historical study ofengineering, which has become the area of his intellectual collaboration with V.G. Gorokhov. This year,Prof. Mitcham published a new book, “Steps toward a Philosophy of Engineering: Historical-Philosophicaland Critical Essays”. In the interview Professor Mitcham discusses the developments in engineeringprofession and education and the changing role of engineering societies; the relationships betweenengineering, science and philosophy; the engineering cultures and the meaning of engineering in the modernculture.

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14

Walby, Kevin, and Alex Luscombe. "Criteria for quality in qualitative research and use of freedom of information requests in the social sciences." Qualitative Research 17, no. 5 (December 9, 2016): 537–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468794116679726.

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Access to information (ATI) and freedom of information (FOI) requests are an under-used means of producing data in the social sciences, especially across Canada and the United States. We use literature on criteria for quality in qualitative inquiry to enhance ongoing debates and developments in ATI/FOI research, and to extend literature on quality in qualitative inquiry. We do this by building on Tracy’s (2010) article on criteria for quality in qualitative inquiry, which advances meaningful terms of reference for qualitative researchers to use in improving the quality of their work; and illustrating these criteria using examples of ATI/FOI research from our own work and from others’ in Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom. We argue that, when systematically designed and conducted, ATI/FOI research can prove extraordinary in all eight of Tracy’s criteria.

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15

Kline, Ronald. "How disunity matters to the history of cybernetics in the human sciences in the United States, 1940–80." History of the Human Sciences 33, no. 1 (February 2020): 12–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695119872111.

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Rather than assume a unitary cybernetics, I ask how its disunity mattered to the history of the human sciences in the United States from about 1940 to 1980. I compare the work of four prominent social scientists – Herbert Simon, George Miller, Karl Deutsch, and Talcott Parsons – who created cybernetic models in psychology, economics, political science, and sociology with the work of anthropologist Gregory Bateson, and relate their interpretations of cybernetics to those of such well-known cyberneticians as Norbert Wiener, Warren McCulloch, W. Ross Ashby, and Heinz von Foerster. I argue that viewing cybernetics through the lens of disunity – asking what was at stake in choosing a specific cybernetic model – shows the complexity of the relationship between first-order cybernetics and the postwar human sciences, and helps us rethink the history of second-order cybernetics.

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16

Mendelsohn, Everett. "Robert K. Merton: The Celebration and Defense of Science." Science in Context 3, no. 1 (1989): 269–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889700000806.

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The ArgumentIn Merton's early work in the sociology of science three theses are identified: (1) economic and military influence in shaping early modern science; (2) the “Puritan spur” to scientific activity; (3) the critical role of a democratic social order for the support of science. These themes are located in the contemporary economic crisis of the 1930s, the rise of Nazism and fascism, and the emerging radical and Marxist political activism of scientists in the United States and the United Kingdom. Merton's interaction with this context is critical for understanding his choice of problems and issues for the nascent sociology of science. The enunciation of the four-part normative structure of science is closely identified with the political ideals of this context. Merton's transition from an interest in problems of science in society to his postwar concern with the social and organizational structures of science and the social behavior of scientists is framed against the anticommunist and anti-Marxist thrust of immediate postwar politics in the United States. The implications of this change for the paradigms of the sociology of science are noted.

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17

Silverman, Victor, and Pablo A. Pozzi. "Social Conflicts and Crisis in the United States, 1945-1993." Journal of American History 81, no. 3 (December 1994): 1386. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081610.

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18

Sneider, Allison L., Kathryn Kish Sklar, and Thomas Dublin. "Women and Social Movements in the United States, 1820-1940." Journal of American History 88, no. 4 (March 2002): 1629. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2700769.

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19

Maule, R. William. "Current information infrastructure policy in the United States." Knowledge and Policy 7, no. 2 (June 1994): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02692760.

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20

Trillo, Mauricio Tenorio. "Stereophonic Scientific Modernisms: Social Science between Mexico and the United States, 1880s-1930s." Journal of American History 86, no. 3 (December 1999): 1156. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2568610.

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21

Moss, Laurence S. "Richard A. Musgrave and Ludwig von Mises: Two Cases of Emigrè Economists in America." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 27, no. 4 (December 2005): 443–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10427710500370273.

