Academic literature on the topic 'Social-territorial movements'

Costs associated with extra-territorial movement are believed to have favoured the evolution of delayed dispersal and sociality across a range of social vertebrates, but remain surprisingly poorly understood. Here we reveal a novel mechanism that may contribute substantially to the costs of extra-territorial movement: physiological stress. We show that subordinate male meerkats, Suricata suricatta , exhibit markedly elevated faecal glucocorticoid metabolite levels (a non-invasive measure of hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal axis activity) while conducting extra-territorial prospecting forays. While brief increases in glucocorticoid levels are unlikely to be costly, chronic elevations, arising from prolonged and/or frequent forays, are expected to compromise fitness through their diverse negative effects on health. Our findings strongly suggest that prolonged extra-territorial movements do result in chronic stress, as the high glucocorticoid levels of prospectors do not diminish on longer forays and are no lower among males with greater prospecting experience. A generalized ‘stress’ of extra-territorial movement may therefore have strengthened selection for delayed dispersal and sociality in this and other species, and favoured the conduct of brief forays over extended periods of floating. Our findings have implications too for understanding the rank-related distribution of physiological stress in animal societies, as extra-territorial movements are often conducted solely by subordinates.

Abstract. In this paper we analyze the territorial organizing of two dissimilar social movements across Greater Buenos Aires, showing how urban struggles produce territory as a key element of their political practice. Through their relational, contested character, these Latin American territories foreground an alternative to state-centric, Anglo-American models of territorial politics. First, the unemployed workers' movements in the urban periphery show how the territorial organization of production and reproduction creates new social relations, and second, an assembly-organized market emphasizes the relationality of territory in constructing solidarity economies. This paper contributes to debates on urban social movements by showing that these movements use practices of territorial organizing to produce urban territory in distinct ways, and that territorial organizing is relational, contested, and central to movements' praxis.

the current rural conflicts are the result of a historical process of deterritorialization and exclusion, intensified from the advance of capitalism over agriculture. Socio-territorial movements, such as the MST movement, challenge hegemonic power and contest the legality of capitalist property, mobilizing peasants to occupy lands that do not carry out their social function, transforming them into agrarian reform territories in Paraná. This paper, supported by field data and bibliographical references, aims to study the colonization, territorial transformations and rural conflicts, taking as reference the municipality of Barbosa Ferraz, in the Paraná State Midwestern mesoregion.

The article provides an analysis of the mobilization strategies of far-right movements from the Czech Republic and Germany based on the content they provide via hyperlinks on their websites. Vertical and reticular characteristics of the hyperlinked pages have been analyzed, two aspects which form central parts of the mobilization strategies of social movements. The vertical level refers to territorial relations, while the reticular level refers to relations with other actors. The analyses confirmed that the movements focused on the vertical level to their countries of origin. With respect to reticular characteristics the type of hyperlinked content neither differs significantly throughout countries, nor throughout segments of the far-right movement. Additionally, the analysis of the type of hyperlinked content provides insight into the general mobilization strategies employed.

Abstract. This article offers an empirical account of the emotionally charged processes involved in the social production of territory. I draw from ethnographic interviews with displaced leaders of socio-territorial movements in Medellín, Colombia, who are resisting what I call double displacement. First, they were displaced from the Colombian countryside due to conflict and now, decades later, they are again being displaced, this time from their informal settlements due to urban development. Founders of settlements are now leaders of social movements, who reside on the periphery of the city and make claims to their neighborhoods using the slogan that they have a “right to the territory”. I examine this case of double displacement to demonstrate the emotional and political aspects of re-territorialization by non-state actors at the urban scale. I argue that by applying a socio-territorial approach to examining the impact of double displacement, we recognize non-state territorialization as a realization and expansion of social power.

This article develops hypotheses that raising the level of legal culture can serve as an effective instrument in maintaining sustainable development, social stability and territorial integrity. Legal culture should be considered as a regulator and stabilizer of social relations, both in individual countries and at the international level. It is necessary to consider legal culture in conjunction with morality, ethical, economic and political values and priorities. The study has concluded that creation of the democratic state of law and civil society is impossible without raising the level of legal culture. Creation of a strategy for raising the level of legal culture of the population is becoming a priority task, since it will allow forming the functions of the legal culture in the implementation of the national security policy in the socio-economic, political and regional spheres, preserving historical heritage and territorial integrity of Ukraine, overcoming internal and external threats to its stable state and legal development.
 Keywords: Legal culture, legal awareness, social stability, sustainable development

