Academic literature on the topic 'Socialism in Spain'

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Journal articles on the topic "Socialism in Spain"

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Przeworski, Adam. "Wird der »Osten« zum »Süden«?" PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 22, no. 86 (March 1, 1992): 89–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v22i86.1089.

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In retrospect, it is easier to acknowledge the »necessary« collapse of Eastem European socialism than explaining it in terms of what brought it about. The Theory of Totalitarianism had blurred the view on the social dynamics of real-socialist societies, in the course of which the binding-force of state-sustaining ideology had been increasingly eroded over the past decades. In the end, this was also among those in power - hence the bloodless course ofthe uprisings. What will the future hold: flourishing capitalism, as in the case of Spain, or a South-American-type poor capitalism?
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Granadino, Alan. "Possibilities and Limits of Southern European Socialism in the Iberian Peninsula: French, Portuguese and Spanish Socialists in the mid-1970s." Contemporary European History 28, no. 3 (August 2019): 390–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000067.

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AbstractThis article discusses the relations between the French, Portuguese and Spanish socialist parties during the transitions to democracy in the Iberian Peninsula (1974–7). It focuses on the attempt of these parties to establish a distinctive ideological trend, Southern European socialism. The main argument is that the French socialists attempted to promote their ideological line – and predominantly the union between socialists and communists – in the Iberian Peninsula during the transitions to democracy. The Portuguese Socialist Party and the Spanish Socialist Workers Party initially considered following this line. However, the radicalisation of the Portuguese revolution in the sensitive context of Cold War détente, as well as the involvement of the European social democrats in both Portugal and Spain against the union of the left, prevented this model from being further considered by the Spanish and Portuguese socialist parties. Nevertheless, all these parties showed interest in promoting a common Southern European Socialist identity that differed from European social democracy as well as from Soviet communism, considering it useful in the struggle for hegemony within the left.
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Nilsson, Mikael. "Swedish Catholicism and Authoritarian Ideologies: Attitudes to Communism, National Socialism, Fascism, and Authoritarian Conservatism in a Swedish Catholic Journal, 1922–1945." Fascism 5, no. 1 (May 26, 2016): 66–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00501004.

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This article investigates the attitude to communism, National Socialism, Fascism, and authoritarian conservatism in the Swedish Catholic Church’s journal Credo from 1922 to 1945. The comparative approach has made it possible to see how the journal distinguished between the various forms of authoritarian ideologies in Europe during this period. The article shows that the Catholic Church in Sweden took a very negative view of communism (the Soviet Union and the Spanish Republic) and strongly condemned it throughout the period, while it took a largely very positive stance towards Fascism (Italy) and Authoritarian Conservativism (Spain and Portugal). In the case of National Socialism (Nazi Germany) the attitude was more diverse. Credo was largely negative towards National Socialism but only because it was thought to threaten Catholics and Catholicism in Germany. However, Credo never criticized discrimination and genocidal violence against the Jews.
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Natalia, Samsonova. "Spain at the End of the 19th – beginning of the 20th Century in the Russian Socio-Political Discourse." Latin-American Historical Almanac 29 (March 26, 2021): 40–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-29-1-40-62.

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The article studies the response of the Russian reading public to the socio-political situation in Spain at the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th century (the Spanish-American War, Tragic Week of 1909, the manifestation of regionalism and anti-clericalism, caciquism, the development of the ideas of socialism, working class movement). The author analyses common and different things in socio-political processes that were taking place in Russia and Spain of that period as well as the pe-culiarity of Russia`s perception of the Spanish events. In the `90s of the 19th century the Spanish-American War of 1898 acted as an impedi-ment to the dynamics of the image of Spain. The similarity of the socio-political situation, social upheaval in Spain and Russia of the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th century increase the urgency of the “vision” of Spain by Russian society, make its perception in Russia more fragmented.
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Szanajda, Andrew, and David A. Messenger. "The German Secret State Police in Spain: Extending the Reach of National Socialism." International History Review 40, no. 2 (March 31, 2017): 397–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2017.1309563.

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Medina Rojo, Óscar. "La política al margen de la política (Julián Besteiro, 1936 – 1938) = Politics Outside Politics (Julian Besteiro, 1936 – 1938)." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie V, Historia Contemporánea, no. 32 (June 23, 2020): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfv.32.2020.27081.

