Academic literature on the topic 'Social structure in Ethiopia'

Religion<br>M.A.<br>With the momentum of previous Emperors, Haile Selassie steered Ethiopia on the path to modernization. One of his greatest obstacles was the Ethiopian Orthodox Church (EOC), which, being steeped in sixteen centuries of tradition, was accustomed to being the primary hegemonic power. Pierre Bourdieu's generative structuralism will be employed in this thesis to analyze the EOC's symbolic power as well as Selassie's efforts to dispossess the Church of its cultural power and make it an arm of the state. Controlling the rural periphery of Ethiopia, however meant introducing the basic structures of modernity to ethnic groups who had historically resisted Selassie's Amharic culture. Selassie permitted foreign missions, such as the Sudan Interior Mission (SIM) and Swedish Evangelical Mission (SEM), to function as his subcontractors for civilization by building schools, establishing medical stations, and evangelizing the non-Orthodox populations. Selassie failed to anticipate how mission structures contributed to the formation of resistant identities for Maale and Oromo converts. In analyzing these processes, the thesis also employs Robin Horton's theory of conversion while refuting Horton's broader claim about the superficiality of Christianity in Africa.<br>Temple University--Theses

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD<br>The prime aim of this thesis is to examine the link between fiscal decentralization and local financial governance in fiscally empowered woreda administrations (districts) of the Amhara region in Ethiopia. Local financial governance has been one of the reasons and arguably the crucial one that drives many countries to subscribe to fiscal decentralization. The presumption is that public finance mobilization and spending can be implemented in a more efficient, responsive, transparent and accountable manner at the local government level than at the centre. Nonetheless, empirical studies show that the linkage between fiscal decentralization and these local financial governance benefits is not automatic. Several developing countries that have tried to implement fiscal decentralization have failed to realise the promised financial governance gains largely due to design and implementation flaws. A review of the various theoretical perspectives suggest that local financial governance is not a factor of just devolution of fiscal power but also other intervening forces such as financial management system, citizen voicing mechanisms and the social and political context. It is within the framework of this theoretical argument that this study sought to investigate how the mixed and incomplete efforts of the district level fiscal decentralization program in the Amhara region has impacted on financial governance of woreda administrations. The study assesses the efficacy and role of various initiatives of the district level decentralization program of the Amhara region, such as the fiscal empowerment of woredas; financial management system reforms; citizen voicing mechanisms and political party structures and system in influencing woreda financial governance. To this end, the investigation process largely took the form of an interpretative approach employing a combination of various methods of gathering the required qualitative and quantitative data from respondents and documents in the selected four case woredas or districts. Findings on the assessment of the intergovernmental relations to measure the adequacy of devolution of fiscal power indicate that, despite the constitutional provision that affords the woredas the power to mobilize and spend public finance for the provision of various local public services, several design and implementation shortcomings have constrained woreda administrations from exercising such power effectively. As a result, the district level fiscal decentralization framework of the Amhara region appears to have features of decentralization by de-concentration rather than by devolution. Despite the extensive financial management reforms that have been undertaken, the research findings indicate that the financial management system in woreda administrations faces a range of challenges triggered largely by important design and implementation shortcomings. It is observed that the ‘getting the basics right first’ reforms in various financial management processes of woreda administrations are not only incomplete but also found to be inconsistent with each other and therefore could not serve their purpose. Furthermore, there has not been any other change in the last two decades since the initial implementation of these reforms despite such serious shortcomings. Most importantly, woreda administrations could not properly implement the techniques, methods, procedures and rules that constituted the reform process due to serious implementation problems such as the lack of manpower competency and problems associated with the lack of administrative accountability. The results of the study’s assessment regarding the practice of social accountability show that currently there is no arrangement for citizens to participate in public financial decisions and controls. In general, people have little interest in participating in the meetings organised by woreda government. Formal and informal community based organizations suffer from important capcity constraints, and the lack of strong civil society organizations to support these community based organizations makes such problems more difficult to resolve. However, local communities did indicate that they would be interested in participating in financial and budgeting processes if a number of conditions were satisfied. These included the availability of adequate and relevant information; the introduction of genuine forms of participation in which citizens were empowered; and evidence that popular participation was making a visible impact on financial decisions related to service delivery in their surroundings. The assessment of the ruling party structure and system suggests that the centralized system of the regional ruling party has created a dominant relationship between party organs at various levels so much sothat it has undermined the fiscal discretionary power of woreda administrations; blurred relationship between party and woreda financial management systems; and undermined direct voicing. Consequently, the genuine devolution of fiscal power, the effective implementation of the decentralised financial management systems, and direct participation of citizens are unlikely to be realised within the current ruling party system and structure. Moreover, the study shows that the intergovernmental relations, the implementation of financial management reforms and direct involvement of people influence each other. The evidence suggests that the effective implementation of the financial management reforms is not possible without genuine devolution of fiscal power and arrangements for the activeinvolvement of citizens. Despite these limitations and shortcomings, the research nevertheless reveals that the decentralization process has achieved some positive results, such as the expansion of access to basic services; the economic use of resources for such expansion; the mobilization of resources from local communities; and the streamlining of a number of bureaucratic processes. However, the prevalence of various financial governance challenges such as excessive budget transfers; low budget execution; uneconomical procurement; illicit spending; budget pressure; inadequate revenue collection; poor financial transparency; and compromised accountability in fiscally decentralized woreda administrations means the promised local financial governance benefits of fiscal decentralization are remain largely unrealized. The evidences in the study strongly suggest that the shortcomings in the design and implementation of intergovernmental relations, financial management system reforms, and direct voicing mechanisms areresponsible in combination with each other for these local financial governance challenges. Thus, the study concludes that local financial governance is a result of a complex network of interactions of intergovernmental relations, public financial management arrangements and social accountability mechanisms. The success of initiatives to improve local financial governance is dependent on contextual factors such as the capacity of civil society organizations and the ruling party system and structure. Therefore, while recommending further efforts of genuine devolution of power, in particular through the continuation of the financial management reform processes towards full-fledged reforms, the study contends that opening enough space for the proliferation of civil society organizations and alternative political parties will be the main priority.

