Academic literature on the topic 'Socialism Labor and laboring classes'
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Journal articles on the topic "Socialism Labor and laboring classes"
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Woronov, T. E. "Doing Time: Mimetic Labor and Human Capital Accumulation in Chinese Vocational Schools." South Atlantic Quarterly 111, no. 4 (October 1, 2012): 701–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-1724147.
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Working-class youth enrolled in China’s urban vocational schools spend years hanging out and sleeping through their classes. Rather than condemning this as a failure of the students’ ability or the schools’ pedagogy, this essay argues that attending vocational school is a form of mimetic labor in China today. Based on a year of ethnographic research in two vocational schools and theorized using Diane Elson’s value theory of labor, this essay analyzes China’s current regimes of human capital accumulation. I argue that these regimes structure nonelite education such that working-class youth generate value by laboring at the mimetic production of a school-like environment.
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Shedd, John A. "The State Versus the Trades Guilds: Parliament's Soldier-Apprentices in the English Civil War Period, 1642–1655." International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (April 2004): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904000079.
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During the English Civil War period, parliament freed apprentices who had left their masters to serve in parliament's armed forces, thereby nullifying the postwar efforts of companies to force disbanded soldiers to return and finish their seven years of training. In effect, legislation favoring apprentices undid the traditional cooperative relationship between the English state and the guilds. By freeing apprentices who had yet to complete labor contracts, parliament made more common the practice of renegade apprentices abandoning their masters to set up shop, a problem that had plagued the guild system since its inception. The many Civil War apprentices who took advantage of these innovative state benefits can remind us that we have been too inclined to associate the unraveling of the guild system and the rise of capitalism with the bourgeoisie rather than with the laboring classes.
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Cantwell, Christopher D. "Sherri Broder,Tramps, Unfit Mothers, and Neglected Children: Negotiating the Family in Nineteenth-Century Philadelphia. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002. 259 pp. $42.50 cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 68 (October 2005): 150–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547905270230.
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With the relatively recent renovation of the American welfare system, the current dispute over faith-based organizations administering federal aid, and the wanton usage of the term family values in political discourse, few can deny that debate over the family, welfare, and the state remains heated. To add greater depth and nuance to this debate, Sherri Broder has delved into the complex relationships between the subjects and objects of social reform in late-nineteenth century Philadelphia. She explores how wealthy reformers, evangelical rescue workers, the labor movement, and laboring people “all drew on the discourse of the family”—which revolved around contested definitions of what constituted a tramp, unfit mother, or neglected child—“to define themselves variously as gendered members of different social classes, as respected family and community members, as political actors, and as people with claims on the state, the police, and public and private social services”(6). Utilizing local and national labor periodicals, the published works of charity organizations and individual reformers, and the institutional records of the Pennsylvania Society to Protect Children from Cruelty (SPCC) and the pseudonymous “Haven for Unwed Mothers and Infants,” Broder moves topically throughout five chapters dissecting different components of Philadelphia's discourse on the family.
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Chacón, Ramón D. "Rural Educational Reform in Yucatán: From the Porfiriato to the Era of Salvador Alvarado, 1910-1918." Americas 42, no. 2 (October 1985): 207–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007209.
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The majority of leaders who participated in the 1910 Mexican Revolution agreed that educational reform was essential if the laboring classes were to be assimilated into Mexican society. Despite these deepfelt concerns, in the arena of social reform, education during the years 1910-1920 played a tertiary role behind agrarian and labor reform, issues which received the greatest national attention. Thus, at the national level education failed to attract serious reform until the 1920s. There were, however, other reasons that explain the lack of support for educational change. The political instability that existed due to revolutionary internecine warfare, the shortage of revenues, and the lack of a national education policy further obstructed an educational reform movement. The shortcomings in governmental direction were compounded even more because in 1914 the central government adopted an educational policy of decentralization that gave the states control over education. This experiment in decentralization, lasting from 1914 to 1920, was a fiasco and left little doubt that the national government should assume control over education.
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Smart, Devin. "Provisioning the Posho: Labor Migration and Working-Class Food Systems on the Early-Colonial Kenyan Coast." International Labor and Working-Class History 98 (2020): 173–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754791900019x.