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Julián Besteiro es un político clave para entender la España que transita desde la crisis de 1917 hasta la Guerra Civil, y como tal ha sido ampliamente estudiado por la historiografía. Sin embargo, su figura se nos presenta algo desdibujada desde finales de 1935, cuando deja de publicarse Democracia (principal órgano de expresión de su corriente socialista), hasta su participación en el golpe de estado contra Negrín de marzo de 1939. El presente artículo intenta mostrar que este periodo de su vida no fue de total inactividad política, ya que aun desde fuera de los puestos de responsabilidad, intentó ejercer su influencia dentro del socialismo español; en concreto se analiza su actuación en dos momentos clave: el semestre anterior al estallido de la Guerra Civil, y la crisis socialista de 1938. Para algunos de sus contemporáneos, la opción Besteiro existió en diferentes momentos y para diferentes puestos, tales como presidente de la República en 1936, o presidente del PSOE y miembro de un Gobierno de la paz en 1938.AbstractJulián Besteiro is a key politician to understand Spain from the crisis of 1917 until the Civil War, and as such he has been widely studied by the historiography. But there is a period less known in Besteiro’s life: the years running from the closure of Democracia (the main publication of his wing of Spanish socialism) at the end of 1935, to his involvement in the coup d’etat that would overthrow Negrin’s government in March 1939. This article attempts to show that this period in Besteiro’s life was not of total political inactivity: even from outside the positions of responsibility, he tried to exert his influence within Spanish socialism; in particular, this article analyses Besteiro’s stand in two key moments: the semester prior to the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, and the crisis of the socialist party in 1938. For some of his contemporaries, the Besteiro option existed at different moments and for different roles, namely as President of the Republic in 1936, President of PSOE and member of a government to negotiate peace in 1938.
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Hidalgo García, Sara. "Emociones socialistas en la huelga minera de 1890. La formación de la conciencia de clase y el giro emocional / Socialist Emotions during the Miner’ Strike of 1890. The Formation of Class Consciousness and the Emotional Turn." Historiografías, no. 10 (December 28, 2017): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_historiografias/hrht.2015102389.

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This article suggests a new way of analysis of the process of class consciousness formation in the Biscay basin of the Nervión (Spain) during the late nineteenth century. To this purpose the tools from the emotional turn theory are used, namely the concept of emotional regime understood as set of emotional expressions and normative emotions that underpins a political regime. The process will be studied through the great miner strike of 1890, the founding event of the working class movement in this area, or emotional response to the experience of social, economic and political changes by some miners in the Triano-Somorrostro zone. In this way, a “red Socialist emotional regime” would have emerged in 1890 which, from the Biscay labour class, revolved around aspects such as: defence of a code of dignity, pacifism in the protest, and a new and strong emotional norm to create community such as solidarity.Key WordsEmotional turn, Biscay socialism, working class, miners, red Socialist emotional regime, 1890 strike in Biscay.ResumenEste artículo propone un análisis renovado del proceso de formación de la conciencia de clase en la cuenca vizcaína del Nervión (España) a finales del siglo XIX. Para ello se usan las herramientas que proporciona la teoría del giro emocional, en concreto el concepto de régimen emocional o la normatividad emocional que sirve de base al régimen político. El estudio se centra en la huelga minera de 1890, acontecimiento fundacional del movimiento obrero en esta área, que es explicado como la expresión de la respuesta emocional de la experiencia de los cambios sociales, económicos y políticos dada por algunos obreros mineros de Triano-Somorrostro. Así, en 1890 habría nacido un “régimen emocional socialista rojo” que, surgido de la clase obrera vizcaína, pivotó sobre elementos tales como la defensa de un código de dignidad obrero, el pacifismo en las acciones de protesta, y la aparición de una nueva y poderosa norma emocional para crear comunidad como es la solidaridad.Palabras claveGiro emocional, socialismo vizcaíno, clase obrera, mineros, régimen emocional socialista rojo, huelga de 1890 en Vizcaya.
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Sheffi, Na'ama. "The Jewish Expulsion from Spain and the Rise of National Socialism on the Hebrew Stage." Jewish Social Studies: History, Culture, and Society 5, no. 3 (April 1999): 82–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jss.1999.5.3.82.

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Sheffi, Na'ama. "The Jewish Expulsion from Spain and the Rise of National Socialism on the Hebrew Stage." Jewish Social Studies 5, no. 3 (1999): 82–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jss.1999.0009.

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Strazzeri, Victor. "Forging socialism through democracy: a critical review survey of literature on Eurocommunism." Twentieth Century Communism 17, no. 17 (September 1, 2019): 26–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864319827751330.

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The article provides a critical overview of the latest phase of scholarly engagement with Eurocommunism, firstly, by pointing out the resilience of a 'Cold War framing' in many of the new studies of the phenomenon, secondly, by stressing the resulting blind spots in the assessment of its geographical scope (e.g., the lack of attention paid to Spain, scarce contributions on Eurocommunism's ramifications beyond West Europe). It then proposes a de-centred perspective on the phenomenon that is able to encompass its global roots and outreach, especially regarding the Third World; contrary to the prevalent focus on individual national cases of Eurocommunism, the article calls for a framing of Eurocommunist coordination as a transnational formation, so that both the leading role of Italian communists and the cross-border exchanges that shaped it can factor into a revised scholarly engagement with the topic. From this vantage point, Eurocommunism emerges as a strategy of transition for the global conjuncture of multiple crises that the 1970s represented, one that nevertheless failed to present a viable alternative to neoliberalism, another product of the decade in question. The article concludes by approaching the little explored gender dimension of Eurocommunism, visible in its entanglement with the second-wave feminism.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Socialism in Spain"

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McLellan, Josie. "Remembering Spain : the contested history of the International Brigades in the German Democratic Republic." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.391191.

