Relevant bibliographies by topics / Socialist internationalism

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Socialist internationalism'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 7 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Socialist internationalism"

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Costaguta, Lorenzo. "“Geographies of Peoples”: Scientific Racialism and Labor Internationalism in Gilded Age American Socialism." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 18, no. 2 (March 8, 2019): 199–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000701.

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AbstractThis article investigates ideas of race in Gilded Age socialism by analyzing the intellectual production of the leaders of the Socialist Party of America (SLP) from 1876 to 1882. Existing scholarship on socialism and race during the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era rarely addresses socialist conceptions of race prior to 1901 and fails to recognize the centrality of scientific racialism and Darwinism in influencing socialist thought. By positioning American socialism within a transatlantic scenario and reconstructing how the immigrant origins of Gilded Age socialists influenced their perceptions of race, this article argues that scientific racialism and Darwinism competed with color-blind internationalism in shaping the racial policies of the SLP during the Gilded Age. Moreover, a transatlantic investigation of American socialist ideas of race presents a reinterpretation of the early phases of the history of the SLP and addresses its historical legacies. While advocates of scientific racialism and Darwinism determined the racial policies of the SLP in the 1880s, color-blind internationalists abandoned the party and extended their influence beyond organized socialism, especially in the Knights of Labor.
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Shaev, Brian. "The Algerian War, European Integration, and the Decolonization of French Socialism." French Historical Studies 41, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 63–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-4254619.

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AbstractThis article takes up Todd Shepard's call to “write together the history of the Algerian War and European integration” by examining the French Socialist Party. Socialist internationalism, built around an analysis of European history, abhorred nationalism and exalted supranational organization. Its principles were durable and firm. Socialist visions for French colonies, on the other hand, were fluid. The asymmetry of the party's European and colonial visions encouraged socialist leaders to apply their European doctrine to France's colonies during the Algerian War. The war split socialists who favored the European communities into multiple parties, in which they cooperated with allies who did not support European integration. French socialist internationalism became a casualty of the Algerian War. In the decolonization of the French Socialist Party, support for European integration declined and internationalism largely vanished as a guiding principle of French socialism.Cet article répond à l'appel de Todd Shepard à « écrire à la fois l'histoire de la guerre d'Algérie et l'histoire de l'intégration européenne » en examinant le Parti socialiste. L'internationalisme socialiste, basé sur une analyse de l'histoire européenne, dénonça le nationalisme et exalta le supranationalisme. Ses principes furent durables et fermes. Par contre, sa politique concernant les colonies fut souple. L'asymétrie entre les visions européenne et coloniale du parti encouragea l'application de la doctrine européenne aux colonies françaises pendant la guerre d'Algérie. La guerre divisa les partisans socialistes des communautés européennes en multiples partis, dans lesquels ils coopérèrent avec des alliés qui ne soutenaient pas l'intégration européenne. L'internationalisme socialiste français fut une victime de la guerre d'Algérie. Dans la décolonisation du socialisme français, le soutien à l'intégration européenne recula et l'internationalisme disparut comme principe directeur.
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Callahan, Kevin. "“Performing Inter-Nationalism” in Stuttgart in 1907: French and German Socialist Nationalism and the Political Culture of an International Socialist Congress." International Review of Social History 45, no. 1 (April 2000): 51–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000000031.

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The emphasis on ritual, political symbolism and public display at international socialist congresses highlights important cultural dimensions of the Second International that historians have, until now, left unexplored. From 1904 until the International Socialist Congress of Stuttgart in 1907, French and German socialists articulated – in both symbolic and discursive forms – a socialist nationalism within the framework of internationalism. The Stuttgart congress represented a public spectacle that served a cultural function for international socialism. The international performance at Stuttgart was, however, undermined by the inability of the SFIO and the SPD to reconcile their conflicting conceptions of “inter-nationalism”.
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Daems, Joke, Thomas D’haeninck, Simon Hengchen, Tecle Zere, and Christophe Verbruggen. "‘Workers of the World’? A Digital Approach to Classify the International Scope of Belgian Socialist Newspapers, 1885–1940." Journal of European Periodical Studies 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 99–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/jeps.v4i1.10187.