<p>O artigo revisita a história dos movimentos sociais de bairros de Fortaleza (CE), tendo como referente empírico o Conjunto Palmeiras, cuja formação territorial remete aos anos 1970. A análise resulta de aproximações etnográficas que adentram no cenário da mobilização por direitos fundamentais e pela urbanização do bairro, espaço social que resguarda uma memória de lutas e conquistas, possibilitando identificar agentes envolvidos na projeção desses movimentos nas décadas de 1980 e 1990. Essa experiência de organização coletiva segue na formação de espaços de autonomia, com momentos de interlocução e resistência frente ao Estado, trazendo contribuições para o debate acerca de temas como movimentos sociais, soberania e representação popular.</p><p> </p><p>BETWEEN DIALOGUE AND RESISTANCE: the neighborhood social movement in the Palmeiras Set, in Fortaleza (CE)</p><p>The article revisits the history of social movements in neighborhoods in Fortaleza (CE), with the empirical reference to Conjunto Palmeiras, whose territorial formation goes back to the 1970s. The analysis results from ethnographic approaches that enter the scenario of mobilization for fundamental rights and the urbanization of the neighborhood, a social space that protects a memory of struggles and conquests, making it possible to identify agents involved in the projection of these movements in the 1980s and 1990s. This experience of collective organization continues in the formation of spaces of autonomy, with moments of dialogue and resistance towards the State, bringing contributions to the debate on topics such as social movements, sovereignty and popular representation.</p><p>Keywords: Policy. Social movements. Representation. Sovereignty. City.</p><p> </p><p>ENTRE DIALOGUE ET RÉSISTANCE: le mouvement social de voisinage dans le Palmeiras Set, à Fortaleza (CE)</p><p>L’article revisite l’histoire des mouvements sociaux de quartiers de Fortaleza (CE), ayant comme référent empirique le Conjunto Palmeiras, dont la formation territoriale se réfère aux années 1970. L’analyse résulte d’approches ethnographiques qui entrent en scène de mobilisation pour les droits fondamentaux et d’urbanisation du quartier, un espace social qui protège une mémoire des luttes et des conquêtes, permettant d’identifier les acteurs impliqués dans la projection de ces mouvements dans les années 1980 et 1990. Cette expérience d’organisation collective se poursuit dans la formation d’espaces d’autonomie, avec des moments d’interlocution et de résistance à l’égard de l’État, apportant des contributions au débat sur des thèmes tels que les mouvements sociaux, la souveraineté et la représentation populaire.</p><p>Mots-clés: Politique. Mouvements sociaux. Représentation. Souveraineté. Ville.</p>

<p>El interés de este estudio es examinar las relaciones entre movimientos étnicos y estado en torno a una disputa territorial. En América Latina, los derechos colectivos territoriales étnicos inscritos en las nuevas constituciones abrieron un nuevo marco legal e institucional. El análisis se centra en tratar de entender si el terreno legal e institucional derivado del multiculturalismo facilita la resolución de los conflictos territoriales. Para esto se observa cómo la interacción entre estado y movimientos étnicos guía la elección de las estrategias. Desde esta perspectiva, se estudia el caso de la relación entre el estado colombiano y las comunidades negras de Jiguamiandó y Curvaradó. La información sobre el caso se recolectó a través de entrevistas semi-estructuradas y del análisis de documentos. En 2001, las comunidades huyeron de sus territorios colectivos debido al conflicto armado interno, los cuales fueron ocupados ilegalmente por empresas de palma africana. Por medio de las instituciones del estado, las comunidades han buscado la restitución de sus territorios. En un contexto legal e institucional marcado por alianzas entre grupos paramilitares y élites locales y nacionales, la resolución del conflicto territorial deviene un proceso complejo. Para el análisis del caso se hacen preguntas sobre la influencia de las reformas multiculturales y del terreno legal e institucional estatal sobre las estrategias legales de las comunidades de Jiguamiandó y Curvaradó. También se analiza la intervención de Organizaciones No Gubernamentales (ONG) en la relación entre el estado colombiano y las comunidades. En el estudio se concluye que el complejo contexto legal e institucional limita el margen de acción nacional de las comunidades pero también las provee de estrategias legales que combinan diferentes niveles (local, nacional y transnacional). Las ONG tienen un rol primordial en el planteamiento de tales estrategias que traspasan las fronteras del Estado-Nación, así como en la consolidación a nivel local de la identidad colectiva del movimiento étnico.</p><br>C

