To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Social unrest.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Social unrest'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 27 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Social unrest.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Smart, Sally-Anne. "Modelling South African social unrest between 1997 and 2016." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/72929.
Full textAbstract:
Social unrest, terrorism and other forms of political violence events are highly unpredictable. These events are driven by human intent and intelligence, both of which are extremely difficult to model accurately. This has resulted in a scarcity of insurance products that cover these types of perils. Links have been found between the incidence of political violence and various economic and socioeconomic variables, but to date no relationships have been identified in South Africa. The aim of this study was to address this. Firstly, by identifying relationships between the incidence of social unrest events and economic and socio-economic variables in South Africa and secondly by using these interactions to model social unrest. Spearman’s rank correlation and trendline analysis were used to compare the direction and strength of the relationships that exist between protests and the economic and socio-economic variables. To gain additional insight with regards to South African protests, daily, monthly, quarterly and annual protest models were created. This was done using four different modelling techniques, namely univariate time series, linear regression, lagged regression and the VAR (1) model. The forecasting abilities of the models were analysed using both a one-step and n-step forecasting procedure. Variations in relationships for different types of protests were also considered for five different subcategories.
Spearman’s rank correlation and trendline analysis showed that the relationships between protests and economic and socio-economic variables were sensitive to changes in data frequency and the use of either national or provincial data. The daily, monthly, quarterly and annual models all had power in explaining the variation that was observed in the protest data. The annual univariate model had the highest explanatory power (R2 = 0.8721) this was followed by the quarterly VAR (1) model (R2 = 0.8659), while the monthly lagged regression model had a R2 of 0.8138. The one-step forecasting procedure found that the monthly lagged regression model outperformed the monthly VAR (1) model in the short term. The converse was seen for the short-term performance of the quarterly models. In the long term, the VAR (1) model outperformed the other models. Limitations were identified within the lagged regression model’s forecasting abilities. As a model’s long-term forecasting ability is important in the insurance world, the VAR (1) model was deemed as the best modelling technique for South African social unrest. Further model limitations were identified when the subcategories of protests were considered. This study demonstrates that with the use of the applicable economic and socio-economic variables, social unrest events in South Africa can be modelled.<br>Dissertation (MSc)--University of Pretoria, 2019.<br>Absa Chair in Actuarial Science (UP)<br>South African Department of Science and Technology (DST) Risk Research Platform, under coordination of the North-West University (NWU)<br>Insurance and Actuarial Science<br>MSc Actuarial Mathematics<br>Unrestricted
2
Zambezi, Samantha. "Predicting social unrest events in South Africa using LSTM neural networks." Master's thesis, Faculty of Science, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/33986.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis demonstrates an approach to predict the count of social unrest events in South Africa. A comparison is made between traditional forecasting approaches and neural networks; the traditional forecast method selected being the Autoregressive Integrated Moving Average (ARIMA model). The type of neural network implemented was the Long Short-Term Memory (LSTM) neural network. The basic theoretical concepts of ARIMA and LSTM neural networks are explained and subsequently, the patterns of the social unrest time series were analysed using time series exploratory techniques. The social unrest time series contained a significant number of irregular fluctuations with a non-linear trend. The structure of the social unrest time series suggested that traditional linear approaches would fail to model the non-linear behaviour of the time series. This thesis confirms this finding. Twelve experiments were conducted, and in these experiments, features, scaling procedures and model configurations are varied (i.e. univariate and multivariate models). Multivariate LSTM achieved the lowest forecast errors and performance improved as more explanatory features were introduced. The ARIMA model's performance deteriorated with added complexity and the univariate ARIMA produced lower forecast errors compared to the multivariate ARIMA. In conclusion, it can be claimed that multivariate LSTM neural networks are useful for predicting social unrest events.
3
Morton, Peter Charles Francis. "Refiguring the Sicilian Slave Wars : from servile unrest to civic disquiet and social disorder." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9937.