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Socialism has always been strongly related to internationalism, yet the attitude towards and expression of internationalism has likely changed throughout the years. Events such as the First World War, the post-war revival of institutionalized internationalism and the increasing geopolitical tensions during the Interwar Period are likely to impact the degree of internationalism found in socialism. In this paper, we use digital tools to search for expressions of ‘banal’ internationalism and cosmopolitanism in Belgian socialist discourse from 1885 until 1940 by text mining two socialist newspapers: the French journal Le Peuple and the Dutch Vooruit. The goal is to highlight some of the difficulties encountered in collecting and processing the relevant data, and to showcase two potential analyses once the data has been acquired and prepared: a study of the most frequent locations throughout time via Named-entity recognition (NER) and a collocation analysis to study international and cosmopolitan sentiments.
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Morris, Bernard S. "Epitaph for socialist internationalism." History of European Ideas 16, no. 4-6 (January 1993): 527–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(93)90185-s.

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Apostolova, Raia. "Duty and Debt under the Ethos of Internationalism." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 12, no. 1 (2017): 101–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jvs.2017.12.1.101.

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Following Christina Schwenkel’s call to attend to different temporalities in the study of the Vietnamese diaspora, I examine three historical representations of workers sent to Bulgaria between the early 1970s and the beginning of the 1990s. These representations mediated Bulgarian-Vietnamese interstate relations: first, workers in relation to internationalist duty; second, workers in relation to financial debt; and finally, the workers as racialized, indebted subjects. My goal is twofold. Firstly, I turn my attention to the role and the figure of the Vietnamese worker under the ethos of actually existing socialism and navigate through the socialist rationalities that stood behind their arrival in Bulgaria. Second, I trace how representations of Vietnamese workers have changed from upholding the moral duty of socialist internationalism to becoming a labor force destined to repay Vietnam’s debt. This shift took place within a framework of changing power configurations that remodeled the extraction of surplus labor by relocating debt risks from the Vietnamese state to Vietnamese workers. I then trace the production of the indebted subject, which materialized in a historic type of racialization of the Vietnamese people, and which proved indispensable to Bulgaria’s transition to a market economy.
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LAQUA, DANIEL. "Democratic Politics and the League of Nations: The Labour and Socialist International as a Protagonist of Interwar Internationalism." Contemporary European History 24, no. 2 (April 13, 2015): 175–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777315000041.

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AbstractThe Labour and Socialist International (LSI) was a major vehicle for transnational socialist cooperation during the interwar years and thus seemed to continue the traditions of socialist internationalism. In the realm of international relations, however, it championed key tenets of liberal internationalism. The LSI supported the idea of a League of Nations and embraced the notion of a world order based upon democratic nation-states. While it criticised some aspects of the international system, its overall emphasis was on reform rather than revolution. The article sheds light on the wider phenomenon of interwar internationalism by tracing the LSI's relationship with the League of Nations, with the politics of peace more generally and with the competing internationalism of the communists.
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Schaub, Christoph. "World Literature and Socialist Internationalism in the Weimar Republic: Five Theses." New German Critique 48, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 153–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0094033x-8732187.

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Abstract Largely overlooked in the booming scholarship on world literature, literary globalization, and transnational modernism, a world literature of socialist internationalism was imagined, written, theorized, and practiced in the aftermath of World War I, representing the first attempt to actualize the idea of world literature under the auspices of a social and political mass movement. This article develops and illustrates five theses about this internationalist world literature. It thereby sketches aspects of the history of internationalist world literature in Germany between 1918 and 1933 and formulates historical, historiographical, poetological, and literary and cultural theoretical interventions into the field of world literature studies. In particular, the article develops the notions of the transnational literary counterpublic and of realist modernism while tracing ideas about transnational class literatures and nonnormative imaginaries of the proletariat.
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Mørkved Hellenes, Andreas. "Pilgrims and Missionaries of Social Peace: Geneva and Pontigny as Sites of Scandinavian Internationalism in Late Interwar Europe." Nordic Journal of Educational History 7, no. 2 (December 8, 2020): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.36368/njedh.v7i2.199.

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This article investigates two interlinked sites of Scandinavian socialist internationalism in continental Europe: the Nordic folk high school in Geneva and the humanistic centre created by French philosopher Paul Desjardins in Pontigny. Locating and situating these two nodes on the cultural-political map of late interwar Europe allows for a study of how actors from the popular movements in Denmark, Norway and Sweden mobilised educational ideals and practices to internationalise the experience of Scandinavian social democracy. The analysis shows how the transnational activities of the Nordic folk high school’s study course opened up new spaces for Scandinavian internationalism. In this way, the article argues, the school represented an experiment in internationalism from below where Nordism was deployed as a cultural strategy to create international understanding for working-class Scandinavians; and created new arenas for Nordic encounters with French political and intellectual milieus that admired Scandinavian democracy and social peace.
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Dolinsek, Sonja, and Philippa Hetherington. "Socialist Internationalism and Decolonizing Moralities in the UN Anti-Trafficking Regime, 1947–1954." Journal of the History of International Law / Revue d’histoire du droit international 21, no. 2 (June 27, 2019): 212–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-12340112.