Dans un monde globalisé, les territoires de la périphérie du monde entrent dans un processus de changement continuel sous les contraintes de multiples acteurs, transnationaux, étatiques et locaux. Cette thèse s'est fixée comme objectif de révéler la spatialité de ces changements ainsi que les jeux d'acteurs qui y contribuent dans le cas de la Bolivie. Les hypothèses, qui postulent un irréversible processus d'autonomisation des territoires, ont résisté à l'épreuve des faits : les bouleversements politiques et sociaux intervenus pendant la période de la réalisation de ce projet. La thèse présente d'abord un positionnement épistémologique qui propose d'articuler l'espace et ses acteurs dans une perspective modélisatrice. Elle expose ensuite un cadre systémique de mise en cohérence des éléments de structuration et de changement territorial qui place, au centre, un système idéel construit à partir des signaux échangés par les acteurs afin de maîtriser ce changement territorial : signaux de domination, de pression ou de séduction engendrant des relations d'exploitation, de conflits ou de coopération. Ce système idéel est relié à des sous-systèmes matérialisés (organisation politico-administrative, système de villes et espaces de l'économie) qui subissent l'impact des changements étudiés. En effet, les politiques territoriales sont les rétroactions d'un tel système. Le traitement de chaque sous-système matérialisé correspond à un changement d'échelle géographique. Les modèles spatiaux à base de chronochorèmes complètent l'étude dynamique du changement. Ces choix méthodologiques permettent une lecture géographique des résultats suivants : - L'efficacité des mouvements sociaux réside moins dans la matrice sectorielle et professionnelle que dans leur assise territoriale .-L'État concentre ses réformes sur le sous-système matérialisé de l'organisation politico-administrative car il semble n'avoir prise ni sur le système des villes, ni sur les espaces et territoires de l'économie. Il n'est jamais parvenu jusqu'à présent à un accord qui lui aurait permis d'équilibrer dépenses sociales et investissements productifs. Un consensus social devra également être trouvé pour rendre viable un État plurinational. L'État concentre sur lui la majorité des signaux et établit ses politiques territoriales en fonction de leur pression. - La toute puissance technologique et financière des acteurs transnationaux se heurtent à l'efficacité des mouvements sociaux. Toutefois, ces acteurs restent à terme des pièces importantes d'un jeu où , pourvoyeurs d'activité et d'emplois, ils continueront à produire de l'espace et à consommer des territoires

Essa dissertação aborda a questão urbana e habitacional na Venezuela. Realiza-se investigação histórica sobre os principais períodos da política habitacional na Venezuela a partir de 1928 (fundação do Banco Obrero), seguida pela caracterização do programa Gran Misión Vivienda Venezuela (sob a gestão de Hugo Chávez) e dos movimentos sociais urbanos reunido em torno da plataforma do Movimiento de Pobladoras y Pobladores. Investiga-se a importância da formação das favelas e a subsequente luta pelo reconhecimento como acontecimentos fundamentais para o processo político contemporâneo na Venezuela<br>This dissertation studies the urban and housing issues in Venezuela. It takes a close look at historical research during the main time periods of housing policy in Venezuela from 1928 (formation of Banco Obrero), followed by the characterization of the program \"Gran Misión Vivienda Venezuela\" (under the administration of Hugo Chávez), and the urban social movements surrounding the platform of \"Movimiento de Pobladoras e Pobladores.\" It researches the importance of the development of the slums and the subsequent struggle for their recognition as key events in understanding the current political process in Venezuela

