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Journal articles on the topic 'Socialism in Spain'
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1
Przeworski, Adam. "Wird der »Osten« zum »Süden«?" PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 22, no. 86 (March 1, 1992): 89–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v22i86.1089.
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In retrospect, it is easier to acknowledge the »necessary« collapse of Eastem European socialism than explaining it in terms of what brought it about. The Theory of Totalitarianism had blurred the view on the social dynamics of real-socialist societies, in the course of which the binding-force of state-sustaining ideology had been increasingly eroded over the past decades. In the end, this was also among those in power - hence the bloodless course ofthe uprisings. What will the future hold: flourishing capitalism, as in the case of Spain, or a South-American-type poor capitalism?
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Granadino, Alan. "Possibilities and Limits of Southern European Socialism in the Iberian Peninsula: French, Portuguese and Spanish Socialists in the mid-1970s." Contemporary European History 28, no. 3 (August 2019): 390–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000067.
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AbstractThis article discusses the relations between the French, Portuguese and Spanish socialist parties during the transitions to democracy in the Iberian Peninsula (1974–7). It focuses on the attempt of these parties to establish a distinctive ideological trend, Southern European socialism. The main argument is that the French socialists attempted to promote their ideological line – and predominantly the union between socialists and communists – in the Iberian Peninsula during the transitions to democracy. The Portuguese Socialist Party and the Spanish Socialist Workers Party initially considered following this line. However, the radicalisation of the Portuguese revolution in the sensitive context of Cold War détente, as well as the involvement of the European social democrats in both Portugal and Spain against the union of the left, prevented this model from being further considered by the Spanish and Portuguese socialist parties. Nevertheless, all these parties showed interest in promoting a common Southern European Socialist identity that differed from European social democracy as well as from Soviet communism, considering it useful in the struggle for hegemony within the left.
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Nilsson, Mikael. "Swedish Catholicism and Authoritarian Ideologies: Attitudes to Communism, National Socialism, Fascism, and Authoritarian Conservatism in a Swedish Catholic Journal, 1922–1945." Fascism 5, no. 1 (May 26, 2016): 66–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00501004.
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This article investigates the attitude to communism, National Socialism, Fascism, and authoritarian conservatism in the Swedish Catholic Church’s journal Credo from 1922 to 1945. The comparative approach has made it possible to see how the journal distinguished between the various forms of authoritarian ideologies in Europe during this period. The article shows that the Catholic Church in Sweden took a very negative view of communism (the Soviet Union and the Spanish Republic) and strongly condemned it throughout the period, while it took a largely very positive stance towards Fascism (Italy) and Authoritarian Conservativism (Spain and Portugal). In the case of National Socialism (Nazi Germany) the attitude was more diverse. Credo was largely negative towards National Socialism but only because it was thought to threaten Catholics and Catholicism in Germany. However, Credo never criticized discrimination and genocidal violence against the Jews.
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Natalia, Samsonova. "Spain at the End of the 19th – beginning of the 20th Century in the Russian Socio-Political Discourse." Latin-American Historical Almanac 29 (March 26, 2021): 40–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-29-1-40-62.
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The article studies the response of the Russian reading public to the socio-political situation in Spain at the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th century (the Spanish-American War, Tragic Week of 1909, the manifestation of regionalism and anti-clericalism, caciquism, the development of the ideas of socialism, working class movement). The author analyses common and different things in socio-political processes that were taking place in Russia and Spain of that period as well as the pe-culiarity of Russia`s perception of the Spanish events. In the `90s of the 19th century the Spanish-American War of 1898 acted as an impedi-ment to the dynamics of the image of Spain. The similarity of the socio-political situation, social upheaval in Spain and Russia of the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th century increase the urgency of the “vision” of Spain by Russian society, make its perception in Russia more fragmented.
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Szanajda, Andrew, and David A. Messenger. "The German Secret State Police in Spain: Extending the Reach of National Socialism." International History Review 40, no. 2 (March 31, 2017): 397–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2017.1309563.
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Medina Rojo, Óscar. "La política al margen de la política (Julián Besteiro, 1936 – 1938) = Politics Outside Politics (Julian Besteiro, 1936 – 1938)." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie V, Historia Contemporánea, no. 32 (June 23, 2020): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfv.32.2020.27081.
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Julián Besteiro es un político clave para entender la España que transita desde la crisis de 1917 hasta la Guerra Civil, y como tal ha sido ampliamente estudiado por la historiografía. Sin embargo, su figura se nos presenta algo desdibujada desde finales de 1935, cuando deja de publicarse Democracia (principal órgano de expresión de su corriente socialista), hasta su participación en el golpe de estado contra Negrín de marzo de 1939. El presente artículo intenta mostrar que este periodo de su vida no fue de total inactividad política, ya que aun desde fuera de los puestos de responsabilidad, intentó ejercer su influencia dentro del socialismo español; en concreto se analiza su actuación en dos momentos clave: el semestre anterior al estallido de la Guerra Civil, y la crisis socialista de 1938. Para algunos de sus contemporáneos, la opción Besteiro existió en diferentes momentos y para diferentes puestos, tales como presidente de la República en 1936, o presidente del PSOE y miembro de un Gobierno de la paz en 1938.AbstractJulián Besteiro is a key politician to understand Spain from the crisis of 1917 until the Civil War, and as such he has been widely studied by the historiography. But there is a period less known in Besteiro’s life: the years running from the closure of Democracia (the main publication of his wing of Spanish socialism) at the end of 1935, to his involvement in the coup d’etat that would overthrow Negrin’s government in March 1939. This article attempts to show that this period in Besteiro’s life was not of total political inactivity: even from outside the positions of responsibility, he tried to exert his influence within Spanish socialism; in particular, this article analyses Besteiro’s stand in two key moments: the semester prior to the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, and the crisis of the socialist party in 1938. For some of his contemporaries, the Besteiro option existed at different moments and for different roles, namely as President of the Republic in 1936, President of PSOE and member of a government to negotiate peace in 1938.
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Hidalgo García, Sara. "Emociones socialistas en la huelga minera de 1890. La formación de la conciencia de clase y el giro emocional / Socialist Emotions during the Miner’ Strike of 1890. The Formation of Class Consciousness and the Emotional Turn." Historiografías, no. 10 (December 28, 2017): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_historiografias/hrht.2015102389.