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Abstract In the late 1940s, state socialist governments proclaimed that commercial sex did not exist under socialism. At the same time, they were enthusiastic participants in the drafting of a new UN Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others. This article explores state socialist involvement in the global moral reform drive accompanying the 1949 Convention. It traces the ideological coherence between Socialist Bloc and ‘Western’ delegations on the desirability of prostitution’s abolition. Conversely, it highlights splits on issues of jurisdiction, manifesting in the Soviet call for the eradication of the draft Convention’s ‘colonial clause’, which allowed states to adhere to or withdraw from international instruments on behalf of ‘non-self-governing territories’. We argue that critiques of the colonial clause discursively stitched together global moral reform and opposition to imperialism, according socialist and newly decolonized delegations an ideological win in the early Cold War.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Socialist internationalism"

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Bonnin, Judith. "L'internationalisme rose au tournant de la mondialisation : la politique internationale du Parti socialiste français de 1971 à 1983." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCC082.

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L’internationalisme socialiste, doctrine prônant l'union et la solidarité des peuples par-delà les frontières, est un marqueur identitaire du socialisme du premier comme du second vingtième siècle. Après sa refondation au congrès d’Épinay en 1971, le nouveau Parti socialiste français (PS), dirigé par François Mitterrand, adhère à l’Internationale socialiste et annonce vouloir construire un « nouvel internationalisme ». C’est sous ce nom qu’il mène sa politique internationale durant une décennie charnière, marquée par la poursuite de la Guerre froide, l’accélération de la mondialisation économique, l’internationalisation croissante de la politique, et la conclusion d’un programme commun avec le Parti communiste français et le Mouvement des radicaux de gauche. Au terme de dix ans de montée en puissance du PS, F. Mitterrand est élu Président de la République française en mai 1981. Étudier la politique internationale et l'internationalisme du PS durant cette décennie clé, c’est ainsi éclairer l’articulation politique des échelles nationale et internationale dans un monde plus globalisé et c’est appréhender le tournant idéologique et politique de la gauche sous un angle nouveau. Dans cette thèse, on analyse ainsi dans une première partie la nature et la place de la notion d'internationalisme dans la culture, la doctrine et l’identité du PS. Puis dans un second temps, on s’intéresse aux pratiques internationales du PS, à ce qui caractérise sa diplomatie à toutes les échelles impliquées. En analysant la vision du monde et l’action internationale d’un groupe politique particulier, cette thèse cherche ainsi à questionner les bases sur lesquelles se sont construites la diplomatie et la société politique mondiales au moment même de l'approfondissement de la mondialisation
The socialist internationalism is a doctrine advocating the union and the solidarity between the peoples and beyond the borders. It is an identity marker of the socialism of the whole twentieth century, not only of its beginning. After the congress of Épinay in 1971, the new French Socialist Party (PS) supervised by François Mitterrand adheres to the Socialist International and announces its will to shape a "new internationalism". The French socialists lead their international policy following this slogan, for a pivotal decade marked by the pursuit of the Cold War, the acceleration of the economic globalization, the increasing internationalization of politics, and the conclusion of a common program with the French communist Party and the “Mouvement des Radicaux de Gauche”. After ten years of growing importance for the PS, F. Mitterrand is elected President of the French Republic in May 1981. Studying the international policy and the internationalism of the PS during this key decade enables to inform the political articulation of the national and international scales in a more globalized world. It is a way to understand the ideological and political turning point of the left under a new angle. To do so in this thesis, we analyze in a first part the nature and the place of the notion of internationalism in the culture, the doctrine and the identity of the PS. In a second part, we analyze the international practices of the PS, what characterizes its diplomacy on all the involved scales. By analyzing the vision of the world and the international action of a particular political group, this thesis finally tries to question the bases of global diplomacy and of a new global society at the time of the deepening of globalization
L'internazionalismo socialista, dottrina che esalta l'unione e la solidarietà fra i popoli, rappresenta una caratteristica identitaria del socialismo dell'inizio attraverso l’intero ventesimo secolo. A seguito della sua rifondazione al congresso di Épinay nel 1971, il nuovo Partito socialista francese (PS), sotto la direzione di François Mitterrand, aderisce all'Internazionale socialista ed annuncia di voler costruire un "nuovo internazionalismo". Sarà questo slogan che condurrà la sua politica internazionale durante un decennio contrassegnato dalla continuazione della Guerra fredda, l'accelerazione della mondializzazione economica, l'internazionalizzazione crescente della politica, e la conclusione di un programma comune col Partito comunista francese ed il Movimento dei radicali di sinistra. Sull’onda di un crescente consenso ingenerato nei dieci anni precedenti, F. Mitterrand viene eletto Presidente della Repubblica francese nel maggio del 1981. Studiare l’evoluzione della politica internazionale e dell'internazionalismo del PS durante questo decennio, significa analizzare l’interazione fra politiche nazionali ed internazionali in un contesto sempre più globalizzato ed osservare, sotto una prospettiva differente, il mutamento ideologico e politico della sinistra. La prima parte di questa tesi, si sofferma pertanto sulla natura e la collocazione della nozione di internazionalismo nella cultura, nella dottrina e nell'identità del PS. La seconda parte si inoltra nello studio delle pratiche internazionali e diplomatiche del PS a tutti livelli. Attraverso l’esegesi “della visione del mondo” e dell'azione internazionale di un gruppo politico particolare, questa tesi si interroga sulle basi fondanti la diplomazia e le società politiche mondiali al sopraggiungere della mondializzazione
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Kemp, Walter Adams. "Nationalism and communism in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.266162.