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The expulsion of the academicians from Germany, Austria, and other central European countries is for the history of social science as traumatic and significant an event as the bombing of Pearl Harbor was for the United States' naval fleet in the South Pacific. The Restoration of the Civil Service Act occurred on April 7, 1933, shortly after the National Socialists came to power. It ordered “disagreeable” persons to leave the Universities and was the harbinger of other “cleansing” that followed the German war machine into Austria, the Czech Republic, and so on. The start of this intellectual exodus occurred a whole eight years before the United States entered the war on December 7, 1941. The destruction of the American naval fleet by the Japanese air force in 1941 required a massive State-sponsored mobilization as the United States prepared for and entered the war in the Pacific. The destruction of social science in the German-speaking Universities started on April 7, 1933, and continued as the German armies moved eastward, resulting in no less than 328 dislocated economists who emigrated out of central and eastern Europe to rebuild their lives and academic reputations in other places, especially in the United States. As Hagemann has demonstrated, the United States “was the direct or indirect destination for some two-thirds of the German-speaking emigré economists” (Hagemann 2005). This “rebuilding” of lives, families, and scientific reputations is amazing in its magnitude and complexity and is also itself a topic for serious study and understanding within the sociology of the social sciences. Hagemann has made major contributions to the telling of this story (Hagemann 1997).

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22

Watson, George W., Jon M. Shepard, Carroll U. Stephens, and John C. Christman. "Ideology and the Economic Social Contract in a Downsizing Environment." Business Ethics Quarterly 9, no. 4 (October 1999): 659–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3857942.

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Abstract:By combining normative philosophy and empirical social science, we craft a research framework for assessing differential expectations embodied in normative conceptions of the economic social contract in the United States. We argue that there are distinct views of such a contract grounded in individualist and communitarian philosophical ideologies. We apply this framework to organizational downsizing, postulating that certain human resource practices, in combination with the respective ideological orientations, will affect perceptions of the justice of downsizing policies.

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23

Blake, Valarie K. "Financing uterus transplants: The United States context." Bioethics 32, no. 8 (August 31, 2018): 527–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/bioe.12506.

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24

Dickinson, George E., and Heath C. Hoffmann. "Roadside memorial policies in the United States." Mortality 15, no. 2 (May 2010): 154–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13576275.2010.482775.

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25

Scull, Andrew. "Contending Professions: Sciences of the Brain and Mind in the United States, 1850–2013." Science in Context 28, no. 1 (February 9, 2015): 131–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889714000350.

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ArgumentThis paper examines the intersecting histories of psychiatry and psychology (particularly in its clinical guise) in the United States from the second half of the nineteenth century to the present. It suggests that there have been three major shifts in the ideological and intellectual orientation of the “psy complex.” The first period sees the dominance of the asylum in the provision of mental health care, with psychology, once it emerges in the early twentieth century, remaining a small enterprise largely operating outside the clinical arena, save for the development of psychometric technology. It is followed, between 1945 and 1980, by the rise of psychoanalytic psychiatry and the emergence of clinical psychology. Finally, the re-emergence of biological psychiatry is closely associated with two major developments: an emphasis that emerges in the late 1970s on rendering the diagnosis of psychiatric illnesses mechanical and predictable; and the long-term effects of the psychopharmacological revolution that began in the early 1950s. This third period has seen a shift the orientation of mainstream psychiatry away from psychotherapy, the end of traditional mental hospitals, and a transformed environment within which clinical psychologists ply their trade.

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26

Capshew, James H. "Freudian resonances and reverberations in the United States." Metascience 23, no. 3 (June 18, 2014): 657–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11016-014-9911-x.

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27

Larabee, Ann. "A brief history of terrorism in the United States." Knowledge, Technology & Policy 16, no. 1 (March 2003): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12130-003-1013-9.

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28

Brock, William R., Michael J. Lacey, and Mary O. Furner. "The State and Social Investigation in Britain and the United States." Journal of American History 81, no. 3 (December 1994): 1280. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081487.

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29

Feinman, Clarice, and Dorothy Moses Schulz. "From Social Worker to Crimefighter: Women in United States Municipal Policing." Journal of American History 83, no. 1 (June 1996): 252. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945577.