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This article suggests a new way of analysis of the process of class consciousness formation in the Biscay basin of the Nervión (Spain) during the late nineteenth century. To this purpose the tools from the emotional turn theory are used, namely the concept of emotional regime understood as set of emotional expressions and normative emotions that underpins a political regime. The process will be studied through the great miner strike of 1890, the founding event of the working class movement in this area, or emotional response to the experience of social, economic and political changes by some miners in the Triano-Somorrostro zone. In this way, a “red Socialist emotional regime” would have emerged in 1890 which, from the Biscay labour class, revolved around aspects such as: defence of a code of dignity, pacifism in the protest, and a new and strong emotional norm to create community such as solidarity.Key WordsEmotional turn, Biscay socialism, working class, miners, red Socialist emotional regime, 1890 strike in Biscay.ResumenEste artículo propone un análisis renovado del proceso de formación de la conciencia de clase en la cuenca vizcaína del Nervión (España) a finales del siglo XIX. Para ello se usan las herramientas que proporciona la teoría del giro emocional, en concreto el concepto de régimen emocional o la normatividad emocional que sirve de base al régimen político. El estudio se centra en la huelga minera de 1890, acontecimiento fundacional del movimiento obrero en esta área, que es explicado como la expresión de la respuesta emocional de la experiencia de los cambios sociales, económicos y políticos dada por algunos obreros mineros de Triano-Somorrostro. Así, en 1890 habría nacido un “régimen emocional socialista rojo” que, surgido de la clase obrera vizcaína, pivotó sobre elementos tales como la defensa de un código de dignidad obrero, el pacifismo en las acciones de protesta, y la aparición de una nueva y poderosa norma emocional para crear comunidad como es la solidaridad.Palabras claveGiro emocional, socialismo vizcaíno, clase obrera, mineros, régimen emocional socialista rojo, huelga de 1890 en Vizcaya.
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Sheffi, Na'ama. "The Jewish Expulsion from Spain and the Rise of National Socialism on the Hebrew Stage." Jewish Social Studies: History, Culture, and Society 5, no. 3 (April 1999): 82–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jss.1999.5.3.82.
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Sheffi, Na'ama. "The Jewish Expulsion from Spain and the Rise of National Socialism on the Hebrew Stage." Jewish Social Studies 5, no. 3 (1999): 82–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jss.1999.0009.
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Strazzeri, Victor. "Forging socialism through democracy: a critical review survey of literature on Eurocommunism." Twentieth Century Communism 17, no. 17 (September 1, 2019): 26–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864319827751330.
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The article provides a critical overview of the latest phase of scholarly engagement with Eurocommunism, firstly, by pointing out the resilience of a 'Cold War framing' in many of the new studies of the phenomenon, secondly, by stressing the resulting blind spots in the assessment of its geographical scope (e.g., the lack of attention paid to Spain, scarce contributions on Eurocommunism's ramifications beyond West Europe). It then proposes a de-centred perspective on the phenomenon that is able to encompass its global roots and outreach, especially regarding the Third World; contrary to the prevalent focus on individual national cases of Eurocommunism, the article calls for a framing of Eurocommunist coordination as a transnational formation, so that both the leading role of Italian communists and the cross-border exchanges that shaped it can factor into a revised scholarly engagement with the topic. From this vantage point, Eurocommunism emerges as a strategy of transition for the global conjuncture of multiple crises that the 1970s represented, one that nevertheless failed to present a viable alternative to neoliberalism, another product of the decade in question. The article concludes by approaching the little explored gender dimension of Eurocommunism, visible in its entanglement with the second-wave feminism.
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Mišina, Dalibor. "Beyond Nostalgia." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 50, no. 3 (2016): 332–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-05003004.
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This article addresses the issue of socialist nostalgia. Specifically, it deals with the inadequacy of treating the post-socialist “return of socialism” as different incarnations of socialist nostalgia. The author contends that this kind of treatment suffers from “nostalgia reductionism” and “socialism essentialism,” and leads to the very problematic conceptual and analytical shortcoming of pre-determining the nature of what needs to be understood and explained. Correspondingly, the author argues that a meaningful consideration of the post-socialist return of socialism has to free itself from the “nostalgia presumption” and embrace a non-essentialist analytical viewpoint whereby socialist nostalgia is recast as a plurality of heterogeneous and context-dependent post-socialist socialist discourses. To this end, the author analyzes two post-Yugoslav documentary films, Sretno dijete and Orkestar, to substantiate the claim that socialist nostalgia is too narrow of a framework to encapsulate adequately the span of an entire range of post-socialist socialist discourses and the ways they operate in specific sociocultural contexts and communicate to and with particular audience(s). In advancing this argument, the author does not propose that “the nostalgic” has no place in the analysis of the post-socialist memory of socialism but, rather, that the degree and nature of its presence has to be established through an interpretive reading of particular post-socialist socialist texts, rather than presumed a priori.
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Anastasi, Prodani, Gjinali Aida, and Gjoka Sandra. "Learning the Spanish Language for Ideological, Political, and other Curious Reasons." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 3, no. 1 (April 30, 2015): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v3i1.p99-105.
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Spanish language and teaching it in Albanian schools did not come as a request of the labour market. It was made available only through the need and lunatic wishes of a dictator, who wanted to spread his words, his revolutionary ideas and the pattern of the building socialism in Albania according the lessons of Marxism-Leninism in the whole world, and in this case in Spanish-speaking world, either in Spain or Latin America. As a consequence, small but concrete steps were undertaken for the schooling and professional education of those who in the future would work as translators, radio presenters or teachers of Spanish language. The main purpose of this research is to highlight the itinerary followed by the Spanish language in the context of totalitarism in Albania from the ‘90s till nowdays
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McGarry, Fearghal. "Irish newspapers and the Spanish Civil War." Irish Historical Studies 33, no. 129 (May 2002): 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400015510.