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Devin, Guillaume. "L'Internationale socialiste (1945-1976) : politique et éthique du socialisme international." Paris 10, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988PA100079.

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L'Internationale socialiste (IS) jouit d'un curieux privilège : celui d'être fréquemment invoquée sans retenir véritablement l'attention des analystes. Plus de quarante ans après sa reconstruction, l'héritière de l'Internationale ouvrière socialiste a en effet suscité peu de travaux de recherche. Si l'ISs a connu un regain d'actualité depuis son Congrès de Genève en 1976 en raison de ses orientations tiers-mondistes et non alignées et grâce à l'audience personnelle de son nouveau président, W. Brandt, la période qui va de la renaissance de l'organisation au "nouveau départ" de Genève constitue encore aujourd'hui une zone d'ombre. A l'aide des archives de l'organisation, largement inédites, la présente thèse tente de restituer les enjeux qui ont travaillé l'Internationale pendant trente ans et ont contribué à façonner ses inflexions. Le sens de cette démarche tend à démontrer que l'IS n'est pas une organisation étroitement instrumentale mais un mouvement éthique qui a vocation à formuler les idéaux des socialistes, idéaux forgés dans l'ordre interne et projetés dans l'univers international, et dont les prétentions universalistes se sont successivement appuyées sur la mise en ordre lexical des valeurs de la liberté et de l'égalité puis sur leur mise en balance
If the Socialist International (si) has managed to gain a new audience since its Geneva Congress in 1976, because of its non-aligned approach and the personal audience of its new president, W. Brandt, the period which goes from the rebirth of the organisation in 1945 to the "new start" of Geneva remains, even today, in the dark. Studying the mostly unpublished archives of the organisation, this thesis attemps to identify the stakes which shaped the SI during thirthy years. This analysis tends to portray the SI not as an instrumental organisation but as an ethical movement with a vocation which led it to formulate the socialists' ideals; ideals forged in a domestic context which are then projected into the international environment. These universalistic ideals rested, successively, on the hierachical scale of values of liberty and equality and then on their juxtaposition. The analysis contained in the thesis is an attempt to explain an ethic common to all socialists, wether they be defined as "democratic socialists" or "social-democrats", in their relationship to national politics or to the challenge of the international arena
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Ferguène, Améziane. "Socialisme et developpement : essai sur les limites de l'accumulation socialiste autocentree a la peripherie." Lille 1, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987LIL12011.