El objetivo del presente estudio es conocer la calidad democrática de las prácticas de participación ciudadana implementadas en el ámbito de la ordenación del territorio, utilizando como punto de referencia las prácticas y demandas de participación desplegadas en el movimiento social 15M. En un contexto de crisis económica como la vivida recientemente por España y como respuesta al incremento de las desigualdades, se valora como más urgente que nunca implementar de forma eficiente aquellas herramientas que orienten las acciones públicas hacia una mayor equidad. Para ello se considera fundamental avanzar hacia la integración de una verdadera participación de la ciudadanía en las políticas de ordenación del territorio bajo la premisa de que el desarrollo de adecuadas “prácticas de participación” efectivamente mejora los resultados de las políticas públicas con un importante impacto en el territorio. Podríamos decir que las soluciones planteadas para resolver la crisis justamente han dejado de lado la discusión sobre la equidad, en un momento que es clave para ello. Es en este contexto donde hemos identificado al menos dos hechos relevantes cuya confluencia determinan la pertinencia de la presente investigación. Por una parte, la importancia que adquiere en este escenario de crecientes desigualdades las acciones públicas orientadas hacia una mayor equidad y, por otra, la emergencia de nuevos movimientos o estallidos ciudadanos que reclaman una mayor participación como respuesta a los problemas que giran en torno a las desigualdades sociales. Sobre el primero, podemos decir que los instrumentos de planificación del territorio se consideran herramientas relevantes para orientar las acciones públicas hacia el desarrollo del territorio de forma equitativa y mucho más permeable al contexto social a partir de la incorporación de principios o directrices que justamente retoman los grandes problemas sociales, ya sean la equidad, la sostenibilidad ambiental o la participación ciudadana. Sobre el segundo, podemos afirmar que una de las cuestiones de fondo en las que interviene la ordenación del territorio es en esta idea del “interés general sobre el particular”, es aquí donde conectamos con la importancia de una efectiva participación ciudadana, en donde todos los actores de un territorio pueden consensuar un “modelo territorial” que contenga las expectativas sobre el futuro del territorio en términos de alcanzar un desarrollo beneficioso para todos. Para llegar a los resultados del presente estudio, se ha realizado un abordaje multimétodo que incluye: análisis de contenido cuantitativo de prensa escrita, análisis de contenido temático cualitativo de entrevistas del documental “conversaciones15M.cc” y evaluación de criterios de participación de los siete Planes Parciales elaborados en Cataluña entre los años 2005 y 2010. Como resultado, se ha llegado a dos perfiles de participación que en términos de calidad democrática son casi opuestos, ya sea el del movimiento social 15M y el de los Planes Territoriales Parciales de Cataluña, comprobando así que la calidad democrática de la participación ciudadana en la ordenación del territorio sigue siendo una tarea pendiente, punto desde el cual comienza una discusión no acabada sobre la importancia de la gobernanza en éste ámbito.<br>The objective of this study is to know the democratic quality of citizen participation practices implemented in the field of spatial planning, using as a point of reference the practices and demands of participation deployed in the social movement 15M. In a context of crisis such as that experienced recently in Spain, it is valued as more urgent than ever to move towards the integration of a true participation of citizens under the premise that adequate participation practices effectively improve the results of public policies. In order to arrive at the results of the present study, a multimethod approach has been carried out that includes: analysis of quantitative content of written press, analysis of qualitative thematic content of interviews of the documentary "conversaciones15M.cc" and evaluation of participation criteria of the seven plans partials produced in Catalonia between 2005 and 2010. As a result, we have reached two participation profiles that in terms of democratic quality are almost opposite, either that of the 15M social movement and that of the PTPs of Catalonia, thus verifying that the democratic quality of citizen participation in spatial planning remains a pending task, from which point an unfinished discussion begins on the importance of governance in this area.