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AbstractEngaging questions about social reproduction, migrant labor, and food provisioning, this article examines the emergence of a working-class food system on the coast of Kenya during the early decades of the twentieth century. Like elsewhere in Africa, labor migrants in Kenya's port city of Mombasa and on nearby plantations were provisioned with food rations, which were part of what Patrick Harries calls a “racial paternalism” that structured many labor relations during the colonial period. The article starts in rural Kenya, but then follows labor migrants to their places of employment to examine the formation of this new food system. In upcountry rural societies, women had primarily produced and then exclusively prepared their communities’ food. However, as migrants, men received a ration (posho) of maize meal or rice as part of their pay, used their cash wages to purchase foodstuffs from nearby markets, and some plantation workers were also able to grow their own vegetables on plots allocated by their employers. After acquiring their food through these wage-labor relations, men then had to cook their meals themselves. In addition the cuisine created by labor migration was one of extreme monotony compared to what these migrants ate in their rural communities, but I also show how food became a point of conflict between management and labor. The article demonstrates how workers successfully pressured their employers to improve the quantity and quality of their rations from the 1910s to the 1920s, while also raising their wages that allowed them to purchase better food. I additionally argue that during this period an “urban” or “rural” context did not fundamentally define how migrant workers acquired their food, as those laboring in both city and countryside received these rations. However, the article concludes by examining how after 1930, economic transformations changed Mombasa's food system so that workers became almost entirely reliant on cash and credit as the way they acquired their daily meals, while paternalism continued to infuse the food systems of rural migrant laborers. In sum, this article is a local study of coastal Kenya that is also concerned with global questions about how food provisioning fits into the social reproduction of working classes in industrial and colonial capitalism.
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Jaffe, J. A. "The “Chiliasm of Despair” Reconsidered: Revivalism and Working-Class Agitation in County Durham." Journal of British Studies 28, no. 1 (January 1989): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385924.
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The role of evangelical religion in the social history of the English working class has been an area of both bewildering theories and un-founded generalizations. The problem, of course, was given a degree of notoriety by Elie Halévy who, according to the received interpretation, claimed that the revolutionary fervor characteristic of the Continental working class in the first half of the nineteenth century was drained from its British counterpart because of the latter's acceptance of Evangelicalism, namely, Methodism.It was revived most notably by E. P. Thompson, who accepted the counterrevolutionary effect of Methodism but claimed that the evangelical message was really an agent of capitalist domination acting to subordinate the industrial working class to the dominion of factory time and work discipline. Furthermore, Thompson argued, the English working class only accepted Methodism reluctantly and in the aftermath of actual political defeats that marked their social and economic subordination to capital. This view has gained a wide acceptance among many of the most prominent labor historians, including E. J. Hobsbawm and George Rudé who believe that Evangelicalism was the working-class's “chiliasm of despair” that “offered the one-time labour militant … compensation for temporal defeats.”There could hardly be a starker contrast between the interpretation of these labor historians and the views of those who have examined the social and political history of religion in early industrial Britain. Among the most important of these, W. R. Ward has claimed that Methodism was popular among the laboring classes of the early nineteenth century precisely because it complemented political radicalism.
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Kuźmicz, Karol. "PRAWO W UTOPII KOMUNISTYCZNEJ. ZARYS PROBLEMATYKI." Zeszyty Prawnicze 11, no. 4 (December 19, 2016): 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2011.11.4.11.
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LAW IN THE COMMUNIST UTOPIA. AN OUTLINE OF TOPIC Summary The Communist Utopia is strictly connected with the philosophical concepts of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in the 19th century. It is based on historical and dialectical materialism, which were later developed by younger philosophers who created Communist ideology. The scientific character of Communism was stressed and they claimed that it is possible to reach Communism, which will be the highest achievement of social development of progressive mankind. According to XI thesis about Ludwig Feuerbach “the philosophers have interpreted the world in many ways, but the clue problem is to change the world”. In order to change the world law was supposed to be used, because the philosophers claimed that it is easier to create a new man and new world than to adapt the system to people. The transition to Communism, with its first phase called „real socialism”, was connected with the fight of classes, which was supposed to be sharper and sharper. In this fight the law had to be both sword and shield on the way to Communism. The law was used as a tool in this fight against „relics of capitalism” such as: counter-revolution, imperialism, non-socialist attitude towards ownership and labor, nationalistic prejudices, religion and many other relics of capitalism. The Communist ideology presumed that reaching the power would be achieved by the revolution. In political and legal practice the ideology was totalitarian. The Communist system has elaborated its own theory of state and law, according to which the law was regarded as a tool for rulers, who wanted to achieve their own goals (often Utopian). The revolutionary movement tried to preserve the changes by binding law. As a result of it the law was instrumentally treated by the regime, which itself was above the law. The Communism, which as a presumption was not Utopian, has occurred to be anti-Utopian (so called negative Utopia). According to Leszek Kołakowski, the Communism was a “total lie” from the beginning. The highest point of the Communist Utopia was a presumption that at the end of the revolution the state and law will not be necessary any more. The non-class society will reach Communist paradise on the earth.