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30

Green, James, Peter A. Coclanis, and Stuart Bruchey. "Ideas, Ideologies, and Social Movements: The United States Experience since 1800." Journal of American History 88, no. 1 (June 2001): 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2675071.

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31

Heclo, Hugh, Michael J. Lacey, and Mary O. Furner. "The State and Social Investigation in Britain and the United States." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 26, no. 2 (1995): 296. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206630.

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32

Skowronski, Krzysztof Piotr. "George Santayana, The Genteel Tradition in American Philosophy and Character and Opinion in the United States." Society 47, no. 5 (July 22, 2010): 468–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12115-010-9359-6.

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33

Koering, Jérémie. "The other “Sch,” or When Damisch Met Schapiro." October 167 (February 2019): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/octo_a_00336.

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French art-historian/philosopher Hubert Damisch and American art-historian Meyer Schapiro maintained an intellectual friendship of rare intensity for nearly forty years. Their many letters bear witness to this: From art history to psychoanalysis, philosophy, anthropology, sociology, and literature, they exchanged ideas in almost every field of the humanities and social sciences. The special issue which this text introduces focuses on the years 1972 and 1973, a period during which Damisch spent much time in the United States and met, in addition to Schapiro, Michel Foucault, Max Black, M. H. Abrams, and Norman Malcolm. “The Other ‘sch,’ or When Damisch Met Schapiro” seeks to put into perspective the forty-four letters gathered here as well as the several essays devoted to the Freud-Signorelli case.

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34

Nickel, James W. "Equal Opportunity in a Pluralistic Society." Social Philosophy and Policy 5, no. 1 (1987): 104–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500001278.

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The United States has never been culturally or religiously homogeneous, but its diversity has greatly increased over the last century. Although the U.S. was first a multicultural nation through conquest and enslavement, its present diversity is due equally to immigration. In this paper I try to explain the difference it makes for one area of thought and policy – equal opportunity – if we incorporate cultural and religious pluralism into our national self-image. Formulating and implementing a policy of equal opportunity is more difficult in diverse, pluralistic countries than it is in homogeneous ones. My focus is cultural and religious diversity in the United States, but my conclusions will apply to many other countries – including ones whose pluralism is found more in religion than in culture.

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35

Reingold, Nathan. "The Peculiarities of the Americans or Are There National Styles in the Sciences?" Science in Context 4, no. 2 (1991): 347–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889700001009.

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The ArgumentOver the years national styles have been invoked or denigrated in the writing of the history of science. This paper is an attempt to give the concept of national style a degree of precision and clarity enabling scholars to understand when and how it may be invoked and when and how its use would be dubious or even forbidden. The example of the United States of America is used because the history of the sciences in the United States was often written loosely in terms supposedly conducive to national style analyses. We first discuss the problem of commonalities, factors widely present within all countries in the Western tradition, which, by definition, cannot be exclusive national attributes. Here the problem is to somehow determine whether the supposed national style attribute is a case of a significantly different degree of intensity than some presumed norm in the Western tradition.The principal thesis advanced is that pre-existing historiographic assumptions largely determine whether or not a scholar finds or does not find a national style. This is discussed in terms of some examples for the U.S. case. More particularly, a number of examples are discussed from the three principal genres or schools in current writing in the history of science: the knowledge-centered; the doing-science; and the context-oriented. Based on the analysis of the examples, an attempt is made to sketch an approach to a more rigorous use of the concept of national style.

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36

Schafer, Chelsea E., and Greg M. Shaw. "Trends—Tolerance in the United States." Public Opinion Quarterly 73, no. 2 (2009): 404–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfp022.

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37

Epstein, William M. "The Romantic Retreat Is Not Club Med." Research on Social Work Practice 27, no. 4 (August 31, 2016): 508–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1049731516666330.

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“Feminist standpoint epistemology” is not a serious philosophy but a romantic evasion of the application of science to social services. There are numerous limitations to the application of the scientific method to the practice of social work and the social services. Nonetheless, a pragmatic approach to understanding social reality and the evaluation of social interventions is more desirable than feminist standpoint epistemology. Yet the romantic dominates social work and social decision-making in the United States and may explain the precipitous decline of social work over the past century. Indeed, much should be said for closing down social work education and the field itself in order to try an alternative that might better serve people in need.