The thesis entitled “Territories in conflict in Alto Sertão Sergipano” proposes a critical reflection as the study objective, of two distinct and conflictive social-territorial processes, based in land appropriation: on one hand, the territory expansion and monopolization by capital, hegemonic and linked to capital accumulation in a national and international scale, understood as an unequal and combined development; and, on the other hand, the resistance and landing recreation as the alternative expansion; analyzing the State’s contradictory role regarding the conflictive territoriality, which spatially demonstrates the conflicts between classes in the fields. Adopting Critical Geography as theoretical and methodological reference, the social space is understood as the place where production social relationships happen, which is a result of the production process of the space by capital confronting the social-territorial movements, with a relative approach of the creation of territory, which emphasizes the T-D-R geographical processes; regarding the social conflicts, as a geographical version of the agrarian matter. This study aimed to analyze the empirical processes that were historically developed in the production and transformation of the agrarian landscape in Sergipe’s most arid area. This thesis defends three main ideas: the first one is the land acquisition by social-territorial movements, mainly the MST (acronym for Landless Workers Movement) and the massive agrarian redistribution which highlights the experience of agrarian reform in this geographical space, a point of inflection in the territorial dispute, reverting the capital advance, it enabled the reconstitution of landless workers by establishing them in their place as peasants; the second one is the configuration of the reformed area and the alliances between the established agrarian workers and the traditional peasants, through their social movements, starting to demand, as a group, their acknowledgement as political subjects and economic agents who manage a comprehensive and significant agrarian territory; the third idea discussed is that this alternative territory questions and also interferes in the predominant space of the social and political supreme order. Results from the research show that 6,092 families organized by the MSTR, religious pastoral groups, MST, in addition to the Xocó indigenous group and the African Quilombola communities (Mocambo and Serra da Guia), between 1979 and 2014, conquered 104,612.28 hectare. The agrarian structure has been radically altered: from the figure of 12,728 properties and 390,716 hectare registered (INCRA, 2013), only 5 land properties of 1,000 hectare each (0.03% of the total area) have remained, which covered 6,392 hectare (1.6% of the total area). In 48 settlements 1,575 families keep fighting for the democratization of the land. In the dispute for water supplies control, the business watered perimeter Jacaré-Curitiba was converted into the agrarian reform and there are settlements in the future perimeter Nova Califórnia and the region of the Xingó Canal. In conclusion, the social-territorial movements were successful in expanding territories for most part of the non-productive and productive properties, making it possible for land, wealth and income to be properly distributed.<br>La Thèse intitulée “Territoires en conflit au Haut Sertão Sergipano” vise une réflexion critique de deux processus socio-territoriaux distincts et conflictuels, fondés sur la possession de la terre: d’une part, la territorialité et le monopole du territoire par le capital, hégémonique, liée à l’accumulation du capital dans une échelle nationale et internationale, et qui est comprise comme un dévéloppement inégal et combiné ; et de l’autre part, la résistence et la récréation campagnarde comme alternative; tout en analysant le rôle contradictoire de l’Etat face à des territorialités conflictuelles qui traduisent l’espace de la lutte de classes sociales à la campagne. Par l’adoption de la Géographie Critique comme référentiel théorique et méthodologique, on comprend « l’espace social », comme “lócus des relations sociales de production », c’est-à-dire, comme résultat du processus de production de l’espace par le capital en conflit avec les mouvements socio-territoriaux, et ceci dans un abordage relationnel de la conception de territoire qui met en valeur les processus géographiques du T-D-R ; en tant que luttes sociales et représentation géographique du cas agraire. L’objectif fut d’ analyser les processus empiriques qui se sont déroulés, historiquement, dans la production et transformation de l’espace agraire du « Haut Sertão Sergipano », région de l’Etat de Sergipe, marquée par le manque d’eau et par la sécheresse. Cette Thèse défend trois idées centrales: premièrement, la conquête de la terre par les mouvements socio-territoriaux, en particulier, par le MST- Mouvement de Sans-Terre, et la redistribution foncière massive qui a marqué l’expérience de la reforme agraire dans cet espace géographique, il en résulte un point d’inflexion à la dispute territoriale ce qui a ralenti le pouvoir du capital; et qui a pu favoriser la reprise du savoir-faire de ces travailleurs ruraux qui n’avaient pas de terre ; deuxièmement, la configuration de la superficie réformée par les mouvements sociaux. Des alliances ont été établies entre ceux qui ont gagné leurs terres et les autres, autrement dit, les paysans traditionnels, les deux parties exigeant ensemble, leur reconnaissance en tant que sujets politique et agents économiques gérant ainsi un grand et significatif territoire paysan ; troisièmement, ce territoire alternatif remet en question et intervient aussi dans l’espace hégémonique de l’ordre social et politique dominant. Les résultats de la présente recherche montrent que les 6.092 familles organisées par le MSTR - Mouvement Syndical des Travailleurs Ruraux, Pastorales sociales, MST, ainsi que par les indigènes Xocó et « Quilombolas » - Natifs des communautés organisées autrefois par les esclaves noirs « Mocambo » et « Serra da Guia » ont conquis 104.612,28 hectares entre 1979 et 2014. La structure foncière a complètement été modifiée. En effet, du montant de 12.728 immobiliers et 390.716 hectares inscrits (selon les sources de l’INCRA, 2013), Il ne reste que 05 Grande propriété foncière, mesurant plus de 1.000 hectares (0,03% du total), et qui correspondaient avant à 6.392 hectares (1,6% de la superficie total). Dans 48 campements,1.575 familles continuent leur lutte pour la démocratisation de la terre. Dans cette bataille pour le contôle de l’eau, le périmètre irrigué privé Jacaré-Curituba a été adressé à la reforme agraire et il y a des établissements des MST à périmètre Nova Califórnia et tout au long du canal Xingó. Nous pouvons en conclure que les mouvements socio-territoriaux ont réussi auprès du processus politique de redistribution de la terre des grandes propriétés improductives et productives, en assurant le partage de la richesse, des revenus et du pouvoir.<br>A Tese intitulada “Territórios em conflito no Alto Sertão Sergipano” tem como objetivo a reflexão crítica de dois processos sócioterritoriais distintos e conflitivos, fundados na apropriação da terra: de um lado, a territorialização e a monopolização do território pelo capital, hegemônica e vinculada à acumulação do capital em escala nacional e internacional, compreendido como desenvolvimento desigual e combinado; e, de outro lado, a resistência e recriação camponesa como territorialização alternativa; analisando o papel contraditório do Estado em face das territorialidades conflitantes que traduzem espacialmente a luta de classes no campo. Ao se adotar a Geografia Crítica como referencial teórico-metodológico, compreende-se o espaço social, como “lócus das relações sociais de produção”, resultante do processo de produção do espaço pelo capital em confronto com os movimentos sócioterritoriais, em uma abordagem relacional da concepção de território, que enfatiza os processos geográficos de T-D-R; enquanto lutas sociais, como versão geográfica da questão agrária. Objetivou-se analisar os processos empíricos que se desenrolaram, historicamente, na produção e transformação do espaço agrário do Alto Sertão Sergipano. Esta Tese defende três ideias centrais: 1ª) A conquista da terra pelos movimentos sócioterritoriais, sobretudo o MST, e a redistribuição fundiária massiva que marcou a experiência de reforma agrária nesse espaço geográfico, um ponto de inflexão na disputa territorial, reverteu o avanço do capital, e propiciou a recampenização dos trabalhadores rurais sem terra ao serem assentados; 2ª) A configuração da área reformada e as alianças entre assentados e os camponeses tradicionais, por meio de seus movimentos sociais, passando a exigir, em conjunto, seu reconhecimento enquanto sujeitos políticos e agentes econômicos gestam um abrangente e significativo território camponês; 3ª) Esse território alternativo questiona e também interfere no espaço hegemônico da ordem social e política dominante. Os resultados da pesquisa mostraram que as 6.092 famílias organizadas pelo MSTR, Pastorais Sociais, MST, além dos índios Xocó e dos Quilombolas (Mocambo e Serra da Guia), entre 1979 e 2014, conquistaram 104.612,28 hectares. A estrutura fundiária foi radicalmente alterada: do universo de 12.728 imóveis e 390.716 hectares cadastrados (INCRA, 2013), restaram apenas 05 latifúndios de mais de 1.000 hectares (0,03% do total), que abrangiam 6.392 hectares (1,6 % da área total). Em 48 acampamentos 1.575 famílias continuam lutando pela democratização dua terra. Na disputa pelo controle da água, o perímetro irrigado empresarial Jacaré-Curituba foi revertido para a reforma agrária, e há assentamentos dentro do futuro perímetro Nova Califórnia e ao longo do canal Xingó. Concluiu-se que os movimentos sócioterritoriais tiveram sucesso na desterritorialização da grande propriedade improdutiva e produtiva, atuando no sentido da redistribuição de riqueza, renda e poder no Alto Sertão Sergipano.