Full textAbstract:
This study argues that the so-called Sicilian Slave Wars are best understood as two differing instances of civic disquiet, social disorder and provincial revolt in Sicily, rather than as slave wars. Both events are reconnected to their Sicilian context geographically, politically and socially, and shown to have arisen from those contexts. This thesis is demonstrated in seven chapters. Chapter I reassesses the principle evidence for the kingdom established by the rebels in the first war: their numismatic issues. This evidence is best understood in the context of contemporary Sicilian numismatics and emphasises the Sicilian nature of the uprising. It is argued that the insurgency was contingent on the support of certain parts of the (free) Sicilian populace. Chapter II presents a reinterpretation of Diodorus’ text from a narratological point of view. The text is shown to be highly rhetorical and constructed with a view to demonise the leaders of the first war, Eunus and Cleon, through reference to Hellenistic stereotypes of femininity, cowardliness, magic and banditry. Chapter III argues that Diodorus’ explanation of the origin of the war is anachronistic and shows evidence of narratorial intervention and invention, thereby rendering his interpretation unreliable. Chapter IV considers Cicero’s Verrine Orations and shows that his engagement with the two wars in the text cannot be used as a reliable indicator of historical fact because of the text’s continual engagement with history. Chapter V argues that the two leaders of the so-called Second Slave War, Salvius/Tryphon and Athenion, were described using the same matrix of ideas that were present for Eunus and Kleon, for the same rhetorical and narratological effect. Chapter VI analyses Diodorus’ narrative of the origin of the war, and shows that Diodorus only provides a chronology of coincidental events, and beyond a single connective narrative line, demonstrates no connection between these events. Finally, Chapter VII suggests that the best context in which to understand this war is that of a general breakdown of social order on Sicily at the end of the second century B.C. caused by internal political problems in the cities of Sicily. Further, the insurgency led by Salvius/Tryphon and Athenion is shown to be only part of a broader crisis on Sicily that stretched from 106-93 B.C., part of an extended stasis for the island. In sum, I argue that the events typically referred to as the Sicilian Slave Wars are better understood through a focus on the historical contexts provided by the Hellenistic milieu in which the wars arose and the development of the Roman provincial system – rather than through the (preconceived) lens of slavery: instead of servile unrest, there was civic disquiet, social disorder and provincial revolt on Sicily in the 2nd century BC.
4
Willis, Michael Anthony. "Relative deprivation and political conflict : a Northern Irish case study." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302764.
Full text
5
Extor, Tobias, and Barbosa André Ferreira. "Dags att lägga ner snacket om förorten : En kvalitativ studie om Göteborgs-Postens rapportering kring skottlossningarna i Biskopsgården och Hisingsbacka hösten 2013." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för medier och journalistik (MJ), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-31801.
Full textAbstract:
On September 4, 2013, two men were shot in the suburb Biskopsgården in Gothenburg. This was the catalysts to a very problematic autumn in both Biskopsgården as in another suburb, Hisingsbacka. The local media reports of the events were very through, where the newspaper Göteborgs-Posten took a leading role. It’s these reports which form the basis, the so called material of our essay. Our purpose with this essay is to examine which kind of medial message about the suburbs and their inhibitors the articles sends out to Göteborgs-Posten’s readers. We did this by putting our material against three issues, the first one was how Göteborgs-Posten did portray the suburbs when it came to; choice of words and phrases, angles and how the photos was composed. The second one was if Göteborgs-Posten had failed in its objective reporting when it came to; an “us versus them” perspective, which kind of medial message was sent out and if the journalist took a subjective position in the article. We also examined which actors were heard and what they represent in the society? We approached this study in a qualitative method way because we felt that we needed to examine the theme in its depth. The result were then linked to our three theories which were; framing, stigma and representation theory. The results from our study showed that our first thoughts about the subject did not match the reality of Göteborg-Posten’s reports. The medial image that was sent out wasn’t that negative as we first expected. The result shows that most of the articles in our sample had not a stigmatized tone or gave a misleading media image of the suburbs. In the cases that did send out a negative image it was mostly in the form of words and phrases. Other results obtained by our content analysis of the Göteborgs-Posten’s reporting on the subject was, for the most part were Swedes in the judicial system followed by affected immigrants who took the most place in the articles. Another interesting result was that both negative and positive stigma was encountered in the articles.