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Corkett, Thomas. "Interactions between the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo and the Unión General de Trabajadores in Spain and Catalonia, 1931-1936." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2782/.

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At the moment of the founding of the Second Republic in April 1931, the labour movement in Spain was dominated by two organizations, namely the anarcho-syndicalist Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) and the socialist Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT). The Second Republic marked the first period in which the two organizations had concurrently operated openly since the Primo de Rivera dictatorship had made the CNT illegal at the same time as the UGT had agreed to cooperate with the General’s corporatist project. With the founding of the Republic, a long-standing organizational and ideological hostility between the two organizations was exacerbated by the fact of the UGT actively participating in the reform project of the Republican-socialist government and the CNT increasingly opposing that project. However, the Republic progressively became polarized between left and right; as fascist regimes came to the fore across Europe, increasingly large sectors of the Spanish left called for a unity of their forces to prevent a similar occurrence in Spain. The outbreak of the Civil War in July 1936 made this unity even more imperative. This thesis focuses on interactions between the CNT and the UGT between 1931 and 1936 within this socio-political context, primarily from the perspective of the CNT. The thesis traces and analyses the evolution of CNT as a national actor’s overall position on the UGT from one of outright hostility to a stance of proposing a revolutionary alliance with it in 1936. The thesis also examines interactions between the two organizations in Catalonia, which was both the CNT's birthplace and stronghold and a region in which the UGT had historically garnered little support. In addition to highlighting the pivotal role that the Catalan CNT had in determining the CNT's national-level stance on the UGT throughout this period, the thesis explores how the anarcho-syndicalist movement in the region presented its socialist counterpart as the embodiment of a socialist- and state-sponsored project to destroy the CNT, and also examines the largely hostile encounters between CNT and UGT unions in workplaces and localities across the region.
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Torres, Margaret. "Anarchism old and new : the reconstruction of the Confederacion Nacional del Trabajo, 1976-1979." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1987. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/112018/.

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The major objective of my thesis was to understand why sectors of the reconstructed anarcho-syndicalist trade union, the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo, were addressing concerns which were identical to sectors of the Marxist Left in other countries of Europe, For my views on anarchism had been informed by a Marxist interpretation of anarchism, which rested on the assumption that anarchism was an agrarian, and/or a petit bourgeois philopsopy which could have little relevance in advanced industrial societies. This anomaly - my experience of anarchist militants within the CUT, and the vision of anarchism expounded by "classical" Marxism - led me to undertake an historical study of the Spanish anarchist movement and a theoretical study of Marxist and anarchist thought. Moreover, in order to understand the demands of the anarchists and the CNT during the 1960's and 1970's, I had to thoroughly study the developments which had taken place within the workers' and student movements during the Francoist period, and the nature of the CUT organisation in exile, factors which would bear heavily on the CNT's attempt at reconstruction. Through extensive interviewing and the use of documents, I tried to piece together the process of anarchist re-emergence in Spain from the mid-1960s, and the nature of the reconstruction of the CUT during the political transition to democracy in Spain in 1976-1979. The overall theme of my thesis centres on the relationship between Marxism and anarchism, and their relationship to historical development and tradition. By emphasising the importance of historical tradition - the political aspect most sorely underestimated in both Marxist and anarchist thought - I hope my thesis will contribute towards the possibility of a more realisable socialist utopia.
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Marin, Vincent. "Le projet réformiste du PSOE (1979-1986) : construction et mise en œuvre dun socialisme repensé." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015TOU20051.