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Leiby, James, and John H. Ehrenreich. "The Altruistic Imagination: A History of Social Work and Social Policy in the United States." Journal of American History 72, no. 4 (March 1986): 981. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1908954.

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39

Hayes, Gregory J. "Health care policy in the United States." Social Science & Medicine 41, no. 9 (November 1995): 1336. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-9536(95)90069-1.

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40

Breyman, Steve. "Deep Ecological Science." Bulletin of Science, Technology & Society 18, no. 5 (October 1998): 325–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/027046769801800503.

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Deep ecology's biocentric philosophy rejects the anthropocentrism of mainstream environmentalism. Biocentrism holds that all life has inherent value and, as such, is worthy of respect and protection. Deep ecology's action strategy emerges from disgust with the compromises made by mainstream environmentalism. Deep ecologists tend toward confrontational actions such as blockades, “tree sits,” and “ecotage” (“monkey wrenching” or covert direct action). Earth First! in the United States, and Rainforest Action Network at the international level, are two well-known deep ecology groups. Bound together in a complex relationship, deep ecology is both dependent on and antagonistic toward the life sciences. As yet, there is no explicit, deep ecological statement for scientific reform. But there have been scientific developments cheering to deep ecologists, including the development and growth of the new field of conservation biology. This article begins to outline the reforms necessary to bring establishment science closer to radical ecological principles.

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Zboray, R. J. "States of Inquiry: Social Investigations and Print Culture in Nineteenth-Century Britain and the United States." Journal of American History 94, no. 1 (June 1, 2007): 314–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25094891.

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42

Ochmann, Jerzy. "The Logic of Security." Security Dimensions 33, no. 33 (June 30, 2020): 189–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.2677.

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Background: The author shows logic of security as a crucial element of philosophy of security, a subfield of security sciences. Objectives: The author states that logic – in the form of the logic of security – plays contemporarily a vital role in maintaining international, national, and also social and individual security. Methods: The usage of the logic of security is shown on the basis of its application in two security-related institutions: United States Army War College, Carlisle, US and Academia Diplomatica Europaea, Brussels, Belgium. After listing of methods used by philosophy of security, methodologies of both institutions are presented and compared as regards the methods used. Results: The logic implemented by United States Army War College is based on the belief in the objectivity and stability of the observations of security environment, and focuses on individual subjects of security. Academia Diplomatica Europaea regards the situation in the security environment as fluid and unstable, and focuses on relations between subjects of security. Conclusions: The activity of both analysed institutions is a proof corroborating the importance of logic for the improvement of the security situation in the world.

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Miller, Jon S., and Ronald Toth. "The Process of Scientific Inquiry as It Relates to the Creation/Evolution Controversy." American Biology Teacher 76, no. 4 (April 1, 2014): 238–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/abt.2014.76.4.4.

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We describe how the increased level of religiosity in the United States is correlated with the resistance to the teaching of evolution and argue that this is a social, rather than scientific, issue. Our goal is to foster teachers’ understanding of the philosophy of biology and encourage them to proactively deal with creationism at all levels, not just in the biology classroom.

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44

Soederberg, Susanne. "Freedom, Ownership, and Social (In-)Security in the United States." Cultural Critique 65, no. 1 (2007): 92–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cul.2007.0011.

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45

Newman, L. "Women and Social Movements in the United States, 1600-2000: Scholar's Edition." Journal of American History 98, no. 1 (June 1, 2011): 310–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jar127.

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46

Jiménez-Buedo, María, and Juan Carlos Squitieri. "What Can Mechanisms Do for You? Mechanisms and the Problem of Confounders in the Social Sciences." Philosophy of the Social Sciences 49, no. 3 (May 13, 2019): 210–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0048393119840775.