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La theorie marxiste recue veut que l'"accumulation" soit la panacee pour surmonter les graves difficultes des societes de la peripherie. A l'encontre de cette theorie, la these defendue dans ce travail peut s'enoncer en deux propositions : premierement, la strategie de "developpement socialiste", loin d'etre la reponse appropriee aux problemes des nations dites "sous-developpees", conduit aux memes impasses economique et sociales fondamentales que les strategies traditionnelles (substitution aux importations, promotion des exportations. . . ). Deuxiemement, il en est ainsi, car, dans sa conception comme dans sa mise en oeuvre, ce que l'on appelle "developpement socialiste autocentre" ne constitue pas une altlernative au developpement conventionnel mais n'en est qu'une variante : la variante bureaucratico-etatique. A l'heure ou, dans de nombreux pays du tiers-monde, l'on revient de la mystique progressiste qui a longtemps prevalu, et ou, en consequence, les classes dirigeantes de ces memes pays procedent a des revisions doctrinales dechirantes, cette these est d'une importance cruciale : elle permet de comprendre le pourquoi des desenchantements ainsi enregistres dans des pays que l'on croyait sur la "bonne voie", et le comment des echecs qui en sont a la base. Des lors, la conclusion s'impose d'elle-meme quant a la reponse a apporter aux problemes du sous-developpement. Au lieu de continuer a raisonner en termes de capitalisme ou de socialisme, deux notions egalement prisonnieres du paradigme de l'economie, ne convient-il pas d'inventer ce "nouveau developpement" que preconise f. Perroux et dont la vertu centrale est precisement de rompre avec l'economisme ? a cette condition, et a cette condition seulement, il est possible de reconcilier le developpement avec les populations concernees et d'en faire une entreprise au service de leur emancipation
The accepted marxist theory asserts that "socialist accumulation" is the panacea for getting over serious difficulties of periphery societies. In opposition to this theory, the thesis defanded in this work can be summarized through two propositions : first, the "socialist development strategy", far from being the appropriate response to the problems of the so called "under-developped nations", conduces to the same economic and social fundamental dead-locks as the traditional strategies (import-substitution, export-promotion. . . ). Secondly, such is the case, for, in its conception and in its concrete implementation, what one calls "socialist self-reliant development" is not an alternative of the conventional devepment but is only a variant of this development : a bureaucratic and state controlled one. At a time when the progressive mystic is called into question in many third-world countries where it has long prevailed, and when, in consequence, the ruling classes of these very countries initiate problematic doctrinal reforms, this thesis has crucial importance : it makes possible the understanding of the reasons for the disillusions experienced in these countries supposed to be on the "right track", as it makes possible the understanding of the causes for the failures which are at the origin. Therefore, regarding the right answer to give to under-development, the conclusion is obvious. Instead of keeping to reason in terms of capitalism or socialism, both notions equally imprisoned within the paradigm of economics, is not it urgent to invent this "new development" recommended by f. Perroux and whose vertue is precisely to break with economism ? on this understanding, it is possible to reconcile development with the populations concerned and to make it an undertaking at the service of their emancipation
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Bocianowski, Stanislaw. "Etude de quelques organisations internationales socialistes de coopération sectorielle." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1988. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb376030781.

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Bocianowski, Stanislaw. "Etude de quelques organisations internationales socialistes de coopération sectorielle." Paris 1, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA010260.

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Pour mettre en oeuvre sa politique de cooperation et d'integration economique, le c. A. E. M. , s'est dote progressivement d'institutions et d'organes administratives, juridiques, fonctionnels et bancaires constituant actuellement un reseau dense, qui touche tous les secteurs des economies socialistes. Il prend toutes les mesures indispensables pour ameliorer et perfectionner les structures et de methodes de travail de ses organismes. Son activite se resume a l'etablissement de liens directs entre les instituts et laboratoires de recherche des differents pays membres, ainsi qu'entre les organisations internationales et les entreprises dotees d'une autonomie plus large que dans le passe.
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Durand, Jorge. "Migrations internationales dans l'ouest du Mexique : conditions sociales, politiques et culturelles." Toulouse 2, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991TOU20070.