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Cette thèse cherche à définir les caractéristiques structurelles de l’identité politique du Parti Socialiste Ouvrier Espagnol telle qu’elle s’est construite entre le Congrès Extraordinaire du Parti de septembre 1979 et la fin de la première législature de Felipe González en juin 1986. Le premier chapitre analyse les différentes phases ayant permis au socialisme espagnol de se doter d’une architecture identitaire solide préalablement à son éclatante victoire aux élections générales du 28 octobre 1982. Cette étape antérieure à l’accession aux responsabilités marqua en effet l’inscription du Parti dans de nouveaux paradigmes idéologiques et stratégiques tels que la prise en compte de l’opinion publique, une intégration partielle des marqueurs de la social-démocratie, ou encore une approche continuiste de la question territoriale et de la politique militaire. Le second chapitre révèle le haut niveau de cohérence entre le projet politique et le contenu de l’action réformiste menée. L’étude contrastée de l’offre programmatique du PSOE et des réformes mises en œuvre entre octobre 1982 et juin 1986 montre en effet que le socialisme espagnol confirma, dans la praxis, les principales composantes structurelles de l’identité politique définies en amont. Cette approche comparative permet cependant d’identifier un certain nombre de renoncements et de rééquilibrages programmatiques qui sont analysés dans un troisième chapitre. Au cours de la Législature, le PSOE au pouvoir procéda en effet à une redéfinition doctrinale en matière de politique étrangère, évolua vers des paradigmes sécuritaires et amorça le passage d’une identité social-démocrate hétérodoxe à une identité social-libérale
The aim of this dissertation is to define the organizational features of the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party as they have been shaped by the party’s Extraordinary Congress from September 1979 to the end of the Second Legislative Session in 1986. The first chapter is an analysis of the different phases which led to the building of a strong underpinning architecture before the decisive victory at the general elections of June, 28th 1982. This preliminary phase to power marked an ideological and strategical shift characterized by the consideration of the public opinion, a partial integration of social-democratic markers, or a continuist approach of the territorial question and of the military policy. The second chapter sheds light in the extreme coherence between the political project and the nature of the concrete reformist actions. The contrastive study of the SSWP’s projects and the reforms between October 1982 and June 1986 shows that, in practice, Spanish Socialism implemented the organizational structures of their political identity as they had previous defined it. This comparative approach enables to however to identify a number of programmatic renunciations and readjustment which are analyzed in the 3rd chapter. During their Legislature, the SSWP in power redefined the doctrine in terms of international affairs, adopted a security policy or shift from a heterodox social democratic identity to a social liberal one
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Grimaldi, toro Daniel. "La transformation de la gauche socialiste en Espagne et au Chili : pour une sociologie historique comparative et relationnelle de la "rénovation" des socialismes." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017EHES0016.

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Cette thèse en études politiques aborde l’évolution des partis socialistes espagnol (PSOE) et chilien (PSCH) depuis leurs origines, suivant leurs trajectoires pendant leurs processus de consolidation, de radicalisation, de rupture et de rénovation, suite aux dictatures de Francisco Franco et d’Augusto Pinochet. Notre travail dévoile les connexions entre ces deux partis politiques, en analysant de façon à la fois comparée et relationnelle leurs mutations les plus importantes en matière idéologique et stratégique. aaaaaaLes relations entre ces deux partis soulignent la manière par laquelle deux types de socialisme de nature différente trouvent un point de convergence dans un contexte de sortie de dictature, établissant des alliances et des influences mutuelles, qui déterminent un cheminement des socialismes espagnol et chilien débouchant sur le « socialisme démocratique » au sein de l’Internationale Socialiste. Notre thèse signale l’existence d’un espace sociopolitique Ibéro-américain formé par un ensemble de relations entre les dirigeants politiques espagnols et chiliens, par la circulation d’idées, de savoirs et de leur appropriation de manière différente au sein de chaque parti, déterminant les frontières de ce que le socialisme veut dire au sein de chaque pays
This Ph.D thesis on political studies analyses the evolution of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE) and the Chilean Socialist Party (PSCH) since their origins, by following their trajectories throughout their processes of consolidation, radicalization, breakdown and rénovation during the dictatorships of Francisco Franco and Augusto Pinochet. From a comparative perspective, the work reveals the connections between these political parties by taking into account their ideological and strategic transformations, as well as their mutual influences. Despite being different types of socialism, such connections lead these parties to common new strategies by establishing alliances and mutual influences in order to overcome dictatorships. The relationship between the transformation of PSOE and the PSCH shows a convergence of these political parties in a new form of "democratic socialism" within the Socialist International. Our thesis explains the existence of an Ibero-American socio-political space formed by a set of relations between Spanish and Chilean political leaders, through the circulation of ideas, knowledge and their own understandings, which determine the boundaries of what socialism means within each country
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Chartier, Chantal. "Entreprise de presse et journalisme économique en Espagne [1975-1990] [Étude de El País Negocios de 1985 à 1990]." Thesis, Paris 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA030130.