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Early in life I had noticed that no event is ever correctly reported in a newspaper, but in Spain for the first time, I saw newspaper reports which did not bear any relation to the facts, not even the relationship which is implied in an ordinary lie. I saw great battles reported where there had been no fighting, and complete silence where hundreds of men had been killed.George Orwell (1943)The Spanish Civil War was one of the most controversial conflicts of recent history. For many on the left, it was a struggle between democracy and fascism. In contrast, many Catholics and conservatives championed Franco as a crusader against communism. Others felt Spain was the beginning of an inevitable conflict between fascism and communism which had increasingly threatened the stability of inter-war Europe. Spain has remained a battleground of ideologies ever since. Many supporters of the Spanish Republic attribute its defeat to the failure of other democratic states to oppose fascism, a policy of appeasement which ultimately led to the Second World War; for others on the left, including Orwell, Spain came to symbolise the betrayal of socialism by the Soviet Union — a disillusioning suppression of liberty repeated in subsequent decades in Hungary, Czechoslovakia and elsewhere. Ireland was no less drawn to Spain than other European nations. Within months of the war breaking out, close to one thousand Irishmen were fighting among the armies of both sides on the frontlines around Madrid. But for most Irish people, influenced by the Catholic church and sensational newspaper reports of anticlerical atrocities, the ideological conflict was perceived to be between Catholicism and communism rather than left and right. The outbreak of the war was followed by an immense outpouring of popular sympathy for Franco’s Nationalists. During the autumn of 1936 the Irish Christian Front organised mass pro-Franco rallies which attracted the support of opposition politicians, clergymen and much of the public. The dissenting voices of support for the Spanish Republic emanating from the marginalised Irish left were ignored or, more often, suppressed. De Valera’s Fianna Fáil government expressed its support for Spain’s Catholics while, somewhat awkwardly, adopting a position of neutrality for reasons of international diplomacy.
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De Blasio, Emiliana, and Michele Sorice. "Spaces of Struggle: Socialism and Neoliberalism With a Human Face Among Digital Parties and Online Movements in Europe." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 18, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 84–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v18i1.1132.
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This article aims to illustrate the complexity of the relationships between digital participation spaces and organisations related to the Southern-European and US socialist traditions. Digital communication and, in particular, the various platforms of digital participation have been long living between the illusion of techno-libertarian thrusts and the technocratic tendencies framing the New Public Management approach. The suspicion of socialist-inspired parties but also of post-Marxist social movements towards the digital is connected on the one hand to the organisational structure of the parties and on the other hand to the capacity of neoliberalism to incorporate digital innovation in its cultural horizon. Participation platforms have often been functional to the emergence of a neoliberalism with a human face, capable of offering potential spaces of participation that depoliticise civic activism and transform it into a mere technical tool of minimal governance. In recent years, however, digital party experiences have developed in the context of left-wing organisations. In other cases, digital platforms have been used as tools of mobilisation and even as instruments for the creation of a new sentimental connections with the increasingly fragmented “popular classes”. Digital has thus become a “space of struggle”, in the same meaning it was used in the 1980s by Stuart Hall. This article presents the first findings of a research project on the use of digital platforms by: a) parties of socialist inspiration in Italy, France, Spain, Portugal and the USA; and b) bottom-up social movements. The analysis follows an empirical approach based on: a) the analysis of organisations; b) content analysis (Evaluation Assertion Analysis) of political and policy documents on the use of digital as a tool for political struggle; c) in-depth interviews to digital activists of social movements.
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Clay, J. Eugene. "Marian Revelations in the Russian Context." Nova Religio 21, no. 2 (November 1, 2017): 26–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2017.21.2.26.
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Modern Marian apparitions have often responded to various incarnations of rational Enlightenment political thought, from the 1830 French revolution to Soviet socialism and the international Communist movement. Through her apparitions, the Virgin and her devotees have engaged in “cosmopolitics” by offering an alternative to a purely secular political order. Denying a mechanistic universe, Mary testifies to the existence of a compassionate, personal, miracle-working God. Although primarily a Roman Catholic phenomenon, Marian apparitions are also part of the Orthodox tradition, and the Virgin’s appearances in Russia and Ukraine after 1917 served to critique the new Marxist order. In 1984, the Mother of God continued her venture into cosmopolitics when she first spoke to Soviet citizen and spiritual seeker Veniamin Bereslavsky (“Blessed John”). Over the following decades, as the Communist world collapsed, Bereslavsky built an ecclesiastical organization and an international movement on the charismatic authority of these continuing revelations, which gradually have led him away from traditional Christianity to gnostic dualism. With thousands of followers, meeting in congregations from Ulan-Ude in eastern Russia to Glastonbury, England, Bereslavsky, who now lives in Spain, preaches ecumenical esotericism as a cosmopolitical alternative to Western secularism.
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Granadino González, Alan. "¿Gestores del capitalismo o un modelo de socialismo a seguir? La imagen de la socialdemocracia alemana en el PSOE entre 1972 y 1977 = Managers of Capitalism or a Model of Socialism to be Followed? The Image of German Social Democracy in the PSOE between 1972 and 1977." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie V, Historia Contemporánea, no. 32 (June 23, 2020): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfv.32.2020.26007.
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En este artículo se analiza la multifacética imagen que los socialistas españoles del PSOE tenían de la socialdemocracia alemana durante los años 1972-1977. Esto es, desde el año de la renovación del PSOE hasta la celebración de las primeras elecciones democráticas en España. Para ello se han analizado pormenorizadamente el periódico oficial del PSOE, «Le Socialiste / El Socialista»; la revista de orientación progresista «Cambio16» y documentos del archivo histórico del PSOE emplazados en la Fundación Pablo Iglesias. El estudio de la imagen de la socialdemocracia alemana, además de darnos información sobre este grupo, nos revela aspectos poco explorados del proceso de formación identitaria del PSOE y sobre las disputas políticas e ideológicas existentes dentro del partido.Abstract This article analyses the multifaceted image of the German social democracy held by the Spanish socialists (PSOE) during 1972-1977. This is, from the year in which PSOE was renewed to the first democratic elections in Spain. The analysis is based on PSOE’s official newspaper «Le Socialiste / El Socialista», the progressive journal «Cambio16» and documents from PSOE’s historical archive located at the Pablo Iglesias Foundation. Besides providing information about the image of the German social democracy held by the Spanish socialists, this article reveals unexplored aspects of PSOE’s process of identity formation and of the political and ideological struggles within the party.
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Zuckermann, Moshe. "“Islamofascism”. Remarks on a Current Ideologeme." DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, no. 3-4 (2012): 351–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-201200a5.