The goal of this study was to explore the relationship between pluralist structures and involvement in decision-making of the Nile Basin Initiative (NBI). To establish this relationship the study asked two primary questions: What are the characteristics of power structures of the NBI as they relate to stakeholder involvement in Ethiopia? For those not involved in the decision-making process, what constraints prevent them from getting a ‘seat at the table’?” Two secondary questions were also asked: Do the power structure characteristics in Ethiopia relate to pluralism and, if so, how? To what extent are conditions in Ethiopia compatible with the prerequisites of pluralism? The study focused on one issue-area, the Water Resources Planning and Management Project. Qualitative data were collected primarily from NGOs in Ethiopia during the month of December, 2008. Background information was collected in Entebbe, Uganda, the home to the NBI Secretariat. Data sources included in-depth key informant interviews (n=30), archival, geographical, historical, and scientific accounts. The findings show that 1) the characteristics of power structures of the Nile Basin Initiative in Ethiopia are both pluralistic and elitist; 2) the level of involvement in the Water Resources Planning and Management Project by nongovernmental stakeholders is low; 3) the framework for involvement is limited and restricted to invitations to selected meetings in which the role of the NGOs is that of the observer; 4) political factors are the leading constraints to involvement, followed by lack of capacity of the NGOs and the NBI, structural limitations, and lack of information and awareness. The study concludes that, even though there is consistent theoretical link between pluralist structures and stakeholder involvement, the mere presence of pluralist structures does not guarantee involvement. It all depends on how well those structures function. The findings thus leads this study to hypothesize that the pluralist structures and elite power structures exist side by side, at least in the context of Ethiopia. Through the pluralist structures, organized groups are formally recognized while the elite power structures determine the process and who makes the decisions.

The main theme of this thesis is judicial reform program in Ethiopia. It examines the three basic issues which are central to the administration of justice in Ethiopia, namely efficieny, access to justice as well as accountability and independence. In spite of the wider scope of the reform efforts in Ethiopia this thesis has, on purpose, focused on these concepts not only because they are in many respects interrelated but also because they account for a bigger part of the problems that are faced by the justice system in the country.

Unintended pregnancy is a global public health threat that affects the lives of women, families, communities, and society. In 2008, the rate of unintended pregnancy in Ethiopia was 101 per 1,000 women aged 14 to 44 years. Although Ethiopia has experienced a steady increase in modern contraceptive use since 2004, this increase did not result in a proportional decline in unintended pregnancy, total fertility rates, or rapid population growth. In this cross-sectional study, associations between individual, interpersonal, community, and societal factors and contraceptive uptake were tested using a sample of 3,863 women aged 15 to 49 years who participated in the 2016 Ethiopian Demographic and Health Surveys. Statistically significant predictors of contraceptive use were included in the logistic regression model. Findings showed that age, education, marital status, type of residence, and wealth index reliably predicted contraceptive use. Increase in age, highest level of education, and wealth index were associated with 13%, 15%, and 65% increase in the odds of contraceptive use, respectively. Being married was associated with 85% decrease in the odds of contraceptive use and being from an urban residence was associated with 56% increase in the odds of contraceptive use. Results of the study can be used to develop targeted family planning interventions to increase contraceptive use and reduce unintended pregnancy, child and maternal mortality, total fertility rates, and rapid population growth in Ethiopia.

Since the 1950s, men and women, mainly Rastafari from the West Indies, have moved as repatriates to Shashamane, Ethiopia. This is a spiritually and ideologically oriented journey to the promised land of Ethiopia (Africa) and to the land granted by His Imperial Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie I. Although migration across regions of the global south is less common than migration from the global south to north, this move is even more distinct because it is not primarily motivated by economic concerns. This thesis - the first in-depth ethnographic study of the repatriate population - focuses on the conceptual and pragmatic ways in which repatriates and their Ethiopian-born children “rehome” this area of Shashamane that is now called Jamaica Safar (or village in the Amharic language). There is a simultaneous Rasta identification of themselves as Ethiopians and as His Majesty’s people, which is often contested in legal and civic spheres, with a West Indian social inscription of Shashamane. These dynamics have emerged from a Rastafari re-invention of personhood that was fostered in West Indian Creole society. These ideas converge in a central concern with the inalienability of the land grant that is shared by repatriates, their children and Rastafari outside Ethiopia as well. Accordingly, the repatriate population of Shashamane becomes the centre of international social and economic networks. The children born on this land thus demonstrate the success of their parents’ repatriation. They are the ones who will ensure the Rastafari presence there in perpetuity.