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Leal, Rene. "The Rise of Fascist Formations in Chile and in the World." Social Sciences 9, no. 12 (December 14, 2020): 230. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci9120230.
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This essay examines the contemporary crisis in Chile in the context of the rise of the global far right. What led to the popular uprising in Chile in October 2019, and what forces are represented by its violent state repression? Fascist formations are currently developing in various nations; Umberto Eco’s concept of Ur-Fascism is useful in tracing the range of fascisms and their characteristics. These include populism, nationalism, racism, and syncretic traditionalism. In Chile, the racism of the far right is directed against its indigenous people more than immigrants. The ‘unfinished business’ of capitalist development here is the historical background of the oppressive relationship established by the ‘West’ over the ‘Rest’, in Stuart Hall’s terms. Fascism emerges periodically, temporarily resolving crises of accumulation through runaway activity of capital, entailing suppression of the working class and its organization. Neoliberalism has been the latest form of this exacerbation, but as its contradictions have intensified, its ideology no longer manages to mask the exploitation and secure consent. Neoliberalism, trialed in Chile after the 1973 coup under United States hegemony, became globally entrenched following the collapse of Soviet-bloc socialism and the ensuing weaknesses and crises of the organized left and the decay of social democracy. Neoliberal ideology has sustained capital at the same time as neoliberal policies have augmented the precarity of subordinated classes. As this becomes apparent with the sharpening of contradictions, the anachronistic relationship between liberalism and democracy has been deeply damaged. It becomes clear that capital’s profitability is privileged over the needs and wishes of the people. In this framework, to explore the rise and meaning of fascism is thus to examine the condition and possibilities of modernity and its limits. Modernity is besieged by pressurs coming from premodern esentialist conceptions of the world and also by the postmodernist’s view of chaos and fragmentation of a spontaneous social order; neoliberalism becomes compatible with both. Fascism lacks a coherence, but is anchored emotionally to archetypal foundations. Its very eclecticism embraces a wide range of anti-socialist and anti-capitalist discourses, which have enabled it to take root in mass movements. Its ideological resolution of the contradiction between capital and labor is temporary: the intensifying of capital accumulation activates its opposition, to the point where the distorting effect of ideology is unveiled and contradictions appear as class struggle. The longstanding imposition of neoliberalism in Chile, and the runaway activity of capital which it supported have has been rejected and partially defeated by the October 2019 rebellion in Chile. The far right has backed down but has not been defeated. The plebiscite of 25 October 2020 has delivered the people’s verdict on neoliberalism. However, in the different global and national circumstances of 2021, the fascists still among us may yet seek to reassert the order that they sought in 1973.
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Suwandi, Intan. "The Case for Labor-Led Development." Monthly Review, February 1, 2020, 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-071-09-2020-02_4.
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As Benjamin Selwyn points out in his sharp and thoughtful The Struggle for Development, capital-centered development deepens exploitation. Selwyn powerfully challenges the capitalist road to further immiseration for the majority of the world's population, opening up an important discussion regarding what is to be done in the twenty-first century. An alternative form of development, led by the laboring classes, is not only necessary but possible. Above all, "labouring-class movements and struggles against capitalist exploitation can be, and are, developmental in and of themselves."
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Valdez, Inés. "Socialism and Empire: Labor Mobility, Racial Capitalism, and the Political Theory of Migration." Political Theory, December 31, 2020, 009059172098189. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591720981896.
