Academic literature on the topic 'Socialismo liberale'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Socialismo liberale.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Socialismo liberale"
1
Zavaleta Betancourt, José Alfredo. "El laberinto de Octavio." Clivajes. Revista de Ciencias Sociales, no. 14 (April 3, 2021): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.25009/clivajes-rcs.v0i14.2664.
Full textAbstract:
Este ensayo propone una interpretación de las posiciones políticas de Octavio Paz, con el propósito de identificar su legado político. Para tal efecto, pone a discusión la idea de que Octavio Paz era un intelectual de izquierda socialista, a partir de la relectura de sus principales ensayos políticos. En esta lógica, lo conceptúa como poeta con posiciones políticas, que discursivamente defendía un tipo de socialismo democrático desde una posición nacional-revolucionaria.En la búsqueda de las reglas y estrategias discursivas utilizadas por Paz para hablar de la violencia, la izquierda, la democracia y el socialismo, es posible identificar su crítica teórica desde el campo literario, con claras intervenciones en los campos político e intelectual. Octavio Paz deseaba, evidentemente, ilustrar a la izquierda mexicana con la advertencia de lo acontecido en los regímenes socialista-burocráticos. El programa democrático de Paz, a mano para la izquierda de su tiempo y las actuales izquierdas, constituye una recuperación de la democracia liberal, un andamiaje para la sociedad mexicana, un proyecto de modernización no ensayado por el régimen priista y destruido, en su tiempo, por las burocracias socialistas del país.Palabras clave: Crítica, Izquierda, Democracia, Violencia Octavio's LabyrinthSummaryThis essay proposes an interpretation of Octavio Paz's political positions, with the purpose of identifying his political legacy. For this purpose, the idea that Octavio Paz was an intellectual of the socialist left, based on the rereading of his main political essays, is put into discussion. In this logic, he is conceptualized as a poet with political positions, who discursively defended a type of democratic socialism from a national-revolutionary position.In the search for the discursive rules and strategies used by Paz to talk about violence, the left, democracy and socialism, it is possible to identify his theoretical criticism from the literary field, with clear interventions in the political and intellectual fields. Octavio Paz, wanted, evidently, to enlighten the Mexican left with the warning of what happened in the socialist-bureaucratic regimes. Paz's democratic program, at hand for the left of his time and the current left, constitutes a recovery of liberal democracy, a scaffolding for Mexican society, a modernization project not tested by the PRI regime and destroyed, in its time, by the socialist bureaucracies of the country.Keywords: Criticism, Left, Democracy, Violence Le labyrinthe d’OctavioRésuméeCet essai propose une interprétation des positions politiques d’Octavio Paz, afin d’identifier son héritage politique. Pour ce faire, on met en discussion l’idée qu’Octavio Paz était un intellectuel de gauche socialiste, à partir de la relecture se ses principaux essais politiques. Dans cette logique, on se fait une conception de lui comme un poète d’idées et postures politiques qui défendait discursivement un type de socialisme démocratique à partir d’une position nationale-révolutionnaire.Dans la recherche des règles et stratégies discursives utilisées par Paz pour parler de la violence, la gauche, la démocratie et le socialisme, il est possible d’identifier sa critique théorique à partir du champ littéraire, avec des claires interventions dans les champs politiques et intellectuels. Octavio Paz désirait évidement, illustrer la gauche mexicaine avec l’avertissement ce qui est arrivé dans les régimes socio-bureaucratiques. Le programme démocratique de Paz, de la main de la gauche de son époque et des gauches actuelles, constitue une récupération de la démocratie libérale, une structure pour la société mexicaine, un projet de modernisation pas essayé par le régime du PRI, et détruit dans son époque par les bureaucraties socialistes du pays.Mots clés : Critique, Gauche, Démocratie, Violence
2
JACKSON, BEN. "At the Origins of Neo-Liberalism: The Free Economy and the Strong State, 1930–1947." Historical Journal 53, no. 1 (January 29, 2010): 129–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x09990392.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTIt is often suggested that the earliest theorists of neo-liberalism first entered public controversy in the 1930s and 1940s to dispel the illusion that the welfare state represented a stable middle way between capitalism and socialism. This article argues that this is an anachronistic account of the origins of neo-liberalism, since the earliest exponents of neo-liberal doctrine focused on socialist central planning rather than the welfare state as their chief adversary and even sought to accommodate certain elements of the welfare state agenda within their market liberalism. In their early work, neo-liberal theorists were suspicious of nineteenth-century liberalism and capitalism; emphasized the value commitments that they shared with progressive liberals and socialists; and endorsed significant state regulation and redistribution as essential to the maintenance of a free society. Neo-liberals of the 1930s and 1940s therefore believed that the legitimation of the market, and the individual liberty best secured by the market, had to be accomplished via an expansion of state capacity and a clear admission that earlier market liberals had been wrong to advocate laissez-faire.
3
Tomasi, John. "SOVEREIGNTY, COMMERCE, AND COSMOPOLITANISM: LESSONS FROM EARLY AMERICA FOR THE FUTURE OF THE WORLD." Social Philosophy and Policy 20, no. 1 (December 18, 2002): 223–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052503201102.