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The term “Islamofascism” for quite some time has had currency in polemical, but also in sober political discourses. However, it is clear that Islamic fundamentalism has very little, if anything, in common, in either origin or in form, with the historical phenomenon of fascism. If fascism is understood as what developed in certain historical constellations in Italy, Spain, and Hungary or as a specific exceptional form in German National Socialism, then it is something quite different from the movements of radicalized Islam. Islam, as a religion, is driven by different factors and follows goals very different from those of political fascism. One has to rigorously empty the political-scientifically established term “fascism” of content if one wants to make out superficial similarities. This must not be misunderstood: of course there is a modern (sometimes fanaticized) Arab nationalism; but as such it is not a substrate of Islam and thus does not substantially derive religiously from Islam. The Nazi (racial-biological) concept of the “national comrade” (Volksgenosse) has connotations different from those of membership in the Islamic Umma, which neither has anything do with an ideology of “blood” or race nor is determined by territorial presence, but rather includes Muslims living in the Diaspora—and in this respect is much more closely related to the Jewish-religious concepts of nation, people, and Diaspora than to the categories of the fascism that genuinely arose from Western modernism. It can therefore be assumed that the use of the term “Islamofascism” has little to do with an interest in analytical knowledge, but all the more with ideological polemics and political indoctrination.
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Wanderley, Fernanda. "La economía solidaria y comunitaria en Bolivia." Revista de la Academia 21 (May 30, 2016): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.25074/0196318.0.68.
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<p lang="es-ES" align="JUSTIFY"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;">El objetivo del presente documento es analizar los avances y desafíos del proceso de cambio en Bolivia en relación al compromiso político con otro modelo económico (plural, post extractivista y post neoliberal) a través del fortalecimiento de la economía comunitaria, la economía estatal, la economía privada y la economía cooperativa. La primera parte sintetiza la trayectoria de los movimientos sociales que canalizaron la energía política para los cambios promovidos por el Movimiento al Socialismo. La segunda parte presenta los alcances de los cambios políticos, sociales y culturales desde 2006. La tercera parte analiza las políticas de promoción del nuevo modelo económico y los resultados en los últimos diez años. La cuarta parte dibuja el nuevo campo político marcado por disputas al interior de los movimientos sociales que apoyaron el proceso. El texto cierra con consideraciones finales.</span></span></p><p lang="es-ES" align="JUSTIFY"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;">Palabras clave: Economía Plural, movimientos sociales, Movimiento al Socialismo, Economía Solidaria, Economía Comunitaria</span></span></p><p lang="es-ES" align="JUSTIFY"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></span></p><p lang="es-ES" align="JUSTIFY"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></span></p><p lang="es-ES" align="JUSTIFY"><em><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;">Solidarity and commnity economy in Bolivia </span></span></em></p><p lang="es-ES" align="JUSTIFY"><em><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;">The aim of this paper is to analyze the progress and challenges of the process of change in Bolivia in relation to the political commitment with another economic model (plural, post extractive and post neoliberal) through the strengthening of the communitarian economy, the State’s economy, the economy private, and cooperative economy. The first part summarizes the trajectory of social movements that channeled the energy policy changes promoted by the Movement to Socialism. The second part presents the scope of political, social and cultural changes since 2006. The third part analyzes the policies to promote the new economic model and results in the last ten years. The fourth part draws the new political field marked by disputes within the social movements that supported the process. The text closes with final considerations.<br /></span></span></em></p><p lang="es-ES" align="JUSTIFY"><em><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;">Keywords: Plural Economy, social movements, Movement toward Socialism, Solidarity Economy, Community Economy</span></span></em></p><p lang="es-ES" align="JUSTIFY"> </p>
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MacKay, Ruth. "The Socialist-Labor Split in Spain." Monthly Review 41, no. 4 (September 5, 1989): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-041-04-1989-08_5.
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Aidukaitė, Jolanta. "Būsto politika skirtinguose gerovės modeliuose." Sociologija. Mintis ir veiksmas 33, no. 2 (January 1, 2013): 304–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/socmintvei.2013.2.3799.
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Santrauka. Straipsnis siekia ištirti būsto politiką skirtinguose gerovės valstybės modeliuose, įtraukiant į būsto modelių klasifikaciją ir naująsias Europos Sąjungos šalis iš Vidurio ir Rytų Europos. Gilesnei analizei pasirenkamos šešios šalys, geriausiai atstovaujančios idealius gerovės valstybės modelius: Švedija – socialdemokratinį, Vokietija – konservatyvųjį-korporatyvinį, Jungtinė Karalystė – liberalųjį, Ispanija – Pietų Europos, Čekija ir Estija – pokomunistinį. Analizė atskleidė, kad nepaisant panašių tendencijų būsto liberalizavimo link, šalys iki šiol išlaiko tik joms būdingus bruožus, o konceptualūs būsto politikos modeliai, atitinkantys gerovės valstybės modelius, iki šiol atspindi realias juos atstovaujančių šalių būsto politikos sistemas.
Pagrindiniai žodžiai: būsto politika, gerovės valstybė, būsto politikos modeliai, dekomodifikacija, Vidurio ir Rytų Europa
Key words: housing policy, welfare state, housing policy models, de-commodification, Central and Eastern Europe.
ABSTRACT
HOUSING POLICY IN DIFFERENCE WELFARE STATE REGIMES
This article seeks to explore housing policy in different welfare state regimes. It incorporates into the analysis of housing policy and welfare state regimes some new EU countries from Central and Eastern Europe. Six countries are chosen, which represent most the ideal typical models of the welfare state, for deeper analysis: Sweden - social-democratic, Germany - conservative-corporatist, the United Kingdom - liberal, Spain – Southern European, the Czech Republic and Estonia - post-communist. The findings of this paper show that, despite similar trends towards the liberalization in the housing policy field, the countries analysed in this study still hold their own specific features, which coincide with the main features of the conceptual models of the housing policy and welfare state regimes. The post-communist housing policy model holds the following characteristics: the private ownership dominates the housing tenure; the market regulates the housing sector, state’s regulation is negligible; construction is carried by the large private companies; outdated and worn-out housing estates, built during the period of socialism, require complete renovation or demolition.
Pastaba. Straipsnis parengtas pagal Lietuvos mokslo tarybos finansuojamą projektą Būsto politika Lietuvoje: raida, problemos ir pilietinės iniciatyvos. Projekto numeris LMT SIN-18/2012.
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Donghi, Tulio Halperín. "Backward Looks and Forward Glimpses from a Quincentennial Vantage Point." Journal of Latin American Studies 24, S1 (March 1992): 219–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00023853.