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This essay brings together political theories of empire and racial capitalism to clarify the entanglements between socialist and imperial discourse at the turn of the twentieth century. I show that white labor activists and intellectuals in the United States and the British settler colonies borrowed from imperial scripts to mark non-white workers as a threat. This discourse was thus both imperial and popular, because it absorbed the white working class into settler projects and enlisted its support in defense of imperial logics of labor control. While white workers’ demands of enfranchisement were part of a transnational imagination that was both imperial and narrowly emancipatory, this discourse reemerged as one of popular sovereignty and found channels and paths to institutionalization through national states. These institutional formations arose out of the encounter between capitalists interested in facilitating mobility of racialized laboring subjects around the globe, elite projects invested in sheltering settler spaces, and white workers concerned with protecting their own labor from competition by excluding exploitable non-white workers. White labor’s embrace of racial prejudice and the exclusion of workers of color created segregated labor spaces that fit neatly with both capitalist goals of labor control and the protection of the settler status of emerging polities. Bringing to the forefront the imperial genealogy of popular sovereignty and immigration control disrupts liberal political theory frameworks that condemn restrictions as well as those that find migration restrictions permissible. The analysis also illuminates contemporary immigration politics.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Socialism Labor and laboring classes"
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Magnússon, Magnús S. "Iceland in transition labour and socio-economic change before 1940 /." Lund : [Universitet], 1985. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/15205389.html.
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FÃlix, AntÃnio Ferreira. "O carÃter pedagÃgico da atividade sindical e os limites do economicismo." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2013. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=9444.
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nÃo hÃO presente trabalho tem como principal propÃsito demonstrar o papel pedagÃgico das organizaÃÃes sindicais na educaÃÃo dos trabalhadores no contexto da sociabilidade do capital em crise e colocar a importÃncia dessas organizaÃÃes para a luta dos trabalhadores, que mesmo muitas vezes servindo à classe dominante, para conformÃ-los à exploraÃÃo, podem, em certas circunstÃncias, converter-se em um dos instrumentos na educaÃÃo/organizaÃÃo e mobilizaÃÃo com o objetivo de transformar a sociedade rumo a uma sociabilidade emancipada. Para tal intento fizemos um intercurso histÃrico por dentro do modo de produÃÃo capitalista, primeiro observando o surgimento das organizaÃÃes dos trabalhadores, desde as primeiras formas de resistÃncia, que, no inÃcio, eram reaÃÃes individuais (como roubos e assassinatos, destruiÃÃo das mercadorias estrangeiras), depois destruiÃÃo das mÃquinas (nÃo esquecendo as organizaÃÃes secretas) e, finalmente, as formas mais evoluÃdas de organizaÃÃes, como os sindicatos e os partidos operÃrios. Posteriormente, buscamos a definiÃÃo do que à educaÃÃo, partindo da atividade prÃtica dos homens, da prÃxis material, para compreender a relaÃÃo de determinaÃÃo, dependÃncia e autonomia entre teoria e prÃtica, existÃncia e consciÃncia. Enfim, buscamos entender onde se situa a educaÃÃo, especificamente na moderna sociedade produtora de mercadorias, da propriedade privada dos meios de produÃÃo, do trabalho assalariado e, sobretudo, da contradiÃÃo cada vez mais aguda entre as forÃas produtivas e as relaÃÃes de produÃÃo, no seio da luta de classes. Nesse contexto, as organizaÃÃes sindicais sÃo levadas, normalmente, a pautar seu combate na imediaticidade, no economicismo, ficando, portanto, nos limites da luta contra os efeitos, nÃo combatendo as causas da real exploraÃÃo à qual à submetida a classe trabalhadora. Contudo, os sindicatos podem estar ou a serviÃo da classe dominante, quando levam a cabo a conciliaÃÃo de classes, ou na defesa da classe dominada, quando educam, organizam e mobilizam a classe trabalhadora para a aÃÃo direta, levando-a a confiar na sua organizaÃÃo, na sua forÃa e na defesa dos seus interesses. Para o alcance do nosso objetivo de investigaÃÃo, examinamos as produÃÃes teÃricas sobre sindicatos, a partir da revisÃo dos escritos de Marx (2008; 2009), Engels (2009; 2010), LÃnin (1979; 2005; 2010), Trotsky (1978; 1979; 2008), Rosa Luxemburgo (1990), Arcary (1995; 2005), Gramsci (1978), Lora (1989) e outros que pesquisam o tema. Para isso, tentaremos demonstrar, por um lado, o processo de burocratizaÃÃo dos sindicatos, atrelado aos governos e aos patrÃes; por outro, a resistÃncia dos trabalhadores na busca de se organizar, forjando organizaÃÃes independentes, classistas e que tÃm como horizonte estratÃgico a luta pelo socialismo.