Full textAbstract:
If socialism and liberalism are rivals, one ambition these rivals have shared is that of being a transnational, even universal doctrine. Socialists and liberals have each thought of their own view as being well designed to expand, to reach out and be taken up in an ever-growing number and variety of societies. I do not know whether now is the time to write the final obituary for the socialist version of this dream. But the universalizing dream most vivid before the minds of the inhabitants of the world today clearly is not the socialist one, but the liberal one. “Globalization,” in our day, has come to mean something very close to “liberalization.” For some this is a cause of celebration; for others, it is a cause of protest and despair.
4
Arneson, Richard J. "Socialism as the Extension of Democracy." Social Philosophy and Policy 10, no. 2 (1993): 145–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500004180.
Full textAbstract:
Are socialists best regarded as those who are most truly and consistently committed to democracy, under modern industrial conditions? Is the underlying issue that divides liberals from socialists the degree of their wholeheartedness in affirming the ideal of a democratic society? On the liberal side, Friedrich Hayek has remarked: “It is possible for a dictator to govern in a liberal way. And it is also possible that a democracy governs with a total lack of liberalism. My personal preference is for a liberal dictator and not for a democratic government lacking in liberalism.” No doubt many socialists would wish to quibble with Hayek's free-market oriented conception of liberalism. But I am wondering whether the conceptual map implicit in Hayek's remark is apt. Hayek appears to assume that there are two independent lines of division, one marking greater and lesser commitment to liberal values, the other marking greater and lesser commitment to democratic procedures. According to the conception of socialism as democracy that I wish to examine, a better picture of the political landscape would show one line of division with gradations indicating greater and lesser commitment to democracy. On this continuum, socialists are located at the extreme pro-democratic end, those who favor autocracy at the other end, and liberals somewhere in the middle. The analyst who finds this latter conceptual picture the more illuminating of the two will say that Hayek reveals his rejection of socialism by being less than wholehearted in his support of democracy.
5
Martínez Palmezano, Jairo. "Características generales del debate ideológico entre socialistas y liberales en los siglos XIX y XX." Revista Latinoamericana de Difusión Científica 2, no. 2 (April 10, 2020): 93–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.38186/difcie.22.07.
Full textAbstract:
Se analizan los orígenes y fundamentos del liberalismo clásico y se discuten las principales ideas de anclaje del proyecto ideológico socialista marxista y su crítica al estado liberal, en tanto forma de estado y de gobierno que debía ser superada para beneficio de las mayorías proletarias. De esta manera, el artículo incursiona en las características generales del debate ideológico suscitado entre socialistas y liberales en los siglos XIX y XX. La metodología empleada se basa en el análisis de fuentes bibliográficas y hemerográficas. Se concluye que el pensamiento socialista tiene su origen en el ala izquierda del liberalismo clásico que fue mutando gradualmente al utilitarismo, asociacionismo y de ahí al socialismo utópico, al socialismo de transición, hasta llegar a las posturas radicales del marxismo y el anarquismo.
6
Ochoa Antich, Nancy. "Liberalismo y socialismo." Sophía, no. 9 (December 30, 2010): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17163/soph.n9.2010.02.
Full textAbstract:
En el presente ensayo se parte de la igualdad biológica (genética), según la cual todos los humanos pertenecemos a la misma especie animal, de manera que en esa afirmación se encuentra implícita la igualdad esencial (filosófica), a pesar de que también haya diversidad entre los humanos en otros sentidos. Luego, se aborda la noción de igualdad política en el pensamiento liberal, que puede resumirse en que humanos diferentes tenemos iguales derechos o somos iguales ante la ley. Aquí encontramos implícito el tratamiento abstracto que se da a los humanos en el pensamiento moderno, pues en la igualdad ante la ley se hace abstracción de todas las cualidades concretas. Así, el ensayo propone que hay continuidad teórica entre el pensamiento liberal y el socialista, de tal manera que este último se caracteriza por tratar de que las sociedades proporcionen a los ciudadanos las condiciones concretas (económicas, sociales, políticas) que garanticen una vida realmente igualitaria. Por eso, se dan ejemplos modernos pre-liberales y liberales que muestran la continuidad teórica con el pensamiento socialista. Así se pueden entender los desarrollos ideológico-políticos, como la social-democracia, y más recientemente, en América Latina, el socialismo del siglo XXI. No es incoherente que el socialismo político se realice en el marco del capitalismo y actualizando los principios de la democracia liberal.
7
Pierson, Christopher. "Democracy, Markets and Capital: Are there Necessary Economic Limits to Democracy?" Political Studies 40, no. 1_suppl (August 1992): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1992.tb01814.x.
Full textAbstract:
This article reviews the neo-liberal case for economic limits to democracy, assesses the counterposed argument of socialists and social democrats and considers why the latters' practical experience in ‘democratizing economic life’ has been so unsatisfactory. The second half of the paper considers the claim that some form of market socialism can overcome these limitations. While the market socialists have some success in undermining the claims of the neo-liberals, there are acute difficulties in transforming their agenda for economic democracy into a practicable politics. At the same time, it is suggested that while there may indeed be some economic limits to democracy, we are still very far from reaching them.
8
Smith, Robert C. "Democracy, Race, and the Socialist Project in the United States." National Review of Black Politics 1, no. 1 (January 2020): 34–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nrbp.2020.1.1.34.