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As the quincentennial of what we do not dare to call the discovery of the New World approaches, Spanish America remains impervious to the festive mood reigning in Spain. The reasons are painfully obvious: a region facing an at best uncertain future, while trying to close the wounds opened by a quarter-century of acute sociopolitical confrontation, and still reeling under the blows inflicted to its economy during the unlamented ‘lost decade’ just closed, has good reason to wonder whether it has anything to celebrate.Justified as it may be, the despondency caused by recent misfortunes does not offer the best inspiration to achieve a fair and balanced view of a five-centuries long historical experience. It is enough to compare the assessments inspired by the current centennial milestone with those of one century ago to discover how dangerous it is to pass judgement on such an experience by projecting onto it the dominant features of the immediate present.Yet in 1892 the times were not much more brilliant than today; several among the largest neo-hispanic countries were suffering the devastating impact of the worst economic crisis in their history: these circumstances did not, however, seriously undermine the optimism with which they looked at their future, an optimism that encouraged the founding fathers of their national historiographies to take in their stride the sombre aspects of the national past. If today a very different approach seems in order, it is not only because the atrocious history of our century has all but killed the faith nineteenth-century historians deposited in all kinds of manifest destinies, but perhaps also because of the justified suspicion that what Latin America faces today is different in kind from the streaks of bad luck all too frequent in its short history, that the world-wide transformations that reached spectacular culmination in the breakdown of the ‘really existing socialism’ are full of menace for the region, and the practical wisdom distilled from the experience of the past five centuries cannot offer any valid guidance for the challenges of the ‘new world order’ that is currently striving to be born.
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Nurrochman, Nurrochman. "ISLAM DAN SOSIALISME (Telaah atas Pemikiran Ali Syariati)." Wahana Akademika: Jurnal Studi Islam dan Sosial 1, no. 1 (May 6, 2016): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/wa.v1i1.800.
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<p><span>Abstract</span></p><p><span>Ali Shariati, as it is known, is a key figure behind the Iranian revolution. In line<br /><span>with the thinking Hanafi and Engineer, Shariati comes with the embodiment of<br /><span>the spirit of a just social system. He was a great orator and a writer profilik. In<br /><span>the early days of the Iranian revolution, the classroom is always filled by a<br /><span>Shariati college students who want to listen to his revolutionary ideas. Similarly,<br /><span>his works. Although sometimes seem provocative, but Shariati's writings can not<br /><span>be denied has become a kind of detonating the Iranian revolution. Shariati was<br /><span>able to stand in the middle of these two poles, Islam (Shia) on the one hand and <span>Marxism on the other. He shrewdly combining the two, and then give birth to <span>an idea of Islamic socialism. This paper is framed to elaborate further thought <span>Ali Shariati primarily on the concept of Islamic socialism. Posts will be limited to <span>the three principal discussions, namely, how the concept of Islamic socialism Ali <span>Shariati, is there any influence of Marxism in Islamic thought possible Shariati <span>and juxtaposed with the classical teachings of Marxism?</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></p><p><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><br /><span><strong>Keywoard:</strong> <em>Islam, sosialisme, marxisme, kiri Islam</em></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span><br /></span></p>
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YAKOVLEV, Petr. "Spain after the Election Marathon: Challenges of the New Political Cycle." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 2 (18) (2019): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2019-2-61-75.
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April – May 2019 was a period of heightened political tension in Spain. The socialist government did not have enough support in parliament. By calling early legislative elections, the Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez strengthened his domestic political position. Success was confirmed in the election to the European Parliament, thus allowing Madrid to assume a greater role in European affairs. The proclaimed objective of the socialist government is to reform the socio-economic structures and build a more equitable society. However, on this path, the country will face internal and external obstacles.
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McDonough, Peter, Samuel H. Barnes, and Antonio López Pina. "The Growth of Democratic Legitimacy in Spain." American Political Science Review 80, no. 3 (September 1986): 735–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1960536.
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The political transition in Spain provides a rare opportunity to monitor popular attitudes toward alternative regimes. Through the analysis of national surveys conducted in 1978, 1979–80, and 1984, we first establish that the Spanish public distinguishes not only between successive governments—the Franquist and the center-right and socialist governments of the post-Franco period—but also between Francoism and democracy as political systems. Second, we show that during the post-Franco era the criteria of legitimacy have begun to shift from formal political to social democratic values. These analytical results are achieved by comparing standard with less orthodox measures of political legitimacy and performance, and by revising conventional theories of system support. Third, we estimate the determinants of support for and opposition to the two regimes. The Franquist system remains more polarizing than does the democratic system; the constituencies of the democratic regime are considerably broader and more heterogeneous. However, while the new democratic state is comparatively inclusive and autonomous, low rates of political participation and changes in traditional socialist ideology have made the institutional bases of legitimacy ambiguous.
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AGUADO, ANA. "Citizenship and Gender Equality in the Second Spanish Republic: Representations and Practices in Socialist Culture (1931–1936)." Contemporary European History 23, no. 1 (January 6, 2014): 95–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000581.
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AbstractThis article contributes to historiographical debates on political cultures, the construction of female citizenship and democracy development through an analysis of the construction of gender identities in socialist culture and working-class culture in Spain. From 1931, in the context of the Second Spanish Republic, socialist culture experienced a complex mixture of egalitarian proposals, collective actions and strategies to achieve the political mobilisation of women. This process reformulated in female terms many of the concepts historically present in this political culture: equality, freedom, secularism and citizenship.
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Marung, Steffi. "Out of Empire into Socialist Modernity." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 56–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-8916939.
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AbstractIn this article the Soviet-African Modern is presented through an intellectual history of exchanges in a triangular geography, outspreading from Moscow to Paris to Port of Spain and Accra. In this geography, postcolonial conditions in Eastern Europe and Africa became interconnected. This shared postcolonial space extended from the Soviet South to Africa. The glue for the transregional imagination was an engagement with the topos of backwardness. For many of the participants in the debate, the Soviet past was the African present. Focusing on the 1960s and 1970s, three connected perspectives on the relationship between Soviet and African paths to modernity are presented: First, Soviet and Russian scholars interpreting the domestic (post)colonial condition; second, African academics revisiting the Soviet Union as a model for development; and finally, transatlantic intellectuals connecting postcolonial narratives with socialist ones. Drawing on Russian archives, the article furthermore demonstrates that Soviet repositories hold complementary records for African histories.