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Le travail tente de decrire et analyser le processus migratoire entre le mexique et les etats-unis et ses effets economiques et socioculturels dans la societe et la population de l'ouest mexicain. La recherche repose sur le materiel de onze enquetes, qui correspondent a un meme nombre de localites urbaines et rurales, en plus de l'etude approfondie d'une petite ville : san francisco del rincon, dans l'etat de guanajuato. Cette recherche essaie d'apporter une reponse a trois problemes , devenus chroniques dans l'analyse et l'etude de la migration: l'interpretation generale du processus comme "soupape de surete" des problemes economiques et politiques du mexique, les limitations des etudes de cas en ce qui concerne leurs possibilites de generalisation et l'interpretation de l'impact economique du processus migratoire qui se contente de tenir compte exclusivement de la perspective d'investissement agricole. On tente aussi d'explorer trois nouveaux terrains: aux niveau geographique, il etait necessaire de completer le panorama avec l'etude de l'etat de guanajuato, ce qui a favorise l'avance vers un autre objectif: une premiere analyse du processus dans la region centre-ouest, au niveau thematique, il etait aussi urgent de connaitre et de reflechir sur l'impact culturel, ,theme qui avait ete pratiquement laisse de cote dans la litterature
This work tries to describeand analyse the migratory process between mexico qnd the united states and his economical and sociocultural repercutions over the society and the population of the west of mexico. This research is based on the material fron the eleven samples corresponding to eleven urban and rural localities, as well as on a deeper study of a small city : san francisco del rincon, guanajuato. This research tries to give ansewr to tree of the chronic problems of analysing and studyings migrations : the general interpretation of the process as a "safety valve" of the economical and political problems in mexico; the restrictions of the case studies concerning their posibilities of generalization; and the interpretation of the economical impact of the migratory process, that only regards the agricultural investissement. We also try to explore three new fields in a geographical level a) the study of the state of guanajuato, b) as wel as of the webstern region of mexico; c) in th thematic level : the analysis of the cultural impact
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Candar, Gilles. "Jean Longuet, 1876-1938 : un internationaliste à l'épreuve de l'histoire /." Rennes : Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2007. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb409669900.

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Lambert, Stéphane. "Les télécommunications internationales et l'Etat occidental : libertés de communiquer et relations internationales." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2004. https://spire.sciencespo.fr/notice/2441/53r60a8s3kup1vc9kd4sgepk2.

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La concurrence internationale, l'industrialisation et le changement technologique rapide depuis le milieu du XIXe siècle ont forcé les Etats à permettre l'usage à des fins privées des télécommunications. Depuis l'apparition du télégraphe, les télécommunications sont devenues rapidement régionales et internationales. Dans la deuxième moitié du XXe siècle, les Etats-Unis, profitant d'une avance technologique, ont lancé la concurrence internationale dans les télécommunications. Ils ont permis à une multitude de contourner les réseaux historiques nationaux en basculant leurs télécommunications sur les réseaus américains. L'étude comparée des Etats-Unis, du Canada, de la France, du Royaume-Uni, de l'Allemagne et du Japon montre que, faca à la dégradation compétitive de leur industrie des télécommunications, l'intégration croissante des marché̀s et la montée des pratiques de contournement, les pays industrialisés ont rapidement déréglementé leurs télécommunications. Cette déréglementation a conduit à l'ouverture d'un canal horizontal planétaire relativement accessible, bon marché et à l'abri du contôle des Etats. De nombreux acteurs ont investi cet espace dans un effort d'autonomisation par rapport aux Etats : les ONGI, les mafias, les diasporas, les différentes communautés en-ligne, etc. Même l'individu peut trouver une résonance globale à ses projets. Certaines communautés sont violentes, d'autres économiquement puissantes, toutes sont normatives en s'engageant dans la création, la promotion et l'accréditation de normes. En retour, ceci a conduit à un monde "turbulent" où les Etats nations et les acteurs transnationaux s'entrechoquent le long de différences sémantiques.
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Goergen, Marie-Louise. "Les relations entre socialistes allemands et français à l'époque de la Deuxième Internationale : 1889-1914." Paris 8, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA081415.