Faced with the profound social and ecological threats posed by extractivist projects such as large hydroelectric dams, wind farms, and mining operations, many indigenous communities and their allies in Mexico have articulated new forms of contentious politics into a broad territorial defense movement. This project explores the strategies of contention practiced by an anti-mining movement based in the Municipality of San José del Progreso in the southern state of Oaxaca. As a deeply-divided community that has suffered increased violence and conflict directly related to a Canadian-owned gold and silver mine operating in its vicinity, it presents a valuable case study in how strong social movements can still develop under conditions of disunity. This study combines ethnographic and archival research methods to uncover the deep historical roots of community division, and to develop a close analysis of the contentious strategies employed by the anti-mining movement. The historical record and local narratives show the central role that hacienda colonialism played in creating a salient geography of ethnic discrimination and division in the municipality whose effects can still be seen today. In response to the ongoing processes of colonization and dispossession in San José del Progreso, a legacy of contention has defined and defended both campesino (peasant farmer) and indigenous claims to local territory. More than a series of instrumental strategies designed to expel the hacienda and later mine project, this politics of contention operates as a form of social memory to produce a hybrid form of indigenous/campesino identity linked to healthy land stewardship, an interconnectedness between the earth and human subjects, and a shared history of struggle. As a result, the anti-mining movement in San José del Progreso has shown success in converting its troubled past and checkered present into the foundations of a healthy social and ecological commons, independent of its failure to fully-unite the municipality or close down the mine project in the short-run.<br>text

The late twentieth century saw the rise of new forms of religiosity and a growing consensus about the utility of the concept of ‘religion’ to describe a wide range of beliefs and practices. The idea that Africa was perpetually in need of modernization and socio-economic ‘development’ influenced the theological and practical evolution of Christianity, Islam, and various ‘indigenous’ spiritual traditions. Pentecostalism and reformist Islam shared a turn towards the personalization of spiritual quests and a sense of rupture with the recent past. New movements attacked existing institutions, paths to religious knowledge and authority, and the perceived routinization of spiritual guidance. New patterns of connection between Africa and the rest of the world produced complex mixings and inventions separate from the movement of peoples or the territorial expansion of empires. Further research is needed into the links between the political and financial institutions shaping recent forms of globalization and the intellectual and social content of new religious movements.

Over the last few decades, Argentina and Latin America have undergone significant processes of social unrest and mobilization. Within the larger context of the various movements and dimensions where social mobilization unfolds, the territory has emerged as an increasingly relevant element for the interpretation of its dynamics, continuities, and transformations. Indeed, the spatialization of political production, which accompanied the processes of spatialization of production and the social life, caused a politicization of space that shaped the territory. Thus, processes developed whereby space becomes politicized and politics becomes territorialized. These features have shaped organizations and demonstrations often led by young people, which has given rise to territorially situated, generational political forms.