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Фонсека and Neli Fonseka. "Is it the end of the Spanish bipartisanship? (on the results of the parliamentary elections in 2015 in Spain)." Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 11, no. 3 (June 26, 2016): 113–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/20392.
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The article describes the results of the regional and national parliamentary elections in Spain in 2015. The reasons for the loss of the monopoly of ruling Conservative People’s Party and the Spanish Socialist Workers Party are revealed. The features of entering political arena of new «young» political forces such as the left party Podemos, and the right-populist party Ciudadanos are summarized. In addition, the problem of forming a coalition in the Parliament is analyzed and the prospects for Spain´s exit of the political crisis are assessed.
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Ahamer, Gilbert, and Josef Strobl. "Information Technologies Socialise Geographies." Journal of Cases on Information Technology 12, no. 3 (July 2010): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jcit.2010070101.
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One of the ethical tasks and practical effects of IT is bridging and spanning different locations, thereby “socialising” across diverse “geographies of understanding”. A dozen documented case studies use IT (especially Geographic Information Sciences) in distance learning. The underlying conceptual model of a network society combined with empirical research on long-term civilisational and economic evolution leads to a general understanding of Information Technologies as facilitators of a multi-perspectivist and multi-disciplinary construction of world views (m:n type of science). Such a synopsis of education, structural evolution, social spaces and institutional change provides insight into IT’s strategic role of facilitating consensus building and constructing common world views that can socially converge (“socialise”) isolated cultures of understanding. “Geography” is here seen as a provider of world views that emerge from communicative action. The presented cases in this paper span both geographic locations as well as constructed cultures of understanding.
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MUÑOZ SÁNCHEZ, ANTONIO. "The Friedrich Ebert Foundation and the Spanish Socialists during the Transition to Democracy, 1975–1982." Contemporary European History 25, no. 1 (January 13, 2016): 143–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731500051x.
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AbstractThis article explores the activities of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation in Spain during the transition to democracy. It describes the financial, logistical and training support with which this German Foundation contributed to the unexpected rebirth of the Spanish Socialist Party after Franco and its meteoric emergence as the leading left-wing party. It also assesses its cooperation with the Socialist trade union, which moved from irrelevance to a position of importance greater than the powerful Communist union. Finally, the article examines how the Foundation diversified its activities in order to meet the growing needs of and challenges faced by the Spanish Socialists in their path towards power.
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MARK, JAMES. "‘The Spanish Analogy’: Imagining the Future in State Socialist Hungary, 1948–1989." Contemporary European History 26, no. 4 (October 17, 2017): 600–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000340.
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For four decades Spain played an important role in debates over the future of politics, culture and economy in state socialist Hungary, particularly for the left: first as the fascist and underdeveloped ‘other’ against which the state socialist regime legitimised itself, then as a similarly peripheral country that had managed to integrate into global economy, return culturally to Europe and peacefully establish democracy. Close relationships developed between the Spanish socialists and Hungarian communists in the 1980s and offered the latter the hope they would survive any political transition. This article demonstrates the importance of Eastern–Southern European connections – both concrete and imagined – in sustaining, and then overcoming, Europe's post-war divides.
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Oliva, Javier García. "The Catholic Church and the Socialist Government in Spain: Irreconciliable Differences?" Ecclesiastical Law Journal 8, no. 37 (July 2005): 199–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00006256.
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The last general elections in Spain took place on 14 March 2004. The Socialist Party took over power after eight years of José María Aznar's rightwing conservative government. According to some commentators, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero became the new Prime Minister unexpectedly. We should bear in mind that only three days earlier, on 11 March, horrendous terrorist attacks in Madrid had shocked the international community.
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Heywood, Paul. "Spain: 10 June 1987." Government and Opposition 22, no. 4 (October 1, 1987): 390–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1988.tb00063.x.
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ON 22 JUNE 1986, THE PARTIDO SOCIALISTA OBRERO ESPAÑOL (PSOE) achieved a remarkable triumph in the Spanish general elections. Hard on the heels of his success in the highly controversial and close-run referendum on Spain's NATO membership, the Prime Minister, Felipe González, managed to consolidate the PSOE's hold on political power by winning an absolute majority in both the Cortes and the Senate. At the age of 44, with his ability to confound the sceptics seemingly still intact, González appeared to be the most firmly ensconced head of government in Western Europe. Moreover, to underline the magnitude of his achievement, the Socialist leader had reached this position against the prevailing trend of a resurgent Right evident in much of the rest of Europe. Whereas the PSOE's counterparts in Britain, Germany, France and Portugal had suffered a series of demoralizing electoral defeats throughout the 1980s, the Spanish Socialists, with overwhelming successes in 1982 and 1986, seemed set fair to remain in power until the next century.
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Gillespie, Richard. "‘Programa 2000’: The appearance and reality of socialist renewal in Spain." West European Politics 16, no. 1 (January 1993): 78–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389308424948.
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Vargas, Marta del Moral. "‘Intercrossings’ between Spanish women’s groups and their German, British and Portuguese counterparts (1914–32)." International Journal of Iberian Studies 00, no. 00 (August 18, 2021): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00045_1.
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This article contends that the movement in favour of the rights of women in Spain during the first third of the twentieth century was integrated into several international networks. Three exchanges are analysed between, on the one hand, the women socialists and suffragists in Spain, and, on the other, the international networks built up by the German socialist Clara Zetkin, the suffragists of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance and the Portuguese feminist Ana de Castro Osório. Scrutiny of these ‘intercrossings’ reveals that, despite their ‘asymmetrical’ outcomes, the demand for the social and political rights of women surpassed national boundaries and had a transformative impact on all the parties involved.
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Nicolás, Pilar. "Spanish Regulation of Biobanks." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 43, no. 4 (2015): 801–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jlme.12321.
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Spain occupies an area of 504.645 km, and it has a population of 46.5 million people, out of which 4,538,503 are immigrants. Life expectancy is 82.5 years (85.5 for females and 79.5 for males). Its economy grew 1.4 % in 1014. Its current Constitution was enacted in 1978. It has been part of the European Union since 1986.Spain is a social and democratic state subject to the rule of law. Liberty, justice, equality, and political pluralism are the highest values of the legal order of the rule of law. Spain is a constitutional monarchy with a parliamentary government. The legislative power rests upon two chambers: the Congress and Senate. The government exercises the executive powers and the regulatory powers. There have been six presidents since 1978 from all parties, socialist, centrist, and conservative. The judicial power rests upon the courts and tribunals established by law.