6
Pearce, Jenny V., and Heather Blakey. "'Background of distances': Participation and the community cohesion in the North: Making the connections." International Centre for Participation Studies, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3797.
Full textAbstract:
yes<br>The conference Participation and Community Cohesion in the North: making the
connections was held two and a half years after the North of England experienced a
summer of major social unrest.1 One delegate described these disturbances as
`attempted suicide by a community ¿ a cry for help.¿ This is a controversial image of
powerlessness and disenfranchisement, but it raises a question that goes to the
heart of our reasons for holding this conference. Does the success of Community
Cohesion depend on the ability of communities to nonviolently express their views on
the issues that concern them? Does it depend on a belief in one¿s own power to
effect change without violence? In other words does it depend on the extent to which
people see a point in working together for goals they have set themselves?
7
Bryan, Joshua Joe. "Portland, Oregon's Long Hot Summers: Racial Unrest and Public Response, 1967-1969." PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/995.
Full textAbstract:
The struggles for racial equality throughout northern cities during the late-1960s, while not nearly as prevalent within historical scholarship as those pertaining to the Deep South, have left an indelible mark on both the individuals and communities involved. Historians have until recently thought of the civil rights movement in the north as a violent betrayal of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.'s vision of an inclusive and integrated society, as well as coinciding with the rise, and subsequent decline, of Black Power. But despite such suppositions, the experiences of northern cities immersed in the civil rights struggle were far more varied and nuanced.
The explosion of racial violence throughout American cities in the late-1960s bred fear among many in the white political establishment who viewed the cultural shifts inherent in racial equality as threatening to undermine their traditional racial dominance. Partially the result of feelings of increased powerlessness, and partially in an effort of self-preservation, many in the ranks of government and law enforcement worked to oppose the seismic changes underfoot. This thesis makes a concerted effort to examine and evaluate the role that race played in the Albina community of Portland, Oregon in the late-1960s, with a particular emphasis on the motivations, impact, and legacy of two racial disturbances that occurred there in the summers of 1967 and 1969. It asserts that while racial prejudice and bigotry were certainly prevalent among members of both the city's political and law enforcement community, and did play a significant role in the deterioration of their relationship with the black community, there were many other factors that also contributed to the police-community discord in late-1960s Albina. Moreover, it asserts that the reactions of the white and African-American communities to the disturbances were, contrary to conventional wisdom, not monolithic, but rather diverse and wide-ranging.
The goal of this narrative history is not merely to analyze the racial unrest and public response to the disturbances, but also to integrate and link the experiences of Portland's African-Americans into the broader dialogue of the civil rights movement of the late-1960s. In short, the study of late-1960s Portland allows us to reach a greater understanding of racial inequality in America during this period.
8
Waugh-Benton, Monica. "Strike Fever: Labor Unrest, Civil Rights and the Left in Atlanta, 1972." unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07282006-153554/.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.<br>1 electronic text (136 p.) : digital, PDF file. Title from title screen. Clifford Kuhn, committee chair; Ian C. Fletcher, committee member. Description based on contents viewed Apr. 5, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 133-136).
9
Sabel-Douglas, Vita. "Waves of Hunger : A qualitative study on state’s response to food threat and its impact on civil unrest in Namibia and Zambia." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-341734.
Full text
10
Koprulu, Nur. "Consolidation Of Jordanian National Identity: Rethinking Internal Unrest And External Challenges In Shaping Jordanian Identity And Foreign Policy." Phd thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12608285/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyzes the impact of two external challenges, the Palestinian dimension and the outbreak of al-Aqsa intifada, and the US war in Iraq in transforming the politics of identity in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. The Kingdom of Jordan, created as a part of post-war settlement in 1921, considered as the most &<br>#8216<br>artifical&<br>#8217<br>among all the states in the Middle East that has been successfully consolidated. Since Jordan was not the ancestral land of Hashemite family, the establishment of the Kingdom of Jordan posited the country at the core of discussions on identity and nation-building. In addition, the identity formation in Jordan offers a case that can easily be found in most parts of the Middle East where multiple sub-state and supra-state identities demarcate and shape the formulation of popular loyalties.
