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Journal articles on the topic 'Socialist internationalism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 7 February 2022

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1

Costaguta, Lorenzo. "“Geographies of Peoples”: Scientific Racialism and Labor Internationalism in Gilded Age American Socialism." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 18, no. 2 (March 8, 2019): 199–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000701.

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AbstractThis article investigates ideas of race in Gilded Age socialism by analyzing the intellectual production of the leaders of the Socialist Party of America (SLP) from 1876 to 1882. Existing scholarship on socialism and race during the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era rarely addresses socialist conceptions of race prior to 1901 and fails to recognize the centrality of scientific racialism and Darwinism in influencing socialist thought. By positioning American socialism within a transatlantic scenario and reconstructing how the immigrant origins of Gilded Age socialists influenced their perceptions of race, this article argues that scientific racialism and Darwinism competed with color-blind internationalism in shaping the racial policies of the SLP during the Gilded Age. Moreover, a transatlantic investigation of American socialist ideas of race presents a reinterpretation of the early phases of the history of the SLP and addresses its historical legacies. While advocates of scientific racialism and Darwinism determined the racial policies of the SLP in the 1880s, color-blind internationalists abandoned the party and extended their influence beyond organized socialism, especially in the Knights of Labor.

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2

Shaev, Brian. "The Algerian War, European Integration, and the Decolonization of French Socialism." French Historical Studies 41, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 63–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-4254619.

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AbstractThis article takes up Todd Shepard's call to “write together the history of the Algerian War and European integration” by examining the French Socialist Party. Socialist internationalism, built around an analysis of European history, abhorred nationalism and exalted supranational organization. Its principles were durable and firm. Socialist visions for French colonies, on the other hand, were fluid. The asymmetry of the party's European and colonial visions encouraged socialist leaders to apply their European doctrine to France's colonies during the Algerian War. The war split socialists who favored the European communities into multiple parties, in which they cooperated with allies who did not support European integration. French socialist internationalism became a casualty of the Algerian War. In the decolonization of the French Socialist Party, support for European integration declined and internationalism largely vanished as a guiding principle of French socialism.Cet article répond à l'appel de Todd Shepard à « écrire à la fois l'histoire de la guerre d'Algérie et l'histoire de l'intégration européenne » en examinant le Parti socialiste. L'internationalisme socialiste, basé sur une analyse de l'histoire européenne, dénonça le nationalisme et exalta le supranationalisme. Ses principes furent durables et fermes. Par contre, sa politique concernant les colonies fut souple. L'asymétrie entre les visions européenne et coloniale du parti encouragea l'application de la doctrine européenne aux colonies françaises pendant la guerre d'Algérie. La guerre divisa les partisans socialistes des communautés européennes en multiples partis, dans lesquels ils coopérèrent avec des alliés qui ne soutenaient pas l'intégration européenne. L'internationalisme socialiste français fut une victime de la guerre d'Algérie. Dans la décolonisation du socialisme français, le soutien à l'intégration européenne recula et l'internationalisme disparut comme principe directeur.

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3

Callahan, Kevin. "“Performing Inter-Nationalism” in Stuttgart in 1907: French and German Socialist Nationalism and the Political Culture of an International Socialist Congress." International Review of Social History 45, no. 1 (April 2000): 51–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000000031.

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The emphasis on ritual, political symbolism and public display at international socialist congresses highlights important cultural dimensions of the Second International that historians have, until now, left unexplored. From 1904 until the International Socialist Congress of Stuttgart in 1907, French and German socialists articulated – in both symbolic and discursive forms – a socialist nationalism within the framework of internationalism. The Stuttgart congress represented a public spectacle that served a cultural function for international socialism. The international performance at Stuttgart was, however, undermined by the inability of the SFIO and the SPD to reconcile their conflicting conceptions of “inter-nationalism”.

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4

Daems, Joke, Thomas D’haeninck, Simon Hengchen, Tecle Zere, and Christophe Verbruggen. "‘Workers of the World’? A Digital Approach to Classify the International Scope of Belgian Socialist Newspapers, 1885–1940." Journal of European Periodical Studies 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 99–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/jeps.v4i1.10187.