The book has provided four sets of conclusions. First, the examination of territorial strain, the nature of territorial problems and the characteristics of background conditions gives us a lens through which to evaluate critically the social, economic and cultural context to territorial politics. The second set of conclusions relate to the approaches used in the movements for territorial constitutional change in exploiting the support they did have and overcoming those weaknesses that still existed. As part of the reality of how territorial change happens it is to be expected that in the particular case of the UK that all territorial movements emerged out of party political contestation and self-interested party choices, and then had to define approaches heavily determined by party constraints. The third set of conclusions relate to UK central government. The UK centre was also in part defined by the pursuit of party power, and the key party at the UK level ready to address territorial constitutional reform — the Labour Party — faced large challenges and anxieties after 18 years out of office when they prepared for the 1997 general election. The final set of conclusions relate to the importance of constitutional policy processes to the resolution of conflicts in centre–periphery relations. Approaches to the development of devolution policy were followed which made the best efforts to achieve territorial balance under the constraints that they faced. The policy processes in Scotland and Northern Ireland achieved sometimes high, but at least sufficient, levels of inclusiveness in their mechanisms of negotiation.

This chapter focuses on the classical or traditional definition of diaspora as it relates to a place of origin and/or an attachment to a homeland (whether real or perceived). The chapter highlights theories of classical diaspora and provides an in-depth analysis into the contemporary Kurdish situation of statelessness and increased claims to land (due to their involvement with the fight against the Islamic State). The chapter also makes brief mention of the other prominent case of contemporary diaspora politics in the Middle East, that of the Palestinians. The chapter explains the struggle of the Kurds to self-determination and to establish an autonomous state, and highlights the adoption and use of digital technologies by diasporic communities, which allows for the facilitation of diasporic communities and networks that transcend traditional borders.

The problem of new social elevators in Russian society has entered the public space and has become abdiscussion space not only for the expert community, but also for practical managers. It is obvious that the social class and socio-territorial (spatial) barriers to upward social mobility generate abmultiplicative effect of social stagnation. According to the author of the article, new social elevators in the regional space are mechanisms of upward social mobility of subjects of the regional space (volunteer movements, social networks, subcultural practices), focused on changes in social status positions according to the criteria of social utility, social creativity, and social self-determination. Applying the principles of the resource approach (volume of capital, diversity capital, resource potential regional space, resursoemkost regional elite and non-elite actors of the regional space) on the basis of the results of all-Russian and regional sociological researches devoted to different aspects of the problem, it is concluded that the formation of abnew social mobility is the result of ab“social contract” with regional elites focus on social “capitalization” and the regional space, forming new social elevators within the framework of converting social and cultural-symbolic capital not for inclusion in regional elites, but for acquiring abresource of influence on making vital decisions for regional development.

The chapter is finalized to scrutinize the capacity of netizens' e-participation and/or online activism to effectively influence territorial governance, by analyzing the role and the relevance of the Web in shaping new and variegated forms of “social movements” both in urban and in rural/marginal contexts trough a comparative analysis of four case studies in Italy. The main aim is to critically rethink - conceptually and politically - the intersection among sustainability, smart technologies, local communities, and the “right to the territory”, to provide new theoretical insights about bottom-up and “participative” concepts of smartness.

This chapter examines the case study of Occupy London and argues that the protest camp is inevitably susceptible to fetishisation, understood as the subordination of process to form. It begins by examining the work of Henri Lefebvre and John Holloway – two authors who discuss the challenges of creating counter forms from below - in order to ground the discussion in theoretical debates surrounding fetishisation and institutionalisation. Based on militant research with Occupy London – involving interviews, ethnography and archive analysis - the remainder of the chapter examines the losing of Occupy London’s principal occupied space, the camp outside St Paul’s Cathedral, and points toward a wider set of issues surrounding protests camps and territorial forms of struggle. It concludes by conceptualising the protest camp as an antagonistic form that necessarily exists against-and-beyond the social movements that constitute it.

This chapter examines the context in which the Catalan and Scottish campaigns for independence developed. It explains how the referendum campaigns were initiated and by whom, arguing that both cases unfolded as the result of a concatenation of three coexisting crises: territorial, democratic and socioeconomic. First, Catalonia and Scotland suffered from a long-term crisis of territorial consolidation. Second, the Great Recession has brought about austerity policies, tightened government budgets, cuts in public spending, and dramatic increases in unemployment, inequality and poverty, while working conditions have worsened. Third, a crisis of democratic legitimacy has developed hand in hand with the socioeconomic turmoil. These three dimensions have resulted in two parallel mobilisation campaigns due to two key mechanisms: grievance formation and appropriation of opportunities. The chapter shows how electoral de-alignment and availability of allies facilitated the transformation of latent potential into concrete actions in the Catalan and Scottish referendums from below.