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HOLLERAN, MAX. "Tourism and Europe's Shifting Periphery: Post-Franco Spain and Post-Socialist Bulgaria." Contemporary European History 26, no. 4 (October 17, 2017): 691–715. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000352.
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This article examines how Spain's tourism industry was developed using European Union (EU) grants in the 1980s and 1990s, and how this strategy was later deployed to post-socialist Europe (illustrated using the case of Bulgaria). The article shows that peripheral modernisation was an important mission in the evolution of the EU and urban development for tourism played a major role in two successive post-dictatorial societies. Tourism was considered a key economic sector that addressed the reality of deindustrialisation and also served as a useful metaphor for intra-European mobility and the symbolic power of the leisure economy.
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Smith, W. Rand. "Industrial Crisis and the Left: Adjustment Strategies in Socialist France and Spain." Comparative Politics 28, no. 1 (October 1995): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/421995.
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Karamichas, John. "Accessing the Institutions: The Road to the Socialist–Green Alliance in Spain." Mediterranean Politics 13, no. 3 (October 31, 2008): 419–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629390802386903.
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Martín, Irene, and Ignacio Urquizu-Sancho. "The 2011 General Election in Spain: The Collapse of the Socialist Party." South European Society and Politics 17, no. 2 (June 2012): 347–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2012.708983.
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Sánchez, Recio Glicerio, and Calero Francisco Sevillano. "La denuncia della corruzione in Spagna come mezzo di accesso al potere (1989-1996)." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 32 (December 2009): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-032006.
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- This article examines the public denunciation of political life in Spain during the second period of the long years of PSOE government, presided over by Felipe González from 1982 to 1996. During those years, with a consolidated democracy in place, the main opposition party, the conservative PP, called on the socialist leaders to deal with the corruption among those holding political office - particularly from the beginning of 1989. Not only did the denunciation of the various cases of corruption and of the "dirty war" against ETA terrorism occupy the political agenda as a means of challeng-ing and discrediting the government, but it also led to a "corrosion" of the political discourse that had characterized the democratic transition in Spain. With regard to these events in recent political life in Spain, the article emphasizes that political scandal is a slightly different phenomenon from corruption, understood as an abuse of the law that undermines the political system.
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Ponedelko, G. "Immigration in Spain." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2015): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-9-80-92.
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The article considers the problems of Spanish immigration within the period of 1981–2015, namely, its dynamics, latest tendencies and socio-economic characteristics (including changes in nationality, gender, age and educational structures of immigrants). Primarily, the stress is made on an in-depth analysis of the following main features of immigrants’ population in Spain: the levels of their incomes, the unemployment rate, the living standards. The author makes a conclusion that Spanish immigrants constitute not only a majority of poor population in the country but they are also ones of the poorest in Europe. It is particularly evident against the background of their impact upon the economic activity and employment’s rate of the country’s population and economic growth. At the considered period all the mentioned indicators were noticeably higher for immigrants than for local labor force, not saying of the positive immigrants’ influence on the growth and rejuvenation of Spanish people. Secondly, a considerable part in the article is devoted to the analysis of the immigration policy of Spanish government during the considered period of time. The author singles out the specific stages of this policy and shows that its contents and approaches modified in strict dependence of political factors. The Spanish Socialist Working Party was the beginner of the immigration policy in 1985 which always had the most liberal character particularly when it was concerned to the immigrant social and labor integration based on human rights equality. On the contrary, immigration policy of the now ruling conservative Partido Popular has more pragmatic, selective and rigid approach to foreign labor force legislation.
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Arenas, Fernando. "O OUTRO COMO UTOPIA NA LITERATURA PORTUGUESA CONTEMPORÂNEA." Via Atlântica, no. 8 (December 16, 2005): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/va.v0i8.50015.
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<p class="western"><span style="color: #000000;"><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">ESTE ESTUDO APONTA PARA UMA RECONFIGURAÇÃO DO PENSAMENTO UTÓ- PICO EM ALGUMAS EXPRESSÕES DA LITERATURA PORTUGUESA, DESTACANDO A RECENTE OBRA DE JOSÉ SARAMAGO. HISTORICAMENTE, SARAMAGO TEM-SE COMPROMETIDO COM VARIADOS ASPECTOS DO IDEÁRIO DA ESQUERDA INTERNACIONAL. PORÉM, DADA UMA SÉRIE DE MUDANÇAS RADICAIS A NÍVEL MUNDIAL DO PONTO DE VISTA HISTÓRICO, POLÍTICO E CULTURAL NAS ÚLTIMAS DÉCADAS, A SUA OBRA APRESENTA MODALIDADES ÉTICO-POLÍTICAS ALTERNATIVAS QUE FOGEM À PRAXE TRADICIONAL DO SOCIALISMO DE ESTADO DURANTE O PERÍODO DA GUERRA FRIA.</span></span></span></p>
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Arbea, Javier I., and Toni Pérez Fernández. "A new species and a new record of Hypogastrura (Collembola, Hypogastruridae) from Miguel Ángel Blanco shaft (Jaén, Spain)." Subterranean Biology 35 (August 5, 2020): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3897/subtbiol.35.54257.
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A new species of cavernicolous Collembola belonging to the genus Hypogastrura Bourlet, 1839 from “Sima Miguel Ángel Blanco” (Jaén, Spain) is described: Hypogastrura herrerosvelaisp. nov. belongs to the H. monticola group of species within the genus and is easy to distinguish from its three relatives, Hypogastrura monticola Stach, 1946, H. hispanica Steiner, 1955 and H. dasiensis Selga, 1966, by the dorsal chaetotaxy. On the other hand, the presence of the species Hypogastrura socialis (Uzel, 1890) in the Iberian Peninsula is confirmed.
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Flavia, Gomes. "Journalism’s use of social network: comparative analysis between Brazil and Spain." aDResearch ESIC 009 (January 1, 2014): 22–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.7263/adresic/009.002.
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Tausiet, Antonio. "Veinte años de humor gráfico español (1970-1990)." Neuróptica, no. 1 (March 24, 2020): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_neuroptica/neuroptica.201914323.