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Souza, Samuel Fernando de. "Coagidos ou subornados : trabalhadores, sindicatos, Estado e as leis do trabalho nos anos 1930." [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280759.
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Orientador: Michael McDonald HallTese (Doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-10T17:10:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Souza_SamuelFernandode_D.pdf: 1378249 bytes, checksum: 0c5eae79b25badc79280b696bec3648b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007
Resumo: O tema desta tese é a regulamentação das relações de trabalho durante os anos 1930. Ao longo das últimas décadas, a legislação trabalhista tem freqüentado as pautas da historiografia do trabalho. O Estado era visto como formulador e executor das leis, durante o período de 1930 a 1945, e esta regulação teria consolidado a submissão de trabalhadores e entidades sindicais ao império burocrático trabalhista. Em oposição a estas perspectivas uma nova historiografia do trabalho questionou o poder ¿demiurgo¿ do Estado. Na medida em que os estudos atentaram para as relações entre sindicatos, Estado, trabalhadores e patrões, uma série de novas questões veio à tona. Os sindicatos não eram tão atrelados, os trabalhadores mantinham estratégias de organização e mobilização e a lei era um campo de disputas. Esta tese parte desta perspectiva. O estudo da regulamentação tem como eixo a judicialização das relações de trabalho, iniciada nos anos 1920 e incrementada durante os anos 1930. A judicialização, resultado da legislação sobre o trabalho, foi observada a partir dos serviços de fiscalização das leis e pelos órgãos de justiça do trabalho. Os encontros entre trabalhadores, sindicato e patrões no âmbito do Estado revelaram a fragilidade do Estado para aplicar as leis, os usos por parte de trabalhadores e sindicatos dos recursos legais, bem como as estratégias do Estado, pelo Ministério do Trabalho, nas tentativas de efetivar o controle sindical
Abstract: The main object of this work is the legislation on labour relations during 1930¿s. Labour historians have been concerned about the legislation over the last decades. The State was often viewed as formulating and executing labour legislation during the 1930 ¿ 1945 period, the result being a labour movement controlled by the State. When historians started to focus on labour unions, workers, employers and the State a range of new questions about the subject arose. Labour unions were not too controlled by the State, workers had strategies to organize and mobilize by right and the law was a field for struggle. This thesis starts from this perspective and studies regulation from the viewpoint of the judicialization of labour relations, begun in the 1920s and increased during the 1930¿s. This judicialization, a result of the legislation, is viewed from the enforcement services of the laws and by the instruments of the labour courts. The encounters of workers, union and owners within the State reveal the State¿s fragility in applying its laws, the uses of legal recourses by workers and unions, as well as the strategies of the State, through the Ministry of Labour, in its attempts to exercise effective control over unions
Doutorado
Historia Social
Doutor em História
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Nowak, Jörg. "Geschlechterpolitik und Klassenherrschaft : eine Integration marxistischer und feministischer Staatstheorien /." Münster : Westfälisches Dampfboot, 2009. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=018701861&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Kennedy, John. "Minding their own business : an ethnographic study of entrepreneurship in Putin's Russia." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7305/.
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Russian entrepreneurs have long faced considerable difficulties. While much is known about what these difficulties are, less is known about how entrepreneurs respond to them, what it is like to be an entrepreneur under these circumstances and why they bother in the first place. In this thesis I address these questions by conducting a multi-sited ethnography within three small Siberian enterprises, observing the directors as they conduct their everyday business. I find that these entrepreneurs all resent their vulnerable position in the political economy but that they have developed a capacity to survive or thrive in spite of the obstacles and threats they encounter. This capacity, I argue, is less a consequence of their commercial acumen than their understanding of what can be achieved given their particular circumstances, their knowledge that business-state relations take an informal, personalised form, and their preparedness to resist predatory outsiders. This leads me to reconsider the meaning of entrepreneurship in the Russian context. Furthermore, my informants’ agency presents a challenge to the idea in predominant political economic theories that the Russian state dominates the private sector. I therefore reconceptualise business-state relations using Douglass C. North et al’s Limited Access Order theory in combination with my empirical materials. This provides a more accurate theory that accepts the pre-eminent role of the state in the political economy while accommodating the agency displayed by my informants.