Given the historical and political linkage that has closely bound Jordanian and Palestinian entities, Jordanian political history as a separate entity has for the most part coincided with Palestinian national movement. The Palestinian issue has become central to Jordan&<br>#8217<br>s politics of identity particularly with Jordan&<br>#8217<br>s annexation of the West Bank in 1950 and the incorporation of the Palestinians into Jordanian society. The huge influx of Palestinian community led to the emergence of an &<br>#8216<br>ethnic division&<br>#8217<br>between the East Bankers (native Jordanians) and the West Bankers (Palestinian origin Jordanians). Since the annexation of the West Bank territories, the Kingdom opted to build a hybrid Jordanian identity to integrate Palestinian descents into Jordan.
Jordan has lately caught between two external challenges across its western and eastern borders. The outbreak of the al-Aqsa intifada in 2000 and the US war in Iraq in 2003 have devastatingly transformed Jordan&<br>#8217<br>s identity formation. The &<br>#8216<br>Jordan First, Arab Second&<br>#8217<br>Campaign constitutes regime&<br>#8217<br>s primary response to cope with these regional crises. The &<br>#8216<br>Jordan First&<br>#8217<br>initiative epitomizes a new era in the Kingdom, not only for re-building Jordanian norms and expectations, but also helps to notice the de-liberalizing efforts of the monarchy to contain and demolish any kind of opposition posed by domestic unrest. These two external disturbances will, therefore, help to illustrate that a causal relationship between identity and foreign policy can be drawn in the case of Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.
11
Musona, Mambo. "An exploration of the causes of social unrest in Omay communal lands of Nyami Nyami district in Zimbabwe: a human needs perspective." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1372.
Full textAbstract:
One of the responsibilities of every government is to make provisions of basic needs for its citizens. The situation in Omay resembles people living during the dark ages when there was no constitutional government. The government should in accordance with the priorities of its people be seen to be improving the lives of its citizens by providing health, education, roads, communication facilities, and participation in decision making especially on issues that have a bearing on their lives. The human needs theory postulates that one of the most ideal ways of resolving protracted conflicts is by helping people meet their needs. Human needs are not for trading according to conflict scholar John Burton, implying that if one does not meet his or her needs he/she might do anything to strive to meet them. The people of Omay have been deprived of their needs in all facets; first the previous government relocated them to create Lake Kariba for the hydroelectric plant. They were not compensated. They were dumped on very arid, tsetse fly infested mountainous areas adjacent to game reserves and national parks where they have to make do with wildlife; some that destroy their few crops (elephants) and others that kill them or their animals (lions). As a minority group they have been engaged in social unrest and small skirmishes with government and other, bigger ethnic groups as a form of resistance. A deliberate affirmative action to channel funds towards raising their living standards and develop their area so that they meet their needs could be the panacea to the social unrest.
12
Carlock, Robert Michael. "A New (Bowling Green State) University: Educational Activism, Social Change, and Campus Protest in the Long Sixties." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1555087986990235.
Full text
13
Kawalerowicz, Juta. "Hotbeds of unrest and extremism : how social context influences political participation in the 21st century : Britain, from rioting to far right party membership." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9602b1e9-6771-4579-b527-e08865ef1243.