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The idea that mechanisms are crucially important to differentiate between genuine and spurious causal relations is ubiquitous both in the philosophical and in the social scientific literature. Yet philosophers of the social sciences have seldom attempted to spell out systematically the way in which mechanistic reasoning or evidence are concretely used to deal with spurious association and the problem of confounders in the social sciences. In this paper, we analyze two recent such accounts, proposed by Harold Kincaid and Daniel Steel. We show how these two accounts radically differ in their notion of mechanism (a process account, and a complex system account, respectively), and how this ultimately impacts in the way in which they understand the inferential role of mechanisms in the social sciences. We then confront both accounts with the details of a well-known controversy around the purportedly causal association between the legalization of abortion and the subsequent fall in criminality in the United States. We show the limitations of both accounts in representing accurately the role of mechanistic evidence and hypotheses in practice.

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Urken, Arnold B., and Iain McLean. "Nicholas Collin and the Dissemination of Condorcet in the United States." Science in Context 20, no. 01 (January 30, 2007): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889706001165.

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Graglia, Lino A. "RESTRICTIONS ON JUDICIAL ELECTION CAMPAIGN SPEECH: SILENCING CRITICISM OF LIBERAL ACTIVISM." Social Philosophy and Policy 21, no. 2 (June 4, 2004): 148–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052504212067.

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Constitutional law in the United States is, for most practical purposes, the product of ‘judicial review’, the power of judges to disallow policy choices made by other officials or institutions of government, ostensibly because those choices are prohibited by the Constitution. This extraordinary and unprecedented power, America's dubious contribution to the science of government, has made American judges the most powerful in the world, not only legislators but super-legislators, legislators with virtually the last word. Because lawmaking power divorced from popular will is tyranny, most states have attempted to reconcile the lawmaking power of judges with representative self-government by subjecting all or some judges to some form of popular election. In all but four such states, judges, encouraged and supported by their fellow lawyers in the organized bar—would-be judges and beneficiaries of judicial power—have responded by adopting codes of judicial ethics that limit what candidates for election to judicial office are permitted to say. The effect is to undermine elections as a control on judicial power by limiting criticism of judicial activism, the misuse of judicial power.

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Fuller, Steve. "The Trial of Socrates That Never Ends: An Introduction to the Socrates Tenured Symposium." Philosophy of the Social Sciences 48, no. 1 (November 15, 2017): 33–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0048393117740824.

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This introduction to the Socrates Tenured symposium reflects on the history of philosophy’s institutionalization as a specialized academic discipline, noting its relative recency in the English-speaking world. Despite occasionally paying lip service to its German idealist origins, philosophy in the United States is best understood as an extension of the Neo-Kantian world-view which came to dominate German academic life after Hegel’s death. Socrates Tenured aims to buck this trend toward philosophy’s academic specialization by a strategy that bears interesting comparison with the anti-professionalism of Robert Maynard Hutchins at the University of Chicago.

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Pfaltzgraff, Robert L. "Nuclear Deterrence and Arms Control: Ethical Issues for the 1980s." Social Philosophy and Policy 3, no. 1 (1985): 74–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500000170.

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The threat of atomic destruction has heightened the criminal irresponsibility of aggression, the employment of war as an instrument of national or bloc policy. Correspondingly, the moral obligation to discourage such a crime or, if it occurs, to deny it victory, has been underscored. The consequences of a successful defense are fearful to contemplate, but the consequences of a successful aggression, with tyrannical monopoly of the weapons of mass destruction, are calculated to be worse. While the avoidance of excessive and indiscriminate violence, and of such destruction as would undermine the basis for future peace, remain moral imperatives in a just war, it does not seem possible to draw a line in advance, beyond which it would be better to yield than to resist. Reinhold Neibuhr.… the person who deeply desires peace rejects any kind of pacifism which is cowardice or the simple preservation of tranquility. In fact, those who are tempted to impose their domination will always encounter the resistance of intelligent and courageous men and women, prepared to defend freedom in order to promote justice. Pope John Paul IIFor two generations the United States has maintained with its principal adversary, the Soviet Union, a security relationship based upon the deterrence of war by the possession of means deemed adequate to inflict unacceptable levels of damage in response to a Soviet attack upon the United States or its allies. Against the Soviet Union, the world's largest land power, in possession of superior conventional forces that could be launched against Western Europe and other peripheral regions of the continents of Europe and Asia, the United States has held nuclear capabilities as the ultimate weapon to be invoked in support of those interests deemed to be most vital to American security.

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