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Gibbs, Ewan. "Deindustrialisation and industrial communities : the Lanarkshire coalfields c.1947-1983." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2016. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/7751/.
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This thesis examines deindustrialisation, the declining contribution of industrial activities to economic output and employment, in Lanarkshire, Scotland’s largest coalfield between the early nineteenth and mid-twentieth century. It focuses on contraction between the National Coal Board’s (NCB) vesting in 1947 and the closure of Lanarkshire’s last colliery, Cardowan, in 1983. Deindustrialisation was not the natural outcome of either market forces or geological exhaustion. Colliery closures and falling coal employment were the result of policy-makers’ decisions. The thesis consists of four thematic chapters: political economy, moral economy, class and community, and generation and gender. The analysis is based on archival sources including Scottish Office reports and correspondence relating to regional policy, and NCB records. These are supported by National Union of Mineworkers Scottish Area and STUC meeting minutes, and oral history testimonies from over 30 men and women with Lanarkshire coalfield backgrounds, as well as two focus groups. The first two chapters analyse the process of deindustrialisation, with the first offering a top-down perspective and the second a bottom-up viewpoint. In chapter one deindustrialisation is analysed through changes in political economy. Shifts in labour market structure are examined through the development of regional policy and its administration by the Scottish Office. The analysis centres upon a policy network of Scottish business elites and civil servants who shaped a vision of modernisation via industrial diversification through attracting inward investment. In chapter two the perspective shifts to community and workforce. It analyses responses to coalfield contraction through a moral economy of customary rights to colliery employment. A detailed investigation of Lanarkshire colliery closures between the 1940s and 1980s emphasises the protracted nature of deindustrialisation. Chapters three and four consider the social and cultural structures which shaped the moral economy but were heavily altered by deindustrialisation. Chapter three focuses on the dense networks that linked occupation, community, and class consciousness. Increasing coalfield centralisation and remote control of pits from NCB headquarters in London, and mounting hostility to coal closures, contributed to an accentuated sense of Scottish-ness. Chapter four illuminates gender and generational dimensions. The differing experiences of cohorts of men who faced either early retirement, redundancy or transfer to alternative sectors, or those who never attained anticipated industrial employment due to final closures, are analysed in terms of constructions of masculinity and the endurance of cultural as well as material losses. This is counterpoised to women who gained industrial work in assembly plants and the perceived gradual attainment of an improved economic and social position whilst continuing to navigate structures of patriarchy.
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Pokphatthanakkun, Čhongčhairak. "Nayōbāi khō̜ng ratthabān Thai kīeokap kammakō̜n rawāng Phō̜. Sō̜. 2475-2499." 1986. http://books.google.com/books?id=WSxYAAAAMAAJ.
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Thesis (M. Ed.)--Srinakharinwirot University, 1986.In Thai; abstract also in English. Title from leaf [232]: Labour policy of Thai government between B.E. 2475 and 2499. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [205]-229). Also issued in print.
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Esser, John Schneiberg Marc. "Bread and circuses in a capitalist labor process a psychoanalytic approach to worker compliance /." 1985. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/12328048.html.
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Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1985.Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 288-290).
Books on the topic "Socialism Labor and laboring classes"
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Evans, Richard J. Proletarians and politics: Socialism, protest and the working class in Germany before the First World War. London: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1990.
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Lancaster, Bill. Radicalism, cooperation and socialism: Leicester working-class politics 1860-1906. (Leicester): Leicester University Press, 1987.
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I︠A︡khimovich, Z. P. Rabochiĭ klass Italii protiv imperializma i militarizma: Konet︠s︡ XIX-nachalo XX vv. Moskva: Nauka, 1986.
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Veres, Péter. " Bérharcos" munkásmozgalom vagy "államépítő" szocializmus? Budapest: Magvető Kiadó, 1986.
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Pobl, protest a gwleidyddiaeth: Achosion enghreifftiol yn hanes Cymru yr ugeinfed ganrif. Llandysul: Gwasg Gomer, 1988.
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The alternative culture: Socialist labor in Imperial Germany. New York: Oxford University Press, 1985.
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Larkin, Emmet. James Larkin: Irish labour leader, 1876-1947. London: Pluto Press, 1989.
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Posner, Paul W. "Laboring under Chávez." In Labor Politics in Latin America, 162–89. University Press of Florida, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9781683400455.003.0007.