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Cette étude aborde l’évolution de l’entreprise de presse en Espagne pendant la Transition démocratique et sous le pouvoir socialiste de Felipe González. Renouveau démocratique et continuité en lien avec la tradition culturelle libérale du début du XXe siècle marquent les changements qui s’opèrent au sein du journalisme espagnol. Le milieu des années 1980 voit l’émergence du marché très convoité de la presse économique. El País, fondé sur un projet régénérationniste, parangon de la presse écrite dite de qualité, diversifie ses publications et crée El País Negocios, supplément économique hebdomadaire. Ce périodique de l’organe d’influence qu’est devenu El País s’adresse en priorité aux nouvelles élites socio-économiques, un public d’entrepreneurs et de cadres en quête de modernité économique. Politiques économiques, relations salariales, représentations managériales illustrent les modifications vécues dans le monde de l’entreprise au sein d’une Espagne qui intègre pleinement l’environnement européen et adopte les modèles néolibéraux. L’analyse du discours politique et économique éclaire l’évolution idéologique du périodique, reflet d’une démarche consensuelle et d’une société civile en construction
This study focuses upon the press industry and its evolution in Spain during the Democratic Transition and under the Socialist power of Felipe González. Democratic renewal and continuity with early 20th Century culturally liberal tradition illustrate the changes which marked Spanish journalism. Markets emerging in the mid-1980s were highly coveted by the economic press. Founded upon a regenerationist project and making a claim to quality, El País diversified its publications to create the weekly economic supplement El País Negocios. A periodical of this media organ of influence, El País Negocios targets in particular socio-economic elites, a public of young executives and entrepreneurs in quest of economic modernity. Economic policies, employment relations just as managerial representations portray the transformations underway in Spain’s business world, one which fully integrates the framework of Europe and appropriates neo-liberal models. Our analysis of political and economic discourse sheds light upon the periodical’s ideology, an approach which enhances consensus and reflects the difficult construction of civil society
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Sánchez, León Pablo. "Absolutismo y comunidad : los orígenes sociales de la guerra de los comuneros de Castilla /." Madrid : Siglo XXI de España Ed, 1998. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/25271184X.pdf.

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Migliorini, Pablo. "The creation and development of university-based companies. Evidence from Spain." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/309133.

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A lo largo de esta tesis doctoral estudio el fenómeno de las empresas universitarias (EU). Las EU son empresas que han sido recientemente creadas por miembros de una universidad madre (profesorado, investigadores, estudiantes o personal administrativo) con el objetivo de comercializar el conocimiento y/o la tecnología inicialmente desarrollada en la universidad madre (UM). Basándose en el modelo de la Triple Hélice desarrollado por Etzkowitz durante los noventas, muchas de las universidades investigadoras en el mundo comenzaron a transferir conocimientos y tecnologías desarrolladas internamente al sector privado (mercados e industrias). En este sentido, las universidades investigadoras se han convertido en importantes polos de creación de nuevas empresas basadas en el conocimiento. Además, las EU son agentes locales de desarrollo socio-económico y en algunos casos las EU son las que impulsan el progreso y avance tecnológico a nivel regional. En el capítulo uno realizo un estudio bibliométrico y una revisión de literatura donde incluyo 328 documentos académicos (artículos, libros, tesis doctorales, etc.) accesibles a través de la base de datos Google Scholar. Los resultados del estudio revelan que las EU atrajeron la atención de los académicos a principios de los setenta y que en las últimas cuatro décadas hemos sido testigos de un fuerte incremento en el número de artículos, autores y revistas que tratan el fenómeno de las EU. Además, siguiendo una metodología cuantitativa, he sido capaz de clasificar la literatura sobre EU en tres corrientes principales: (i) estudios seminales sobre EU, (ii) la corriente principal en el estudio de EU y (iii) nuevas avenidas en la investigación de EU. En el capítulo dos, me baso en la revisión de literatura del capítulo anterior para desarrollar una definición coherente y ecléctica de las EU. Además en este capítulo también desarrollo una taxonomía de las EU identificando cuatro tipos de EU principales: (i) spin-offs académicas, (ii) start-ups académicas, (iii) spin-offs no-académicas y (iv) satrt-ups no-académicas. En la segunda parte del capítulo me baso en un estudio empírico de 94 EU creadas en Catalunya para desarrollar el perfil de cada uno de los tipos principales de EU identificados anteriormente. En el capítulo tres, realizo un estudio longitudinal para evaluar los factores de las universidades madre (UM) que son determinantes en la creación de EU. Los resultados revelan que los recursos físicos y humanos de las UM no afectan significativamente la tasa de creación de EU por parte de las UM, los recursos sociales y tecnológicos de las UM son factores determinantes en la creación de EU. En el capítulo cuatro, realizo un estudio de once casos de EU creadas con el apoyo de dos UM catalanas (la UAB y la UdG) para comprender cómo hacen las EU para sortear los obstáculos que se encuentran durante el proceso de creación y desarrollo. Los resultados del estudio revelan que las EU utilizan una amplia variedad de recursos, capacidades e instituciones del entorno para sobrepasar los obstáculos en su desarrollo empresarial. Finalmente en el capítulo cinco de esta tesis doctoral investigo cuál es la influencia del capital humano aportado por los fundadores de EU sobre la probabilidad de supervivencia de estas empresas. Basándome en la Teoría del Capital Humano y extendiendo el Modelo de Salida Emprendedora desarrollado por Gimeno et al. (1997), encuentro que mientras el capital humano que está relacionado con el conocimiento empresarial o universitario aumentan la probabilidad de supervivencia de las EU, el capital humano relacionado con el conocimiento del sector industrial tiene un efecto negativo sobre la probabilidad de supervivencia de las EU.
In this doctoral dissertation I study the phenomenon of university-based companies (UBC) in Spain. UBC are recently created companies founded by university members (faculty, researchers, students and staff) with the aim of commercially exploiting some knowledge or technology originally developed inside Parent Universities (PU). Based on the Triple Helix model developed by Etzkowitz in the nineties, most research universities started to transfer knowledge and technology developed in-house to the private sector (markets and industries). In this sense, during the last three decades research universities around the globe have become important poles of new venture creation. Moreover, UBC have proven to be significant agents of local socio-economic development and in some cases they become the drivers of regional technological progress. In chapter one, I have undertaken a comprehensive bibliometric study and a detailed literature review including 328 UBC-related documents published and accessible at Google Scholar database. The results show that the UBC have raised the attention of scholars during the early seventies and that there was a rampant increase in the number of published documents, authors and journals treating the UBC phenomenon during the last four decades. Moreover, following a quantitative methodology I have been able to classify the UBC literature in three main streams: (i) seminal UBC studies, (ii) mainstream UBC literature and (iii) new avenues in UBC research. In chapter two, I first draw on the literature reviewed in the previous chapter to develop an eclectic definition of UBC. Moreover, in chapter two I also developed a coherent UBC taxonomy and obtained four main types of UBC: (i) academic spin-offs (ASO), (ii) academic start-up (ASU), (iii) non-academic spin-off (USO) and (iv) non-academic start-up (USU). In the second part of this chapter, I draw on an empirical analysis of 94 UBC created with the support of ten Catalonian universities to characterize the profile of the different UBC types identified in the first part of the chapter. In chapter three we undertake a longitudinal study to evaluate Parent University (PU) determinant factors of UBC creation. Our results show that PU’s start-up resources, start-up capabilities and start-up institutions are significant predictors of UBC creation rates. In particular, we have found that while physical and human university start-up resources do not affect the rate of UBC creation by PU, technological and social university start-up resources are positively associated with the rate of UBC creation by PU. In chapter four I have done a multiple case study of eleven UBC created with the support of two Catalonian universities (UAB and UdG) to understand how UBC overcome obstacles (critical junctures) in their development process. The results show that UBC use a variety of resources, capabilities and institutions in order to overcome different critical junctures during their development process. In the final chapter of this doctoral dissertation I assess the influence of founders’ human capital characteristics over UBC survival. Drawing on the Human Capital Theory and extending the Threshold Model of Entrepreneurial Exit developed by Gimeno et al. (1997), I found that while UBC founders’ entrepreneurial human capital and university human capital enhance the probability of firm survival, industry human capital of founders is negatively related to UBC survival.
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Wilhelmsson, Josefine. "Nationalistiska partier : En komparativ uppsats av Scottish National Partys och Junts pel Sís partiprogram." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-49279.