Full textAbstract:
British politics at the start of the 21st century provide a good setting for examining factors associated with mobilisation for extremist politics. This thesis is concerned with the relationship between individuals' preferences, their local setting and political behaviour. With focus on two outcomes - participation in urban rioting and support for a far right party - this thesis is divided into two parts and consists of five research papers addressing different aspects of mobilisation. In the first part we focus on urban disorder and examine police arrest records from the London riot of 2011. Much of the sociological literature has focused on variation in rioting across cities; here we examine variation within London by mapping the residential addresses of 1,620 rioters onto over 25,000 neighbourhoods. Our findings challenge the orthodoxy that rioting is not explained by deprivation or by disorganisation. Furthermore, we present evidence suggesting the importance of political grievances, in particular relations with the police, and examine the process of mobilisation to show that it was aided by spatial proximity and social similarity. In the second part we look at factors associated with engagement with far right politics. We use individual attitudinal data from the British Election Study to examine whether concerns over immigration are associated with the actual experience of immigration in one's place of residence. The results suggest that local setting does play some role, although individual factors seem to be more important. Secondly, we use leaked British National Party membership list to map 12,536 far right supporters onto over 200,000 neighbourhoods in Britain. Our findings underline the importance of a larger geographic context, where some spatial configurations present particularly fertile grounds for the far right; we also report the relative unimportance of cultural threat and significance of the social distance. Lastly, we question the recently advocated 'legacy effect' and suggest that white flight mechanism may possibly be an alternative way of thinking about organisational continuity.
14
Memola, Giovanni. "Leaden Italy, Lost Italy : a cross-cultural (re)assessment of the Italian crime film in the years of terrorism and social unrest (1969-early 1980s)." Thesis, University of Winchester, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.698195.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the generic body of a vast group of commercial crime films produced in Italy during the anni di piombo or Leaden Years, a time peculiarly marked by widespread episodes of political violence and tragic facts of terrorism (1969-early 1980s). These films achieved resounding success at the national box-office by conjugating the aesthetic of foreign crime films and formulas with clear references to the grim and violent Italian reality. The aim of this thesis is to assess how, and to what extent, problems and concerns associated with contemporaneous historical events had effectively influenced their production and consumption as well as their generic identity. In contrast with traditional (and prevailing) critical accounts, this thesis contends that these films and their generic images are less concerned with terrorism and related political extremism than they are with other contemporaneous social events, such as the reigniting of culturally deep-seated regional tensions, and the crisis of a national benchmark such as the patriarchal family. In discussing this point, this thesis provides a thorough historical contextualization of the Leaden Years which does not rest exclusively on political-terrorist issues, but takes into account other topical social problems, as well as reconstructing the cultural and political-ideological complexity that marked this era. Arguments in support of this thesis have been crucially elaborated through referencing historiographical material and critical sources mostly from Italy, in an attempt to further provide the examination of these films and of their generic identity with an Italian critical and cultural perspective to date scarcely represented in the Anglo-American film studies upon which the theoretical body of the Italy crime film is prevalently built.
15
Sears, Jason History Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "'Something peculiar to themselves'? : a social history of the Executive Branch officers of the Royal Australian Navy, 1913-1950." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of History, 1997. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38736.
Full textAbstract:
In 1985 Richard Preston identified three Royal Navy (RN) traditions (recruitment of officers at an early age, selection of officers from an elite social group, and insistence on sea service) which had shaped the Royal Canadian Navy (RCN). These traditions, he argued, ensured a high level of professionalism amongst officers in the infant RCN, as well as complete interoperability between the two navies, but failed to recognise the distinct needs of Canadian society. Consequently, from the Second World War onwards the RCN chose to move away from the British model and to ???Canadianise??? its officer corps. The Royal Australian Navy (RAN) also adopted these traditions, and they are examined here in the context of the social backgrounds, development and character of the permanent executive branch officers of the RAN between 1913 and 1950. This thesis argues that while the British model ensured a high level of professionalism within the RAN officer corps, in many other areas the system proved to be of doubtful utility for Australia. Although the Australian government tried to ensure that its naval officers maintained an Australian character and identity, the selection, training and operational policies of the RAN meant that its officers were, to all intents and purposes, virtually indistinguishable from their RN colleagues. While RAN officers were highly disciplined and professional men with excellent seamanship skills, unfortunately a wide social gulf developed between the Navy???s officers and its sailors. Further, the essentially scientific and practical education and indoctrination that naval officers received in their early years, combined with their narrow professional development, meant that they were, at best, only average higher level administrators and often performed poorly in dealings with their Australian political masters. The system produced a conservative type of officer, suspicious of political activity and intellectual effort, bound to the tradition of ???the Silent Service???, who felt that his country did not understand his work or sacrifices but who had not the capacity to change such community perceptions. Lacking highly educated and politically aware senior officers, the RAN found it difficult to cope with social changes after the Second World War. Consequently, the ???Australianisation??? of the naval officer corps was a slow and painful process and the profession of naval officer in Australia was to be even more marginal than numbers alone dictated.