Full textAbstract:
This paper examines the relationship between race, socialism, and democracy in America. It is organized into five sections and a conclusion. The first section explores how socialism has been viewed by many black leaders and intellectuals as necessary, imperative perhaps, in the black struggle for material equality, and further investigates the relationship of this black perspective on socialism to white opposition. The second section uses the most recent historical work to identify the factors that have the stalled the development of socialism in America. I also assess how these factors have changed or not in terms of making the socialist project more likely. In the third section, I analyze available poll data on American opinion about socialism from the 1930s to the present. While the data show unambiguously increased support for socialism since the 1930s, socialism does not today command the support of a majority of the American people. In the fourth section I examine the paradigmatic Franklin Roosevelt presidency on how liberal Democratic presidents have avoided the socialist label while embracing socialist programs. The fifth section is a brief examination of what socialism—really existing socialism—means in the early twenty-first century, and the idea of “socialist smuggling” as manifested in the presidencies of FDR and Lyndon Johnson. The speculative conclusion asks what are the prospects for the socialist project, and whether the white liberal cosmopolitan bourgeoisie rather than the white working class might become a mass base for the socialist project.
9
Vallier, Kevin. "Liberal Socialism Is Not Stable for the Right Reasons." Philosophical Topics 48, no. 2 (2020): 245–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtopics202048222.
Full textAbstract:
This essay provides an internal critique of John Rawls’s case for liberal socialism. A liberal socialist regime combines liberal rights with public ownership of the means of production. The state deliberately manages capital to promote both economic and moral ends. I argue that liberal socialism cannot satisfy Rawls’s own criterion for a well-ordered and legitimate regime: stability for the right reasons. Liberal socialism cannot be stable much as reasonable comprehensive doctrines cannot. Reasonable comprehensive doctrines impose detailed patterns of conduct on citizens in ways they can reasonably reject. Liberal socialism imposes similarly invasive and complex directives through what I shall call reasonable economic plans: multifaceted directives for the ownership and operation of capital that satisfy Rawls’s justice as fairness. Consequently, imposing any reasonable economic plan will destabilize the regime. For this reason, liberal socialism cannot serve as an ideal regime type for Rawlsian egalitarians.
10
Gómez, Juan Carlos. "En los muros del Palacio: Pedro Nel Gómez en el imaginario social en Medellín, 1930-1950." HiSTOReLo. Revista de Historia Regional y Local 5, no. 10 (July 1, 2013): 53–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/historelo.v5n10.37039.
Full textAbstract:
Durante la década de 1920 apareció en Latinoamérica una serie de vanguardias culturales que cuestionaron la realidad nacional de sus países buscando cambios en la estructura social y política. Los políticos liberales colombianos, en su intento por llegar al poder, reconocieron en ellas diferentes ideas que influyeron en su desarrollo político. Con las reformas de Alfonso López Pumarejo se buscó un acercamiento con los artistas para que estos desarrollaran una tipología de arte en la que se involucrara a la sociedad y así ésta tomara conciencia de su historia e idiosincrasia. Bajo estos lineamientos Pedro Nel Gómez fue contratado para decorar el Palacio Municipal de Medellín con diferentes murales al fresco que cumplieran este propósito. El artista presentó nueve frescos que despertaron polémica debido al llamado de conciencia social que realizó al retratar los principales problemas de su país, situación que no solo le ganó el apelativo de socialista sino que años más tarde lo llevó a la censura. Con este texto se pretende interpretar esos murales como fuente de conocimiento histórico y ver en ellos los problemas sociales de la Colombia de los años treinta expresados por el artista desde su pensamiento socialista e influencia marxista.Palabras clave: Muralismo, denuncia social, Palacio Municipal de Medellín, socialismo, política colombiana.In the Palace Walls: Pedro Nel Gómez in the Social Imaginary of Medellín, 1930-1950Abstract The 1920s was a decade that witnessed in Latin American the appearance of a number of cultural vanguards that questioned the reality of their countries seeking changes in the social and political structure of their nations. The Colombian Liberal politicians, in their desire for to govern to Colombia, recognized in them a number of ideas that influenced his political development. The reforms of Alfonso Lopez Pumarejo sought a rapprochement with the artists looking a series of artistic proposals that involved the society for to aware of its history and identity. Under these guidelines Pedro Nel Gómez was contracted to decorate the town hall of Medellin with a series of murals for to meet this purpose. The artist presented nine frescoes arousing controversy for of the call of social consciousness that did painting the main problems of the country. This not only earned him the nickname socialist but that years later led to censorship. This text tries to interpret these murals as a source of historical knowledge and see in them the social problems of the thirties Colombian expressed by the artist from his Marxist socialist thought and influence. Keywords: Muralism, social criticism, City Hall Medellín, socialism, Colombian politics.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Socialismo liberale"
1
Anjos, Herbert Gler Mendes dos. "Socialismo e Liberdade : o PSB e a cultura socialista-democrática no Brasil (1945-1965)." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2014. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/16235.