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In this comparative study of the two regions, Catalonia and Scotland, the party manifestos of the nationalistic parties will be compared, through an ideological point of view. In 2014 media gave attention to the two referendums, that the countries held quite close to each other. Europe were waiting with tension on the first elections results. The Scottish people voted no to independence from the United Kingdom. The Catalan people still went to the polls with high anticipation for independence for Catalonia, eventhough Spain had called the referendum illegal due to being against the constitution.   In order to make a comparison between, the Scottish National Party and the coalition party Junts pel Sí, an ideological analysis has been made. The aim with the study is to see similarities and differences between the two regions’ nationalistic movements and also to tell them apart from other nationalistic movements, by defining the ideological type. The results show that they are both quite nationalistic in their nature, meaning that they both would prefer independence. However, the Scottish National Party is less striving for independence and seek more to have greater influence in the parliament at Westminster. The Catalan nationalistic coalition party, on the other hand, strongly wants  independence. They desire a liberal democracy with an open Catalan market to the world, by international partnerships, and memberships with important international organs like the EU.   Eventhough much might speak for the nationalistic movements’ similarities, many interesting and diverse differences were found. These discoveries are important because all nationalistic movements aren’t the same and shouldn’t be seen as such.
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Poggi, Ambra. "Social Exclusion in Spain: Measurement Theory and Application." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/4002.