16
Matondi, Prosper Bvumiranayi. "The struggle for access to land and water resources in Zimbabwe : the case of Shamva district /." Uppsala : Swedish Univ. of Agricultural Sciences (Sveriges lantbruksuniv.), 2001. http://epsilon.slu.se/avh/2001/91-576-5805-6_abstract+errata.pdf.
Full text
17
Tang, Wing-yan. "Social unrests in transitional China : 1996-2000 /." View Abstract or Full-Text, 2003. http://library.ust.hk/cgi/db/thesis.pl?SOSC%202003%20TANG.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M. Phil.)--Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, 2003.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 49-50). Also available in electronic version. Access restricted to campus users.
18
Yousef, Sahar Farid. "Three Essays on the Economic Causes of Conflict." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1606771186493627.
Full text
19
Weyant, Thomas Bradley. ""Your Years Here Have Been Most Unreal": Political and Social Activism during the Vietnam War Era at Northern Appalachian Universities." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1459955464.
Full text
20
Romero, Elisabet Adeva. "Analysis and simulation of social unrest in Europe: towards understanding social unrest in Europe." Master's thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/11548.
Full textAbstract:
Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Science in Geospatial Technologies<br>Protest in Europe where analyzed to foster an understanding of the distribution and
the behaviour of those during from 2000 to 2010 time frame.
The main object of this study is to discover if there is a relation between economic,
social and other variables available in Eurostat in order to discover a pattern in the
protests in Europe. For this purpose, least squared method and spatial point pattern
analysis method were applied in the R Software environment. The final output
indicates that variables can’t explain a cause-effect relation of protests due to tis
behaviour is complex and Europe is an inhomogeneous area. In the other hand, we
saw that protest tend to increase mostly when other protest have happened in the
past.
Protest location are scattered within the European megalopolis, and reveals attraction
to some capitals some hot spots patterns are observed. They are mostly located in
urban areas, close to the borders with other European countries. The resulting models
discovered that protest/events distributions do not imitate an inhomogeneous Poisson
process and thus we tried to model the behaviour describing special interaction
between locations of protests.
The best interaction model was chosen by computing different distances. We
analyzed the whole Europe area and due a strong influence of United Kingdom we
computed the same model to Germany, France, United Kingdom and Spain. Finally,
a step further spatial-temporal analysis was taken only for Spain.
This analysis is one of the first analyses set by the recently launched Global Database
of Events, Language, and Tone (GDELT), a big free online data base of over 250m
events and 300 categories including riots and protests codified from world news
sources.
After this analysis we recommend, further analysis should contain models that apply
border contagion including time.
21
Taso, Wen Han, and 曹文瀚. "The research of social unrest in Northern China of the Jing Dynasties." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/49578429968855358164.
Full textAbstract:
博士<br>中國文化大學<br>史學系<br>104<br>The research of social unrest in China, which refers to peasant wars and rual upheaval, now mets a transforming situation that the old model has been abandoned and the new model hasn’t been yet established. Therefore, this dissertation reviews those work, written by Chinese and Taiwanese Scholars in the 20th century on social unrest. Through their discourse it points out that those relatine researches favor evaluating instead of analyzing and attemps to reveal what those scholars, who studied dining the changing academic tendency making the research of social unrest so difficult, through important to be paid attentions and analyzed when they did relative researches. As well it tries to realize their theories. In this dissertation, it mainly unfolds according both periodization and the following concerns.