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Cette thèse s'appuie sur le croisement de trois approches complémentaires : l'analyse des hommes et des réseaux que mettent en place les socialistes allemands et français de la fin du XIXe et du début du XXe siècle, puis des lieux où ils se rencontrent, enfin de leurs débats et de leurs actes. En s'appuyant en premier lieu sur les correspondances et les articles de revues, elle traite des rapports entre individus avant de s'intéresser à ceux entre appareils. Deux générations de militants - auxquels sont consacrées deux grandes parties biographiques - dominent dans les rapports entre socialistes des deux pays a des moments différents de leur histoire commune : la première désigne les " vieux lutteurs " comme Wilhelm Liebknecht et Paul Lafargue, présents dans les luttes du XIXe siècle (commune de Paris, combat contre les lois antisocialistes de Bismarck, etc. ). Le tournant du siècle met en scène une nouvelle génération de socialistes (Jaurès, Karl Kautsky entre autres), issue en France des clivages provoques par l'affaire Dreyfus et en Allemagne de la vague contestataire née avec le révisionnisme bernsteinien. Il en résulte le déclin du guesdisme - allie des sociaux-démocrates allemands - en France et en Europe et la mise en question de l'hégémonie allemande dans le socialisme européen. Les études des lieux de rencontre et des hommes qui s'y croisent sont entrecoupées de trois grandes parties sur les évènements et actes qui déterminent leurs rapports. Cette triple approche permet d'observer une diminution très nette des relations entre socialistes allemands et français à l'approche de la guerre, due à la mise en place d'une certaine indifférence vis-à-vis de l'autre, qui s'accompagne d'une concentration sur "l'intérieur" et d'une identification croissante, pour certains du moins, avec les intérêts de la nation. Cette analyse, qui privilégie le long terme, permet de mieux comprendre le ralliement des socialistes à la défense nationale en aout 1914
This thesis is based on the crossing of three complementary approaches : first the analysis of the men and the network German and French socialists are settling at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, then the places where they meet, finally their debates and actions. At first going through letters and review-articles, it deals with the relationships between individuals before focusing on those which exist between the parties. Two generations of militants -each dealt in a long biographical chapter - dominate the relationship between the socialists of the two countries at different moments of their common history : the first chapter deals with the "old fighters" as Wilhelm Liebknecht and Paul Lafargue, present in the struggles of the 19th century (commune de Paris, fight against the anti-socialist laws of Bismarck, and so on). A new generation of socialists (Jaures, Karl Kautsky and others) appears in the early years of the century, in France because of the divisions caused by the Dreyfus affair, in German because of the surge of contestation due to the revisionism of Eduard Bernstein. As a result the guesdism - allied of the German social-democrats- declines in France and criticism grows about the hegemonic position of the Germans inside the European socialism. Beside the analysis of the meeting places and of the men who meet in these places, three long parts concern the events and actions which determine their relationship. A very clear decrease of contacts between German and French socialists during the last years before the war can be notice through this triple approach, which can be explained by a growing indifference towards the others, as well as a concentration on domestic affairs and a growing identification, for some of them at least, with the interests of the nation. This long-term analysis contributes to a better understanding of the reasons for the socialists to rally the national defense in august 1914
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Books on the topic "Socialist internationalism"

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Babiracki, Patryk, and Austin Jersild, eds. Socialist Internationalism in the Cold War. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-32570-5.

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Engel, Stefan. Dawn of the international socialist revolution. Kottayam, Kerala: Massline Publication, 2011.

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Universalismus und Partikularismus: Erfahrungsraum, Erwartungshorizont und Territorialdebatten in der diskursiven Praxis der II. Internationale 1889-1917. St. Ingbert: Röhrig Universitätsverlag, 2012.

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Nation, R. Craig. War on war: Lenin, the Zimmerwald left, and the origins of communist internationalism. Chicago, IL: Haymarket Books, 2009.

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War on war: Lenin, the Zimmerwald Left, and the origins of communist internationalism. Durham: Duke University Press, 1989.

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Nation, R. Craig. War on war: Lenin, the Zimmerwald left, and the origins of communist internationalism. Chicago, IL: Haymarket Books, 2009.

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War on war: Lenin, the Zimmerwald left, and the origins of communist internationalism. Chicago, IL: Haymarket Books, 2009.

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Waterman, Peter. Understanding socialist and proletarian internationalism: The impossible past and possible future of emancipation on a world scale. Hague, Netherlands: Institute of Social Studies, 1991.

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Socialismo e internazionalismo nella storia d'Italia: Claudio Treves, 1869-1933. Napoli: Guida, 1985.

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Lysaght, D. R. O'Connor. The first three socialist internationals. Belfast: Peoples Democracy, 1989.

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Book chapters on the topic "Socialist internationalism"

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Holbraad, Carsten. "Socialist Internationalism." In Internationalism and Nationalism in European Political Thought, 67–89. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403982315_4.

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Sarapik, Virve. "CIHA Congresses and Soviet Internationalism." In A Socialist Realist History?, 240–59. Köln: Böhlau Verlag, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/9783412516673.240.

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Holbraad, Carsten. "Socialist Nationalism." In Internationalism and Nationalism in European Political Thought, 139–68. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403982315_7.