Full textAbstract:
Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História, 2014.Submitted by Raquel Viana (raquelviana@bce.unb.br) on 2014-09-09T20:35:21Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_ HerbertGlerMendesdosAnjos.pdf: 1488803 bytes, checksum: 30bf59892bc71aea2d3d174b4f9e6c53 (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Raquel Viana(raquelviana@bce.unb.br) on 2014-09-09T20:35:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_ HerbertGlerMendesdosAnjos.pdf: 1488803 bytes, checksum: 30bf59892bc71aea2d3d174b4f9e6c53 (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2014-09-09T20:35:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_ HerbertGlerMendesdosAnjos.pdf: 1488803 bytes, checksum: 30bf59892bc71aea2d3d174b4f9e6c53 (MD5)
O Partido Socialista Brasileiro (PSB) é objeto de pesquisa desta dissertação de mestrado. Os enfoques deste trabalho estão situados na análise da formação do PSB, partido político surgido no processo de redemocratização brasileira de 1945, por meio da ação de variados atores com experiências e ideias políticas que, embora estivessem todas no campo ideológico da esquerda, eram substantivamente distintas do pensamento de esquerda, mais ortodoxo, em especial o marxismo stalinista do PCB. Este trabalho também consiste em analisar os elementos peculiares que caracterizaram o projeto socialista democrático do PSB, que combinava igualdade social com liberdades civis e políticas. Enfatiza-se na análise as modificações sofridas pelo projeto e pelo discurso do PSB, que são visíveis a partir da década de 1950. Por fim, analisa-se a história do partido no período entre 1945-1965. Debruçamo-nos sobre a experiência e sobre o percurso do socialismo democrático no Brasil por meio das ações do partido em todo esse período democrático. _______________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
The Brazilian Socialist Party (PSB) is the research object of this dissertation. The approaches that work are situated in analyzing formation of the PSB, political party, emerged in the 1945 Brazilian democratization process, through the action of actors with varying experiences and political views, even though they were all on the ideological left field, were substantively distinct from left thinking, more orthodox , especially the Stalinist Marxism of the PCB. This work also consists of analyzing the peculiar elements that characterized the democratic socialist project of the PSB, which combined social equality with civil and political liberties. We emphasize the analysis the changes undergone by the project and by the discourse of the PSB that are visible from the 1950s. Finally, we analyze the history of the party in the period 1945 to 1965. We focused on the experience and on the path of democratic socialism in Brazil through the actions of the party in all this democratic period.
2
Filho, Irineu João Simonetti. "Autonomia e universalidade: as condições da ideia moderna de liberdade." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8133/tde-11092015-155846/.
Full textAbstract:
O objetivo é analisar as condições da democracia através da relação que as ideias de liberdade e de igualdade assumem na tradição moderna. Propõe-se fazê-lo tendo como referencial a tradução filosófica daquelas ideias políticas nos princípios da autonomia e da universalidade, que a democracia liberal tensiona e cuja associação caracteriza a tradição coletivista. Ao final deve ser demonstrado que não apenas o comunismo é compatível com a ideia de liberdade, como também que a ideia de comunismo é a única que permite conceber a plena compatibilidade entre a igualdade e a liberdade, um ideal de articulação entre a mudança histórica e a estabilização normativa que tem como pressuposto a universalização da autonomia.The objective is to analyze the conditions of democracy through the relation that the ideas of freedom and equality assume on modern tradition. As a philosophical reference is the translation of those political ideas to the principles of autonomy and universality, stressed by liberal democracy and reconciled by the collectivist tradition. At the end it will be demonstrated not only that communism is compatible with the idea of freedom, but also that the idea of communism is the only one to achieve the full compatibility between freedom and equality, an ideal of articulation between the dynamics of history and the normative stabilization which presupposes the universalization of autonomy.
3
Gölstam, Algot. "Frihet, jämlikhet, demokrati etik och människosyn inom liberal och socialistisk tradition /." Uppsala : Stockholm, Sweden : S. Ubsaliensis Academiae ; Distributor, Almqvist & Wiksell International, 1995. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/32781418.html.
Full text
4
Rodriguez, José Rodrigo. "O Direito liberal para alem de si mesmo : Franz Neumann, o Direito e a Teoria critica." [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280633.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Marcos NobreTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T23:47:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodriguez_JoseRodrigo_D.pdf: 1567113 bytes, checksum: 37b9eaa2db0fc00459c40d87ec8d9518 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006
Resumo: O senso comum marxista vê o direito como mera superestrutura a serviço da dominação de classe. Franz Neumann (1900-1954), teórico do direito ligado ao Instituto de Pesquisas Sociais de Frankfurt, discorda desse ponto de vista. Esta tese examina seus escritos da década de 30, especialmente O Império do direito (1936), para mostrar que o autor vê potenciais emancipatórios no direito liberal, num debate com o conceito de materialização do direito de Max Weber. Estes potenciais nascem da práxis parlamentar da classe trabalhadora e do advento do nazismo e se referem à possibilidade de o direito expressar a vontade da sociedade, inclusive o objetivo de controlar os meios de produção. Além disso, a tese mostra que o potencial emancipatório do direito não deve ser avaliado em abstrato, mas conforme um determinado diagnóstico do tempo. Por isso, esboça um diagnóstico da relação entre direito e sociedade no mundo contemporâneo, utilizando o conceito de projeto de juridificação, proposto por esta tese, inspirado nos escritos de Franz Neumann