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A pesar de la importancia de la exclusión social, no existe consenso sobre como se debe definir este fenómeno, ni de cómo debe medirse. El objetivo de esta tesis es afrontar estos problemas, definiendo una medida adecuada de exclusión social, para analizar posteriormente su dinámica. He desarrollado un enfoque de medición, de acuerdo con la definición operativa de exclusión social (considerando también estudios anteriores), para establecer si la exclusión social es un fenómeno parcialmente transitorio, así como para analizar las eventuales trayectorias de dependencia que la exclusión puede generar. Mi análisis es un nuevo enfoque para estudiar la exclusión social, y ofrece nueva evidencia empírica sobre la dinámica de la exclusión social en España desde el 1994 hasta el 2000 (usando los datos del panel europeo).
He definido exclusión social como el proceso multi-dimensional que lleva a un estado individual de exclusión respecto al resto de la sociedad donde el individuo vive. La exclusión social en un instante del tiempo se define como la imposibilidad de conseguir algunos importantes "functionings". La elección de una medida adecuada de exclusión social no es nada fácil. Propongo usar un caso especial de la generalization multidimensional del índice de Foster-Green-Thorbecke. La motivación principal es que este índice tiene buenas propiedades axiomáticas (Bourguignon and Chakravarty, 2003) y es capaz de operazionalizar el enfoque de la capacidad de Sen. Remarcar que este índice es también adecuado para capturar la multidimensionalidad de la exclusión social y da una idea sobre la intensidad de la exclusión.
He estudiado en profundidad la movilidad de la exclusión social siguiendo un enfoque relativo y utilizando las matrices de transición (análisis "two-stages"). Los principales motivos para usar las matrices de transición son los siguientes: primero, el análisis "two-stages" nos da una imagen sencilla de los movimientos de los individuos entre las clases especificas de exclusión social y, segundo, este análisis es robusto frente a la contaminación de los datos. Este tipo de análisis muestra que la exclusión social fue parcialmente un fenómeno transitorio.
Me he centrado también en las causas del proceso de exclusión social, y encontré que un individuo que experimenta exclusión hoy, tiene mayor probabilidad de experimentar exclusión mañana, debido a la heterogeneidad observable y no-observable entre individuos, así como a la existencia de un verdadero estado de dependencia. El análisis ha consistido en estimar un modelo no-lineal de datos de panel. He utilizado un enfoque "random effects", y he elegido la solución propuesta en Wooldridge (2002) para solucionar el problema de las condiciones iniciales. Este enfoque muestra la importancia de la existencia de un verdadero estado de dependencia, así como de heterogeneidad entre individuos tanto observable como no-observable.
Despite its importance, there is remarkably little consensus among scientists on the definition of "social exclusion" and, therefore, on the best way to measure it. My aim in this thesis has been to address key problems regarding how to identify an adequate measure of social exclusion and how to analyse social exclusion dynamics. I then proceeded to develop an approach to measurement which was in accord with the working definition of social exclusion (considering also the previous literature), and I used it to establish if social exclusion was partially transitory, and to study eventual dependence paths that exclusion might generate. Note that my analysis proposes new approaches to study social exclusion and offers fresh empirical evidence on social exclusion dynamics in Spain from 1994 to 2000 (using ECHP data).
I define social exclusion as a multidimensional dynamic process leading to a state of individual exclusion relative to the rest of the society where the individual lives in. Social exclusion at a point in time is defined as the impossibility to achieve some relevant functionings. The choice of an index able to adequately measure exclusion is not easy. I have proposed to use a special case of the multidimensional generalization of the Foster-Green-Thorbecke index. The main reason has been that this index fulfils a set of axiomatic properties (Bourguignon and Chakravarty, 2003) and it is able to operazionalize Sen's capability approach. Note that this index is also adequate to capture the multidimensionality of social exclusion and gives us information about the intensity of exclusion.
I have performed a detailed analysis of social exclusion mobility following the relative approach and using transition matrices (two-stage analysis). The main advantages of using transition matrices are the following: first, two-stage analysis provides a simple picture of the "movement" of the individuals among the specific social exclusion classes and, second, it is shown to be robust to data contamination. This kind of analysis have shown that social exclusion was partially a transitory phenomenon.
I have also focused on the causes leading to social exclusion process. I did find that an individual experiencing exclusion today was more likely to experience exclusion tomorrow due to both observed and unobserved individual heterogeneity and true state of dependence. The analysis has been done estimating a dynamic non-linear panel data model. I have used the random effects approach, and I have applied the solution proposed by Wooldridge (2002) to solve the initial condition problems. This approach have shown evidence of the importance of both true state dependence and observed/unobserved heterogeneity.
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Books on the topic "Socialism in Spain"

1

Vilaseca, Stephen Luis. Anarchist Socialism in Early Twentieth-Century Spain. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44677-2.

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Helen, Graham. Socialism and war: The Spanish Socialist Party in power and crisis, 1936-1939. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1991.

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Smith, W. Rand. Enemy brothers: Socialists and communists in France, Italy, and Spain. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2015.

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Enemy brothers: Socialists and communists in France, Italy, and Spain. Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2012.