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Stanoeva, Elitza. "Balancing Between Socialist Internationalism and Economic Internationalisation." In European Socialist Regimes’ Fateful Engagement with the West, 159–89. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Cold war history: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429340703-8.

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Siefert, Marsha. "Soviet Cinematic Internationalism and Socialist Film Making, 1955–1972." In Socialist Internationalism in the Cold War, 161–93. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-32570-5_7.

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Babiracki, Patryk, and Austin Jersild. "Editors’ Introduction." In Socialist Internationalism in the Cold War, 1–16. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-32570-5_1.

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Tompkins, David G. "Red China in Central Europe: Creating and Deploying Representations of an Ally in Poland and the GDR." In Socialist Internationalism in the Cold War, 273–301. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-32570-5_11.

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Jersild, Austin. "Sino-Soviet Rivalry in Guinea-Conakry, 1956–1965: The Second World in the Third World." In Socialist Internationalism in the Cold War, 303–25. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-32570-5_12.

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Rieber, Alfred. "Afterword: Promises and Paradoxes of Socialist Internationalism (Personal and Historical Reflections)." In Socialist Internationalism in the Cold War, 327–43. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-32570-5_13.

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Haga, Lars Peder. "Coming to Terms with Europe: Konstantin Simonov and Oles’ Honchar’s Literary Conquest of East Central Europe at the End of World War II." In Socialist Internationalism in the Cold War, 19–48. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-32570-5_2.

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Conference papers on the topic "Socialist internationalism"

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Barrena Delgado, María Dolores. "Los festivales de fotografía. El análisis cuantitativo como herramienta para matizar la historia de la fotografía." In I Congreso Internacional sobre Fotografia: Nuevas propuestas en Investigacion y Docencia de la Fotografia. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cifo17.2017.6738.

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A partir de su difusión, la fotografía fue ganando en prestigio simbólico y en espacio propio. Los festivales de fotografía han contribuido a ello desde los años setenta del siglo XX, y su estudio y valoración supone uno de los puntos de partida para entender un relato que se ha construido a partir de premisas que incluyen a la imagen fotográfica como comunicación artística a través de la elección del representante y el movimiento de las imágenes. Una gran cantidad de ciudades cuenta con un festival dedicado en exclusiva a la fotografía. Además de funcionar como catalizadores de cuestiones económicas, turísticas y sociales —categorías que forman parte casi en exclusiva de la mayoría de los análisis—, desde el punto de vista artístico son un contexto adecuado para la visualización de fotógrafos y fotógrafas, nuevas tendencias y movimientos, y para generar marcos de pensamiento. Sus exposiciones sobre fotografía histórica han servido, por una parte, para validar la propia celebración del festival —considerándola un argumento de autoridad— y por otra, para rescatar ciertas figuras que, debido a la reticencia de algunos sectores a considerar la fotografía como Arte, habían quedado en el olvido. Así, han construido la historia de la fotografía y su puesta al día, especialmente, en el transcurso de los últimos 47 años. Incluso, el acercamiento a la imagen fotográfica, el hecho expositivo o el mercado del arte se han visto influenciados por la entrada en escena de nuevas propuestas que, de otra manera, no dispondrían de una plataforma apropiada para la exhibición. Este análisis se ha desarrollado a partir de 225 festivales de 70 países, celebrados entre 1970, año oficial de creación de los Rencontres Internationales de la Photographie de Arlés, y 2015, fecha elegida en tanto que se presupone el momento de recuperación económica. Para este estudio se han tenido en cuenta tanto los cambios sociales, económicos y políticos como los tecnológicos y los artísticos, por lo que la interpretación de los resultados es contextual desde el punto de vista del espacio y del tiempo. Así, algunas de las tablas realizadas tratan de esclarecer la ubicación de los festivales, el número de festivales por año, la cantidad de festivales por tramos de población, ediciones de cada festival, etc. Investigar sobre el mapa de encuentros fotográficos, su frecuencia, número o crecimiento es también una manera de formular una historia transversal de la fotografía. Su cuantificación y análisis estadístico arroja nuevas perspectivas relacionadas con los principios básicos que subyacen en la definición de festival, en las formas de difundir la imagen y, sobre todo, pone en crisis algunas de las cuestiones que suelen asociarse a estos encuentros a partir de lecturas superficiales, tales como los de centro y periferia o de valoraciones extra artísticas.
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