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Resumen: Breve historia del humor gráfico en España en las dos décadas del Tardofranquismo al Desencanto (1970-1990), enmarcada por sus antecedentes, marcados por la Ley de Prensa de 1966, y sus postrimerías, con el fin del primer período de gobiernos del Partido Socialista, en 1996.
Abstract: Brief history of graphic humor in Spain in the two decades of Tardofranquismo to Desencanto (1970-1990), framed by its antecedents, marked by the Press Law of 1966, and its aftermath, with the end of the first period of governments of the Socialist Party, in 1996.
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Carty, A. "Alfred Verdross and Othmar Spann: German Romantic Nationalism, National Socialism and International Law." European Journal of International Law 6, no. 1 (January 1, 1995): 78–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ejil/6.1.78.
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Papajorgji, Endri, and Naim Mëçalla. "Enterprises in Yugoslavia as a Specialty of Workers' Self-Management System During Socialism (1945-1990)." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 10, no. 5 (September 5, 2021): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2021-0132.
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In Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (hereinafter: SFRY) many laws were approved that regulated the legal capacity of economic organizations (Dobias, 1969);1 however, no law regulated the concept of the enterprise (Stipetić, 1982). The constitution of 13.1.1953 transformed in its Art 4 “state property” to "social property". In addition, workers' self-management of enterprises (economic organizations) was proclaimed as the basis of the social and political order. The work collective managed the assets of the companies on behalf of the company, while the state was responsible for day-to-day management and the funds needed for production (Prasnikar, Svejnar, Mihaljek & Prasnikar, 1994). In this sense, the implementation of participative management systems reflects the intentions of the political leadership to decentralize and liberalize economic life (Zeffane, 1988). The company was not a commercial company, as it is known in the West, but a production cooperative that was not in a membership relationship with the workers (because then they would be equal to a public company), but in an employment relationship (Spaić, 1960). The company was self-sufficient in terms of its internal organization and management, planning its economic activity, the distribution and use of income, the signing of contracts and the formation of economic associations (Pretnar, 1961). The self-administration law, ie the right of the work collectives to the administration of the commercial enterprises, could be called civil-law or property-law authority, because the work collectives would not have possessed a real self-administration right, without such a competence. In this sense, main objective of this manuscript is the analysis of enterprises in Yugoslavia as a specialty of both systems, capitalism and socialism. Main objective of this manuscript is the Analysis of Enterprises in Yugoslavia as a specialty of workers' self-management system from 1963 -1990 Received: 16 June 2021 / Accepted: 3 August 2021 / Published: 5 September 2021
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Marinho Siqueira, Sandra Maria. "A análise de Vânia Bambirra acerca da opressão das mulheres latino-americanas no lastro da teoria marxista da dependência." Germinal: Marxismo e Educação em Debate 12, no. 1 (August 16, 2020): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/gmed.v12i1.36655.
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<span id="docs-internal-guid-1465c899-7fff-ff77-8a03-ef99f9c03ed9"><span>Este artigo visa resgatar a vida e o pensamento de Vânia Bambirra, em um contexto de recrudescimento do pensamento conservador e de ações persecutórias ao marxismo. Esta importante autora teceu notáveis contribuições em três eixos: a teoria marxista da dependência, a transição ao socialismo e a situação das mulheres trabalhadoras no capitalismo. Fundadora da Organização Revolucionária Marxista - Política Operária (ORM-Polop), exilou-se no Chile no período da ditadura militar brasileira, participando ativamente da luta de classes travada na América Latina. Com a abertura do regime democrático, retornou ao Brasil e contribuiu com a fundação do PDT, do qual rompeu em 2000.</span></span>
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Almansa-Martínez, Ana, Oscar Fonseca, and Antonio Castillo-Esparcia. "Social Networks and Young People. Comparative Study of Facebook between Colombia and Spain." Comunicar 20, no. 40 (March 1, 2013): 127–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3916/c40-2013-03-03.
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Social networks have become areas of social interaction among young people where they create a profile to relate with others. The way this population uses social networks has an impact on their socialization as well as the emotional and affective aspects of their development. The purpose of this investigation was to analyze how Facebook is used by young people to communicate among themselves and the experiences they gain from it. On the one hand, while teenagers claim to know the risks, they admit to accepting strangers as friends and to sharing large amounts of true data about their private lives. For this reason, it is necessary to understand the media and digital phenomenon that the youth are living through. Although they are legally prohibited from using Facebook until they are 13, the number of underage users of this social network is growing, without any restraint from parents or schools. This investigation compares the use of Facebook by youth in Colombia and Spain by using the content analysis and interview techniques. In Colombia 100 Facebook profiles were analyzed and 20 interviews carried out with students between 12- and 15-years-old attending the Institución Educativa Distrital Técnico Internacional school in Bogotá. In Spain, 100 Facebook profiles were analyzed and 20 interviews held with students of the same age group attending various secondary schools in Andalusia. Las redes sociales se han convertido en ámbitos de interacción social entre los jóvenes, que crean un perfil para relacionarse con los demás. La exposición pública en el caso de los adolescentes puede generar problemas sobre aspectos sociales, emotivos y afectivos. Esta investigación analiza cómo se usa Facebook por parte de los jóvenes y qué experiencia obtienen de ello. Aunque dicen conocer los riesgos, admiten que aceptan a desconocidos como amigos y ofrecen datos reales sobre su vida. Ante esta situación, se hace más evidente la necesidad de la alfabetización mediática y digital de estos jóvenes que, aunque no deberían estar en Facebook hasta los 13 años, cuentan con un perfil de manera mayoritaria. Para ello se ha utilizado una metodología basada en el análisis de contenido y las entrevistas en profundidad. Se trata de un estudio comparativo entre Colombia y España. En Colombia se han realizado 100 análisis de perfiles y 20 entrevistas en profundidad. La muestra ha sido de adolescentes de 12 a 15 años, de la Institución Educativa Distrital Técnico Internacional de Bogotá. En España se han analizado 100 perfiles y se han realizado 20 entrevistas a chicos de 12 a 15 años, de Institutos (IES) de Andalucía.
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Royo, S. "The Collapse of Social Concertation and the Failure of Socialist Economic Policies in Spain." South European Society and Politics 6, no. 1 (June 2001): 27–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714004934.
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