This chapter argues that, contrary to the rhetoric of the War on Terror, Indonesia’s counterterrorism policies are neither specific responses to transnational terror networks, nor are they simply a byproduct of the post-9/11 era. We argue, instead, that counterterrorism policies in Indonesia cannot be disentangled from historical state reactions to internal security challenges—ranging from social violence to terrorism and secessionism—since the country’s independence in 1945. While these different conflicts had diverse political, ideological, religious and territorial characteristics, they are united as disputes over the basic institutions and boundaries of the state. In light of this history, the Indonesian state’s response to contemporary political violence—such as the 2002 Bali bombings and the threat of transnational terrorism, allegedly centered on the Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) group—should be reexamined as part of these broader, historical trends in state responses to internal violence. We further argue that while the state, in seeking to maintain its territorial integrity and defend its institutions, has responded in a variety of ways to these conflicts, the particular domestic tools of coercion and repression used in President Suharto’s authoritarian New Order—from arbitrary imprisonment to forced disappearances and an all-out military campaign—have contributed to the rise of JI and its splinter groups and left a legacy of mixed responses to terror. Our examination of the evolution of internal political violence and state counterterrorism demonstrates that terrorism and counterterrorism in Indonesia are rooted within this context of the disputed postcolonial state. As such, state responses to terrorism and political violence in Indonesia have taken both a different form and function when compared to the reactions of the United States and United Kingdom. While the latter states committed their militaries abroad in an effort to exterminate foreign militants, our analysis demonstrates that the state has crafted responses to various sources of domestic violence—including different secessionist movements and JI—on an ad hoc basis and, in doing so, has utilized different security institutions, from the military to the police.

More than forty thousand people in Turkey lost their lives because of PKK terrorist organization. While fighting against PKK since 1984, it is necessary for Turkey to limit some rights of PKK-related people through arrest, detention and interrogation for the pressing objectives of national security, territorial integrity and public order. Based on such limitations, there are PKK-related asylum applications from Turkey. However, these asylum applicants are quite restrictively excluded from refugee status and are commonly found as credible witnesses for their well-founded fear of persecution mainly for reason of political opinion. This paper questions the reasons that make such applicants granted refugee status by examining six case laws with positive decisions. It identifies two reasons, first, restrictive application of exclusion clauses and second, the subjectivity in the understanding of ‘necessary', which is one of the required conditions to limit human rights. Then, it provides three tentative suggestions for Turkey to enable applicants aiding and/or funding PKK to be excluded from refugee status and to prevent its counter-terrorism measures to be perceived as persecution by countries of asylum: a universally accepted definition of what constitutes terrorist offences, a stronger international presentation of counter-terrorism measures as necessary in a democratic society and a strict adherence to zero tolerance policy on torture.

Deputies of territorial rulers often escorted foreign persons of rank, merchants, prisoners, or corpses when they moved through their dominions. This physical form of safe conduct was a way of honouring or protecting travellers, but it also offered a means of signalling a ruler’s claims over a thoroughfare. When several parties disputed the right to escort a traveller, the escorts attempted to gain the vanguard of the processions. It was not uncommon for these encounters to escalate into violence, leading to protest, absenteeism, and outright mutiny among subjects, travellers, and officials, as in the small County of Wertheim where the processions often assumed a warlike character. In a world where processional rankings and symbolic gestures were regarded as authentic indicators of social and political realities, these theatres of transit offered a means through which to express and broker profound dissensions over the politics of mobility.

In order to understand urban development in Latin America we must study the actions of an opportunistic environment that enables social progress. Usually, urban adaptations react to the pressures of a contested territory, that if seen as survival tactics, they amplify urban regeneration, where illicit acts of urbanism become primary sites of innovation. Such is the example of the international border between San Diego, and Tijuana. This region is no exception of witnessing the territorial conflicts and crime scenes that are typical characteristics of border regions. In particular this border encounters the highest massive migration from Latin America to the USand back (deportees), making the dividing line – in this case the Tijuana river canal – a site of urban dialectics. The channelized river has tangibly revealed the mutations and interactions of opposing realities that expose overtones, exigencies, neglected issues and/or cutting edge cultural movements. It is at this hotbed and funneling point of two countries where illicit acts of urbanism are accepted. Emblematic of an opportunistic landscape, opposing modes of operations are in some cases ignored for the sake of coexistence.