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Lomana, Gloria. El ciclón socialista: 1982-1986, primera Legislatura socialista). Esplugues de Llobregat, Barcelona: Plaza & Janés, 1987.

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Marxism and the failure of organised socialism in Spain, 1879-1936. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1990.

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Heywood, Paul. Marxism and the failure of organised socialism in Spain, 1879-1936. Santander (Spain): Servicio de Publicaciones, Universidad de Cantabria, 1993.

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European socialists and Spain: The transition to democracy, 1959-77. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave, 2002.

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Rosenberg, Robin L. Spain and Central America: Democracy and foreign policy. New York: Greenwood Press, 1992.

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Socialismo español y federalismo (1873-1976). Oviedo: KRK Ediciones, 2013.

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Book chapters on the topic "Socialism in Spain"

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Lange, Peter, and Maurizio Vannicelli. "FRENCH Communist Party: Socialism with French Colors." In The Communist Parties of Italy, France and Spain, 54–78. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003185666-6.

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Vilaseca, Stephen Luis. "Philosophical-Literary Essays." In Anarchist Socialism in Early Twentieth-Century Spain, 121–40. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44677-2_8.

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Vilaseca, Stephen Luis. "Iconoclastic Ideas." In Anarchist Socialism in Early Twentieth-Century Spain, 141–53. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44677-2_9.

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Vilaseca, Stephen Luis. "Morals." In Anarchist Socialism in Early Twentieth-Century Spain, 155–63. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44677-2_10.

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Vilaseca, Stephen Luis. "Sociological Topics." In Anarchist Socialism in Early Twentieth-Century Spain, 165–83. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44677-2_11.

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Vilaseca, Stephen Luis. "Pedagogy." In Anarchist Socialism in Early Twentieth-Century Spain, 185–201. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44677-2_12.

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Vilaseca, Stephen Luis. "Spanish Life." In Anarchist Socialism in Early Twentieth-Century Spain, 203–24. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44677-2_13.

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Vilaseca, Stephen Luis. "Representative Men." In Anarchist Socialism in Early Twentieth-Century Spain, 225–32. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44677-2_14.

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Vilaseca, Stephen Luis. "Polemical Works." In Anarchist Socialism in Early Twentieth-Century Spain, 233–53. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44677-2_15.

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Vilaseca, Stephen Luis. "Doctrine." In Anarchist Socialism in Early Twentieth-Century Spain, 1–28. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44677-2_1.

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Conference papers on the topic "Socialism in Spain"

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Karaköy, Çağatay, Ahmet Uzun, and Ömer Selçuk Emsen. "The Changes in Foreign Debt for the Transition Economies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00279.

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1989 and the years following 1991 were the times in which many important economic and political turnovers had taken place in the world. That was the time when Berlin Wall fall down with scattering the Eastern block and many politically and economically independent states came into being, at the same time, ongoing about 70 years socialist system also started to spin into liberal system. The constituted 27 states in 1991 were tended to liberal economic system instead of socialist economy, and these stated were called as transition economies. With the transition period, there has have been significant decreases in the level of affluence, hyperinflation and some common properties seen at the beginning. It became inevitable to get foreign debt for reorganization and configuration of these economies. Nevertheless these foreign debts caused many serious problems in some of these economies. In the present work we tried to understand the economic structure and external loans of the transition economies, which are different with respect to their natural resources and are similar to each other in term of social, political and cultural aspects. It was under debated to investigate the relationship between indicated foreign debts and indicated domestic income and external trade so foreign trade financing problematic which thought to be the source of going into debt and economical development relations are searched.
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Wang, Xingang, Dong Wang, and Fengpo Ji. "A Span-based Model for Joint Entity and Relation Extraction with Relational Graphs." In 2020 IEEE Intl Conf on Parallel & Distributed Processing with Applications, Big Data & Cloud Computing, Sustainable Computing & Communications, Social Computing & Networking (ISPA/BDCloud/SocialCom/SustainCom). IEEE, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ispa-bdcloud-socialcom-sustaincom51426.2020.00090.

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Reports on the topic "Socialism in Spain"

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Rodríguez López, María, and Daniel Robles Álvarez. Estudio de la presencia y uso de redes sociales de las agencias de comunicación que más facturan en España / Study about the social network presence and use of the communication agencies with the largest turnover in Spain. Revista Internacional de Relaciones Públicas, December 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5783/rirp-10-2015-12-213-236.

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García Carballo, Carlos. Mensajes con fines publicitarios que tornan en Relaciones Públicas en las redes sociales: el caso de Starbucks España y Cash Converters España. The messages for advertising purposes which turn in Public Relations in social networks: the case of Starbucks and Cash Converters in Spain. Revista Internacional de Relaciones Públicas, December 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5783/rirp-4-2012-07-145-172.

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