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In contrast to cases such as Chile and Mexico, which have undergone substantial economic liberalization and labor flexibilization, labor reform under the Chávez regime’s twenty-first-century socialism promised greater protection for workers from market forces and the development of a strong, autonomous labor movement capable of advocating effectively for workers’ rights and interests. However, this chapter argues that such potential was not realized under Chávez and will not likely be realized under his chosen successor, Nicolás Maduro. Indeed, while in rhetoric the regime vehemently rejected neoliberalism, in practice it promoted de facto flexibilized labor relations through the creation of worker cooperatives, which serve as sources of subcontracted labor, particularly for state-owned industries. In addition to exploiting vulnerable workers in cooperatives, the Chávez regime’s “rentier populism” employed divisive institutional practices that encouraged the fragmentation and weakening of organized labor, impeded the labor movement’s autonomy, contravened essential labor rights such as free union elections, collective bargaining, and the right to strike and engaged in reprisals against unions and workers it perceived as threats. These key features of labor organization in contemporary Venezuela indicate a pronounced contradiction between the Chávez regime’s avowed commitment to socialist principles of worker solidarity and equality and its political economy in practice.
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"4. Reconstructing the Labor Framework—Reconstructing the Laboring Classes." In Legitimating the Illegitimate, 85–120. University of California Press, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/9780520326651-008.
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Gessler, Anne. "The Brotherhood of Co-operative Commonwealth: Modernizing Infrastructure and Public Welfare at the Dawn of the Twentieth Century." In Cooperatives in New Orleans, 23–48. University Press of Mississippi, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496827616.003.0002.
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In 1897, the confluence of a four-year national depression; interracial violence; unpredictable flooding and epidemics; and legalized segregation and disenfranchisement spelled intense social disruption for New Orleanians of color and impoverished whites. Trem-based Creoles of color joined a renewed effort to bring utopian socialism to bear on state-sanctioned economic and political oppression. Meeting in integrated labor halls and saloons, multiracial socialists and labor activists translated American, Caribbean, and European utopian socialist theory into a cooperative blueprint for equitably integrating unemployed workers into the city’s economic structure. These interracial utopian socialists, called the Brotherhood of Co-operative Commonwealth, and later, the Laboring Men’s Protective Association, built coalitions with labor, women’s rights, and political reform allies to temporarily reknit the city’s fractured labor movement, improve the city’s crumbling infrastructure, and implement an egalitarian public welfare system to benefit all New Orleanians.
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Thompson, William. "Labor Rewarded. The Claims of Labor and Capital Conciliated: Or, how to Secure to Labor the whole Products of its Exertions. By one of the Idle Classes (London: Printed for Hunt and Clarke, 1827), 75–88." In Contemporary Thought on Nineteenth Century Socialism, 191–202. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429452376-29.
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Chumley, Lily. "New Socialist Realisms." In Creativity Class. Princeton University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691164977.003.0004.
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This chapter considers the legacies of socialism in realist genres and political visions. It explores the relationships between official and unofficial visual cultures by tracing the links between three contemporary genres of realism—art test prep realism, avant-garde realism, and official/academic realism. Following on from the work of scholars who have argued for the persistence of socialist ethics in postreform China, this chapter shows how all three genres represent icons of the working classes and express a postsocialist form of class recognition and an ethics of inequality. Here, the transition from moving bodies to passive faces reveals a shift in models of history, from Marxism–Leninism–Maoism to Deng–Jiang–Hu's developmentalist socialism—models of history in which labor and the role of the worker have profound (and profoundly different) significance.
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Hall, John A. "How Best to Rule." In The Importance of Being Civil. Princeton University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691153261.003.0004.
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This chapter argues that the way states behave, in civil or authoritarian ways, affects social identities, and in the process says something about the reconstruction of civility. It is here that the key sociological content of civility is spelled out. Social contracts between labor, capital, and the state have as a side effect the politicizing of industrial relations—they make the state responsible for levels of employment and give workers the right of access to political power. The most obvious, appropriate, and helpful place to begin when considering class is with Karl Marx, the greatest theorist of socialism. His expectation, and that of most Marxists in the years before the First World War, was clear: workers had no countries and so would inevitably be forced to unite as a solidarity class because of the inherent contradictions of the capitalist mode of production. However, there was no single working class, but rather working classes of particular countries.