1. Quantification analysis, including times, regions, type, leaders, members, as well as the “result” distribution of the social unrest association in the fourth chapter.
2. The influences of external environment on various society during different times. That is discussing the factors leading the social unrest in different periods.
3. The developing process and ways of the rebels. It observes the mobilzations, ogorizations and comurications of various social unrest and attempts to analyze how the members of the social unrests achieve their goals and what the ideologies offected on their activities.
4. The policies and efficiencies of governments. Focusing on the social controls, it observes the government’s policies and results to keep social orders, reduce the social conflicts, and raise the powers for suppressing societies.
Besides broadly discussion the social unrests of the North China in Jing Dynasty, this dissertation also discusses some issue like “the rebellion populace are the most in number in Emperor Shih-tsung’s reign(1161-1189)”, “Issues of land system in Jing Dynasties ”, and “Class composition of the unrest groups in late Jing(1209-1232)”, and raised my personal opioions. It also focuses in the developing process of the unrest groups and their ways for rebellion, as well as the changes of the Jing government's policy. More emphasis during various times. Comparing with the past works which prefer emphasizing on the social unrest of war period, this dissertation focuses on the social unrest during the peace time.
Despite of the limitation of historical materials, viewing angle, and the author's ability, there are still somethings needed to be strengthened portion, however this dissertation should provide some ideas for future researchers.
22
Iqbal, Mir Zafar. "Unrest in the state of Jammu and Kashmir: A quest of some psycho-social correlates." Thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2009/3591.
Full text
23
Richards, Nicole. "Detailing changes in state prisons, 1974-2000, and explaining social unrest as a function of social structure, institutional characteristics, and political context." 2007. http://www.etda.libraries.psu.edu/theses/approved/WorldWideIndex/ETD-1954/index.html.
Full text
24
Lowry, Linda L. "St. Croix and Hurricane Hugo: A case study of tourism dependence, brute destruction, and civil unrest from a communication perspective." 1991. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI9207428.
Full textAbstract:
This case study encompasses the issues of cultural difference, moral orders, and the public and private accounts of the conflicted patterns of interaction that occur when differing, often incommensurable, ways of being human and living a life of dignity and honor are not rendered comparable. Instead, these ways of being in the world promote and privilege a type of "us and them" $\...$ "we're right and you're wrong" diatribe that (re)creates and increases the socio-cultural tensions on the island of St. Croix. The focus of this research was on the narratives about the patterns of interactions between "Locals" (Black/Crucian men and women) and "Expatriates" (White men and women); "Relief workers" (White/"Off-Islander" men) and "Islanders" (both "Locals" and "Expatriates"); and, most importantly, between "Local" (Black/Crucian) men and women and how these practices are associated with tourism and the racial/social/political tensions on the island. Narrative data obtained through field interviews with people who live on or are presently working on St. Croix were analyzed by interpreting the data in light of Pearce and Cronen's (1980) CMM conversational model of analysis. CMM helped me to look at the narratives about communication practices in which people (re)create, manage, and transform social reality and to interpret how these discursive practices (re)create problematic ways of living. CMM also provided a way of describing how some people where "stuck" in their conflict or were able to reframe their situation to break free from the conflict. This way of interpreting narrative data illuminated the dual and sometimes triple cultural patterns and associated lifestyles, social class, and relationships that the Black Crucian men and women have to make sense of in the living of their lives. Without CMM analysis of the data, the distinctions between the "us and them" relationships would not have been identified nor would the gender related issues of black Crucian men and women have been associated with tourism practices. Key findings are categorized into the following topic areas: (1) use of physical space, (2) "us and them" situations and the acculturation process of Black Male and Female Crucians, (3) tourism as a catalyst for change, and (4) the changes brought about by the devastation of Hurricane Hugo.
25
Machado, Bruno André Rodrigues. "Actuação policial em zonas urbanas sensíveis: da desordem ao unrest." Master's thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.26/24790.