Abstract: Vulgar Marxism considers Law as a superstructure to uphold class domination. Franz Neumann (1900-1954), a law theorist of the Institute of Social Research in Frankfurt, disagrees with this point of view. This Thesis examines his writings from the 30¿s, especially The rule of law (1936) to show how he sees liberal law as potentially emancipatory, engaging to a debate with Max Weber¿s concept of Law materialization. This potential emerges with working class parliamentary praxis and with the Nazism, and refers to Law¿s capacity to express social will, even the aim to control the means of production. Furthermore, this Thesis argues that Law¿s emancipatory potentials should not be evaluated in abstract, but in the context of a diagnosis of the time. It sketches a diagnosis of our time, especially regarding the relation between Law and Society, proposing and using the concept of project of juridification, inspired by Franz Neumann¿s writings
Doutorado
Filosofia
Doutor em Filosofia
5
Morais, Marcelo Maurício de. "A estrutura organizacional do Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2017. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/19932.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-04-03T12:58:02Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
Marcelo Maurício de Morais.pdf: 1680596 bytes, checksum: 515e772ee24aceb7488053222b570957 (MD5)Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-03T12:58:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Maurício de Morais.pdf: 1680596 bytes, checksum: 515e772ee24aceb7488053222b570957 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-03
Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq
The objective of this dissertation is to make an analysis of the training process and institutionalization of the Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL), to verify his organizational structure as well as understand how this political party emerged under parliamentarian can be propose as reference of left wing political in Brazil. We realize this premise once the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), since assuming the Presidency of the Republic, has distanced his originating model and making other spaces for political parties become a reference of the reorganization of the national left. This dissertation justified for the importance that the PT has acquired over the years as a mass political party which proposed as representative of the working class and the others marginalized in the country, and its revolutionary proposal to transform the structure of Brazilian society, equating the insistent social inequality over the years. Analyzing the process of rupture with the PT and the formation of the PSOL, we can observe that over the ten years of his formation, the political party has positioned himself as a party representative of the working class, even if in small sectors of the Brazilian population. Such features are often contradictory, since the Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL) comes within parliament, and so even has some difficulty to insert social and popular movements of Brazilian society. His originally model, unlike his originated political party, it’s not in social movements, the PSOL begins in the institutional representative landmarks, while the Partido dos Trabalhadores has his origin extra-government. As a source for this dissertation we use documents, interviews, newspaper supporters, news, proceedings of meetings, and proceedings of the National Conference, which made it possible to glimpse their policy guidelines as well as its organizational structure. To complete this dissertation we use wide bibliography that allowed give theoretical basis to our questions
O objetivo desta dissertação é fazer uma análise do processo de formação e institucionalização do Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL), a fim de verificar sua estrutura organizacional, bem como compreender como um partido surgido no âmbito parlamentar pode se propor como referência da esquerda brasileira. Percebemos essa premissa uma vez que o Partido dos Trabalhadores, desde que assumiu a Presidência da República, se distanciou de seu modelo originário abrindo espaço para outros partidos tornarem-se referência da reorganização da esquerda nacional. Este trabalho se justifica dada a importância que o PT adquiriu ao longo dos anos como um partido de massa que se propunha como representante da classe trabalhadora e dos marginalizados do país, e pela sua proposta revolucionária de transformar a estrutura da sociedade brasileira, equacionando assim, a insistente desigualdade social provocada ao longo dos anos. Analisando o processo de ruptura com o PT e a formação do PSOL, podemos observar que ao longo dos dez anos de sua formação, o partido tem se posicionado como uma agremiação representante da classe trabalhadora mesmo que ainda em pequenos setores da população brasileira. Tais características se revelam muitas vezes contraditórias, uma vez que o Partido Socialismo e Liberdade surge no âmbito parlamentar, e por isso mesmo tem certa dificuldade para se inserir nos movimentos sociais e populares da sociedade brasileira. Dado que seu modelo originário, ao contrário de seu partido originário, não está nos movimentos sociais, o PSOL nasce dentro dos marcos institucionais representativos, enquanto que o Partido dos Trabalhadores tem sua origem extraestatal. Como fonte para esse trabalho utilizamos documentos, entrevistas, jornais partidários, noticiários, atas de reuniões e atas do Congresso Nacional, que possibilitaram vislumbrar suas diretrizes políticas bem como sua estrutura organizacional. Para completar o trabalho utilizamos ampla bibliografia que permitiu dar fundamento teórico aos nossos questionamentos
6
Weber, Suely. "Uma análise lingüístico-discursiva do documento programático do P-SoL, Partido Socialismo e Liberdade." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2008. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/13967.