Full textAbstract:
As incessantes e transversais transformações sociais implicam uma exigente mudança de ideologias e paradigmas nas instâncias de controlo formal estatais. A PSP, como entidade garante do Estado de Direito Democrático, responsável, também, pela ordem e tranquilidade públicas da comunidade, não se alheia a este desígnio, sendo-lhe exigida uma constante adaptação e integração ao meio em que actua. Um fenómeno actual e emergente, que deveras afecta a qualidade de vida e o sentimento de (in)segurança dos cidadãos, consta dos mediatizados fenómenos da desordem e violência urbana, ocorridos em zonas urbanas sensíveis (ZUS). Estes locais, detentores de características especiais, implicam, por parte da PSP, um olhar singular, dada a particularidade dos problemas sócio-criminais que os afectam. A contínua vigilância e o trabalho delicado que as ZUS exigem, releva ainda mais em situações de desordem e, principalmente, no cessar destas, aquando do restabelecimento de relações entre polícia e comunidade (unrest), bem como no aliviar de tensões subjacentes. É nas acções de manutenção e reposição da ordem em ZUS, pretendendo devolver a estas comunidades um estado de normalidade estável e duradouro, que se verifica uma manifesta interacção entre os pilares reactivo e preventivo da PSP. Sendo certo que não cabe em exclusivo, a esta força de segurança, delinear o caminho a trilhar na melhoria das condições e da qualidade de vida, nestas zonas e nas áreas envolventes, a mesma tem percorrido um profícuo trajecto, fundamentada num modelo de policiamento de proximidade, orientado para os problemas das comunidades e, sobretudo, dos cidadãos
26
Úlehlová, Radka. "Současná Francie: zpráva o koloniálním dědictví: nová národní identita." Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-313610.
Full textAbstract:
anglicky: Title of the thesis: Today's France: Report on Colonial Heritage: New National Identity Keywords: colonization, decolonization, immigration, integration, the Law of February 23 2005, suburban social unrest in 2005, Great Debate on National Identity Abstract: The following study deals with history of colonization and its repercussions on the current situation in France and its demography from the sociological, cultural and political point of view. The study is divided into two parts: the history and the present. The first part is based on works of historians and analyses the colonial history of France and the process of decolonization. The second part focuses on legacy of the colonial adventure on the present, it follows the discussions in the French press, works on French immigration and integration and analyses of researchers studying repercussions of colonial past on the present. The second part also includes history and specificities of immigration and integration in France, the Law of February 23 2005 on the positive role of French presence abroad, the suburban unrest of 2005 and the Great Debate on National Identity.
27
Cheng, Hui-Chun, and 鄭慧君. "The perspective of social criticism in the novel “Professor Unrat” by Heinrich Mann." Thesis, 2000. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/38809667810576506508.
Full textAbstract:
碩士<br>輔仁大學<br>德國語文學系<br>88<br>The novel "Professor Unrat", published by Heinrich Mann in 1905, didn't be placed a high value in the beginning. It is
simply treated as the novel of describing contemporary scandals. After the proving during one century, Heinrich
Mann not only was known as a standout novelist in social criticism, but a series of his writing was taken as successful
social critical and epoch-making masterpiece. "Professor Unrat" is the master work which criticize chaotic
phenomenon in the later period of Emperor Wilhelm Ⅱ.
According to the leading role - a German language teacher "Professor Unrat", it criticizes the style of high school
education and contents. It reflected how temporal imperialism interfered in educational policy and made a submissive
group of people which accorded with imperialism. It also expressed author's comment about the petty bourgeois at the
time. He holes the view that one reason of empire's ruin bases on the petty bourgeois insistence of self-benefits, their
external servility and loyalty. Because of their internal void and frailty, it is easy for them to accept varied art,
especially a French traditional trivial-performance-art. The poor, inane substance of performances shows petty
bourgeois low taste of art, and it also presents the culture in decay. We can see this novel as a mantic one. In this book,
the description of lead's characteristic makes us to associate with German emperor Kaiser Wilhelm
Ⅱ. and Hitler. And the end of his self-destruction is similar to the ruin of the second and the third empire.