Full textAbstract:
Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T18:23:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Suely Weber.pdf: 776527 bytes, checksum: 887cbeb9b75676e9b2c8e67aa3be8a6c (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2008-05-09In this work we`ll present a linguistic-discourse analysis of the Programmatic Document of the Left Front P-SoL PSTU PCB, which gave support as a government program to the political campaign for the Republic Presidency of the candidate Heloisa Helena, in the 2006 elections. The reason that motivated us to make this study, was the crisis and the transformation being experienced by one of the largest and most popular political party that Brazil ever had in this national scenery, the PT, and the consequent establishment of the new party, the P-SoL, Partido Socialismo e Liberdade, among the dissidents of the PT itself. Therefore we understand that a linguistic-discourse analysis that could point out in actual texts for the movements of constitution of the new party be able to be useful for a better understanding of the current country s political party overview. This necessity has come from the core of a generalized anxiety from part of the Brazilian left parties to find or to rediscover a new route. For that we have based on theoretic point of view of the Global Semantics which dictates this Programmatic Document, in other words, the analysis of the different levels of the speech carrying the notion of manner of speech, ethos, scenography interspeech as well as the categories of analysis, among them the identification of the person`s embreantes, the types and the denial. The theory fundaments which will support this analysis will be turned for the French Discourse Analysis, with emphasis to Maingueneau studies. As an analysis procedures, we take the Programmatic Document of P-SoL, which has an introduction composed by 15 items and 4 team blocks which the distribution is the following: The macroeconomics alternative (pages 10-28); The dynamic of the new cycle (pages 29-34); The distribution of income and wealth (pages 35-41); and Population and Territory (pages 42-45). We have two objectives in this research: the first one is to analyze the interdiscourse of the Programmatic Document of the P-SoL, in order to attach into the controversial relation which is being established between the new speech and the discursive formation of the PT. The second is to analyze the P-SoL`s ethos in the document, ethos initially established to be established as a reborn identity of the Brazilian left; and by interdiscourse, the PT`s ethos, party of which P-SoL is a dissident
Neste trabalho apresentamos uma análise lingüístico-discursiva do Documento Programático da Frente de Esquerda P-SoL - PSTU - PCB, que deu sustentação como programa de governo à campanha política para a Presidência da República da candidata Heloísa Helena, nas eleições em 2006. A razão que nos motivou a fazer este estudo foi a crise e a transformação por que está passando um dos maiores e mais populares partidos políticos que o Brasil já teve em seu cenário nacional, o PT, e a conseqüente criação de um novo partido, o P-SoL, Partido Socialismo e Liberdade, pelos dissidentes do próprio PT. Compreendemos que uma análise lingüístico-discursiva que aponte, em textos concretos, para os movimentos de constituição do novo partido possa ser útil para um maior entendimento do panorama político-partidário hoje no país. Do ponto de vista teórico, privilegiamos os estudos de Maingueneau, em particular, o modelo da Semântica Global. Como objeto de análise, tomamos o Documento Programático do P-SoL, que possui uma introdução composta por quinze itens e quatro blocos temáticos cuja distribuição é a seguinte: A alternativa macroeconômica (pp.10- 28); A dinâmica do novo ciclo (pp.29-34); A distribuição da renda e riqueza (pp.35-41); e População e território (pp.42-45). São dois os nossos objetivos: analisar a interdiscursividade do documento programático do P-SoL, de modo a depreender a relação polêmica que se estabelece entre o novo discurso e a formação discursiva petista; depreender o ethos do P-SoL, e via interdiscursividade, o ethos do PT, partido do qual o P-SoL é uma dissidência. Os resultados das análises nos permitiram concluir que o P-SoL apresenta um ethos de sinceridade, seriedade e de compromisso no sentido de resolver a crise e trazer mudanças, já o PT se apresenta como um antifiador descomprometido com o povo, sujeitado aos interesses das elites, incapaz de levar adiante as suas propostas, corrupto, descontrolado, e não mais como representante político dos trabalhadores e das classes menos favorecidas da sociedade
7
Venugopal, Rajesh. "Cosmopolitan Capitalism and Sectarian Socialism : Conflict, Development, and the Liberal Peace in Sri Lanka." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.508659.
Full text
8
Mutch, Deborah. "Serial socialists : the discourse of political journalism and fiction, 1885-1895." Thesis, University of Derby, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10545/306821.
Full text
9
Häusler, Clemens Albert Josef. "The transatlantic exchange between American liberals, British Labourites, and German social democrats from the mid-1950s to the mid-1970s." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609089.
Full text
10
Renzi, Jose Pedro 1961. "Um terceiro partido nos caminhos da liberdade : socialistas brasileiros na redemocratização em 1945." [s.n.], 1994. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281435.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Ricardo Luiz Coltro AntunesDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-19T17:15:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Renzi_JosePedro_M.pdf: 3127913 bytes, checksum: be58b411a7b052cbed02882be6545903 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1994
Resumo: A presente dissertação de mestrado, pretende apresentar as principais questões e polêmicas políticas do Partido Socialista Brasileiro, fundado em 24 de agosto de 1947. Pretende também, através dos depoimentos de Antonio Candido e Fúlvio Abramo, apresentar o P. S.B. como um terceiro partido ou alternativa da esquerda daquele período histórico: o Brasil posterior à 2ª Guerra Mundial.
Abstract: Not informed
Mestrado
Mestre em Sociologia
Books on the topic "Socialismo liberale"
1
Rosselli, Carlo. Liberalismo socialista: E, Socialismo liberale. Casalvelino Scalo, Salerno: Galzerano, 1992.
Find full text
4
Berti, Giampietro D. Francesco Saverio Merlino: Dall'anarchismo socialista al socialismo liberale (1856-1930). Milano: F. Angeli, 1993.
Find full text
5
Il socialismo nell'Italia liberale: Idee, percorsi, protagonisti. Milano: UNICOPLI, 2007.
Find full text
6
1968-, Gervasoni Marco, and Caffi Andrea, eds. Giustizia e libertà e il socialismo liberale. Milano: M&B publishing, 1999.
Find full text
7
Marginalismo e socialismo nell'Italia liberale, 1870-1825. Milano: Feltrinelli, 2001.
Find full text
8
Il socialismo liberale: Dalle origini a Carlo Rosselli. Manduria (Taranto): P. Lacaita, 2003.
Find full text
9
Spini, Valdo. Per una storia del socialismo liberale a Firenze. [Firenze: s.n., 1991.
Find full text
10
L' attualità del socialismo liberale di Carlo Rosselli. Manduria: P. Lacaita, 2006.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Socialismo liberale"
1
Ghiandelli, Enno. "Il socialismo liberale: Carlo Rosselli." In Studi e saggi, 149–69. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-455-7.06.
Full textAbstract:
In order to investigate issues somehow neglected, the paper tries to carefully outline both the economic and institutional aspect and the origins and development of the Florentine anti-fascist thought. Much has been written about Carlo Rosselli's liberal socialism; still interpretations are often based more on subjective views than on in-depth studies, and this is especially true when it is the current political situation which tries to interpret Rosselli’s thought. Several scholars approached Carlo Rosselli’s thought assuming that the adjective ‘liberal’ can be translated as ‘liberalistic’, that the noun ‘socialist’ can be replaced with ‘welfare’ (of a moderate sort in addition), and finally that the State he theorized proves little interventionist in social and economic life; but this does not seem to be a correct interpretative key.
2
Gachon, Nicolas. "Bernie Sanders’s Liberal Matrix." In Bernie Sanders’s Democratic Socialism, 103–19. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69661-0_6.
Full text
3
Wright, Tony. "Liberal Socialism: Then and Now." In The Progressive Century, 23–30. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403900913_2.
Full text
4
Matsui, Satoshi. "Socialism and Liberal Normative Theories." In Socialism as the Development of Liberalism, 1–13. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81257-7_1.
Full text
5
Hoffman, John. "Liberals versus Socialists: Who are the True Democrats?" In Socialism and Democracy, 32–45. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21373-3_4.
Full text
6
Parekh, Bhikhu. "A Critique of the Liberal Discourse on Violence." In Socialism and Morality, 116–38. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20556-1_8.
Full text
7
Jiling, Duan. "Socialist Feminism and Liberal Feminism." In Chinese Modernity and Socialist Feminist Theory, 41–66. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003167884-4.
Full text
8
Tampke, Jürgen. "The Hungarian People's Republic: Liberal Socialism?" In The Peoples Republics of Eastern Europe, 54–67. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003251682-4.
Full text
9
Burgis, Ben. "Marx Was a (Philosophical) Liberal and You Should Be Too." In Liberalism and Socialism, 139–52. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-79537-5_5.
Full text
10
Lane, N. R., S. A. Lane, and M. H. Pritchard. "Liberal education and social change." In From Radical Marxism to Knowledge Socialism, 81–93. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003216421-7.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Socialismo liberale"
1
Gerni, Cevat, Selahattin Sarı, Mustafa Kemal Değer, and Ömer Selçuk Emsen. "Liberalism and Economic Growth in Transition Economies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00290.
Full textAbstract:
In the world economy, since 1960s, countries, which are open and apply liberal policies succeeded higher economic growth and welfare. Therefore, liberal policies became more attractive. In that case, the transition, which has political, economic, and socio-cultural aspects, means moving from socialist-authoritarian structure to market based-liberal structures. In the literature, there are many studies which point out labor force and capital are not significant on the economic growth. In addition, the literature focuses on the importance of institutions on the economic growth. In this study, we compare the countries which were quickly away from the socialist structures with the countries which were slow on the reforms. Our analysis depends on their economic growth with cross section. However, we know the importance of institutional aspects on the growth research; therefore, we applied 2SLS regression analysis and to determine the economic liberalism indicators we used political rights, civil liberties, years that were under the socialism, openness, secondary school ratio, and public spending/GDP ratio. In the late phase, GDP per capita, as an indicator of economic growth, is explained with an independent variable which is predicted in the first phase via liberalism variable, and labor-population ratio and constant capital stock GDP ratio variables used in Neo-classical Solow-type growth model.
2
Fedorov, Roman. "CONSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL IDEA OF THE “SOCIAL STATE” IN THE HISTORY OF LEGAL AND POLITICAL THOUGHT." In Law and law: problems of theory and practice. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02033-3/066-075.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the problem of the social state as one of the fundamental constitutional principles of the state structure of modern developed countries. The course of historical development of philosophical and legal thought on this problem is considered. The idea of a close connection between the concept of the social state and the ideas of utopian socialism of Thomas More and Henri Saint-Simon is put forward. Liberals also made a significant contribution to the development of the idea of the social state, they argued that the ratio of equality and freedom is a key problem for the classical liberal doctrine. It is concluded that the emergence of the theory of the social state for objective reasons was inevitable, since it is due to the historical development of society.
3
Karaköy, Çağatay, Ahmet Uzun, and Ömer Selçuk Emsen. "The Changes in Foreign Debt for the Transition Economies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00279.
Full textAbstract:
1989 and the years following 1991 were the times in which many important economic and political turnovers had taken place in the world. That was the time when Berlin Wall fall down with scattering the Eastern block and many politically and economically independent states came into being, at the same time, ongoing about 70 years socialist system also started to spin into liberal system. The constituted 27 states in 1991 were tended to liberal economic system instead of socialist economy, and these stated were called as transition economies. With the transition period, there has have been significant decreases in the level of affluence, hyperinflation and some common properties seen at the beginning. It became inevitable to get foreign debt for reorganization and configuration of these economies. Nevertheless these foreign debts caused many serious problems in some of these economies. In the present work we tried to understand the economic structure and external loans of the transition economies, which are different with respect to their natural resources and are similar to each other in term of social, political and cultural aspects. It was under debated to investigate the relationship between indicated foreign debts and indicated domestic income and external trade so foreign trade financing problematic which thought to be the source of going into debt and economical development relations are searched.
4
Gencer, Ayşen Hiç, and Özlen Hiç. "A.Smith and the Classical School, K.Marx and the Marxist Socialism, J.M.Keynes and the Keynesian Revolution and the Subsequent Developments." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01166.
Full textAbstract:
Adam Smith is known as the founder of economics as a social science and also of economic liberalism (or termed as capitalism after Karl Marx) based on principles of non-intervention and non-protection by the governments to perfectly competitive markets. Over time, economic theory and resulting economic regime evolved: Interventions to improve the welfare of workers; infant-industry argument for limited trade protection; and most importantly, following the 1929 Great Depression, John Maynard Keynes and his macroeconomic system giving rise to less-than-full- employment equilibrium, hence the need for macro-economic level state interventions by means of monetary and fiscal policies. Evidently, liberal economic regime was modified but remained in essence; hence, it proved to be flexible and resilient. On the other hand, Marxist socialism, the doctrinaire challenge to capitalism, had virtually collapsed in the 1990's. The move of even the developing countries towards outward orientation and market economy at the national level is in line with Adam Smith's views; so is the establishment of the European Union and the like at the regional level, as well as the more recent move towards globalisation.
5
Karaağaçlı, Abbas. "Interaction of Political Stability and Economic Development in Central Asian Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00467.
Full textAbstract:
Central Asian Countries decolonized by break up of USSR, struggle with the important and unsolvable problems during the process of transition from an implicit and statist economic system to the capitalist system. Although 20 years have passed, the liberal countries adopted the free market economy, face the big handicaps in the transition process of their economic system to the modern capitalist system. I have been in these territories in the transition process from socialist system to the capitalist system. So I am sure that the field of tourism, trade, industry, agriculture and service has the important role in the development planning of the countries. In this study I will try to emphasize the significance and necessity of political stability and social peace and comfort to the development of tourism and trade. My former studies focused on some countries of the Central Asian Countries, had got great attention in the international congresses. Now I will try to review the importance of tourism and trade in the development of Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, and necessity of political stability and the advantages and disadvantages of these countries in this way. Naturally underground and over ground treasures, geopolitical, geostrategic, geo-economic positions, political systems, social structures of this region and regional balances affect directly or deviously the political stability of above countries. In this study I will try to offer suggestions in view of the fact that these interactions.
6
Куренышева, Е. П. "The concept of the Revolution of 1917 in modern school textbooks on the history of Russia." In Современное социально-гуманитарное образование: векторы развития в год науки и технологий: материалы VI международной конференции (г. Москва, МПГУ, 22–23 апреля 2021 г.). Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37492/etno.2021.46.10.052.
Full textAbstract:
в данном выступлении анализируется концепция революции 1917 года, представленная в школьных учебниках, рекомендованных к обучению в российских школах в перечне 2020/2021 гг. Сюда относятся учебники под редакцией А.В. Торкунова, под авторством Н.В. Загладина, Ю.В. Петрова, А.Н. Сахарова, под общей редакцией В.А. Тишкова, под редакцией С.П. Карпова, также в соавторстве О.В. Волобуева, С.П. Карпачева, П.Н. Романова. В статье выявляются общие черты концепции революции 1917 года в России, а также раскрываются различия в представлении причин, хода, значения и последствий событий. Ни в одном школьном учебнике уже события 1917 года в России не отражаются как закономерный и неизбежный процесс перехода от капиталистической формации к коммунистической, как это было в советских учебниках. Общим в подаче революционных событий стало и то, что в отличие от советской эпохи, где в учебниках либерально-буржуазный Февраль противопоставлялся социалистическому Октябрю, в современных учебниках события февраля-октября 1917 года подаются как единый процесс, как Великая российская революция. Различий в трактовках, тем не менее, много. the presentation analyzes the concept of the revolution of 1917, presented in school textbooks recommended for teaching in Russian schools in the list of 2020/2021. This includes textbooks edited by A.V. Torkunov, also authored by N.V. Zagladin, Yu.V. Petrov, A.N. Sakharov, also edited by V.A. Tishkov, also edited by S.P. Karpov, also co-authored by O.V. Volobuev, S.P. Karpachev, and P.N. Romanov. The speech reveals the common features of the concept of the revolution of 1917 in Russia, as well as reveals the differences in the presentation of the causes, course, meaning and consequences of the events. The events of 1917 in Russia are not reflected in any school textbook as a natural and inevitable process of transition from the capitalist formation to the communist one, as it was in the Soviet textbooks. What is common in the presentation of revolutionary events is that, in contrast to the Soviet era, where in textbooks the liberal-bourgeois February was opposed to the socialist October, in modern textbooks the events of February – October 1917 is presented as a single process, as the Great Russian Revolution. Nevertheless, there are many differences in the interpretations.