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Socialism has always been strongly related to internationalism, yet the attitude towards and expression of internationalism has likely changed throughout the years. Events such as the First World War, the post-war revival of institutionalized internationalism and the increasing geopolitical tensions during the Interwar Period are likely to impact the degree of internationalism found in socialism. In this paper, we use digital tools to search for expressions of ‘banal’ internationalism and cosmopolitanism in Belgian socialist discourse from 1885 until 1940 by text mining two socialist newspapers: the French journal Le Peuple and the Dutch Vooruit. The goal is to highlight some of the difficulties encountered in collecting and processing the relevant data, and to showcase two potential analyses once the data has been acquired and prepared: a study of the most frequent locations throughout time via Named-entity recognition (NER) and a collocation analysis to study international and cosmopolitan sentiments.

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5

Morris, Bernard S. "Epitaph for socialist internationalism." History of European Ideas 16, no. 4-6 (January 1993): 527–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(93)90185-s.

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6

Apostolova, Raia. "Duty and Debt under the Ethos of Internationalism." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 12, no. 1 (2017): 101–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jvs.2017.12.1.101.

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Following Christina Schwenkel’s call to attend to different temporalities in the study of the Vietnamese diaspora, I examine three historical representations of workers sent to Bulgaria between the early 1970s and the beginning of the 1990s. These representations mediated Bulgarian-Vietnamese interstate relations: first, workers in relation to internationalist duty; second, workers in relation to financial debt; and finally, the workers as racialized, indebted subjects. My goal is twofold. Firstly, I turn my attention to the role and the figure of the Vietnamese worker under the ethos of actually existing socialism and navigate through the socialist rationalities that stood behind their arrival in Bulgaria. Second, I trace how representations of Vietnamese workers have changed from upholding the moral duty of socialist internationalism to becoming a labor force destined to repay Vietnam’s debt. This shift took place within a framework of changing power configurations that remodeled the extraction of surplus labor by relocating debt risks from the Vietnamese state to Vietnamese workers. I then trace the production of the indebted subject, which materialized in a historic type of racialization of the Vietnamese people, and which proved indispensable to Bulgaria’s transition to a market economy.

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7

LAQUA, DANIEL. "Democratic Politics and the League of Nations: The Labour and Socialist International as a Protagonist of Interwar Internationalism." Contemporary European History 24, no. 2 (April 13, 2015): 175–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777315000041.

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AbstractThe Labour and Socialist International (LSI) was a major vehicle for transnational socialist cooperation during the interwar years and thus seemed to continue the traditions of socialist internationalism. In the realm of international relations, however, it championed key tenets of liberal internationalism. The LSI supported the idea of a League of Nations and embraced the notion of a world order based upon democratic nation-states. While it criticised some aspects of the international system, its overall emphasis was on reform rather than revolution. The article sheds light on the wider phenomenon of interwar internationalism by tracing the LSI's relationship with the League of Nations, with the politics of peace more generally and with the competing internationalism of the communists.

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8

Schaub, Christoph. "World Literature and Socialist Internationalism in the Weimar Republic: Five Theses." New German Critique 48, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 153–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0094033x-8732187.

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Abstract Largely overlooked in the booming scholarship on world literature, literary globalization, and transnational modernism, a world literature of socialist internationalism was imagined, written, theorized, and practiced in the aftermath of World War I, representing the first attempt to actualize the idea of world literature under the auspices of a social and political mass movement. This article develops and illustrates five theses about this internationalist world literature. It thereby sketches aspects of the history of internationalist world literature in Germany between 1918 and 1933 and formulates historical, historiographical, poetological, and literary and cultural theoretical interventions into the field of world literature studies. In particular, the article develops the notions of the transnational literary counterpublic and of realist modernism while tracing ideas about transnational class literatures and nonnormative imaginaries of the proletariat.

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9

Mørkved Hellenes, Andreas. "Pilgrims and Missionaries of Social Peace: Geneva and Pontigny as Sites of Scandinavian Internationalism in Late Interwar Europe." Nordic Journal of Educational History 7, no. 2 (December 8, 2020): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.36368/njedh.v7i2.199.

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This article investigates two interlinked sites of Scandinavian socialist internationalism in continental Europe: the Nordic folk high school in Geneva and the humanistic centre created by French philosopher Paul Desjardins in Pontigny. Locating and situating these two nodes on the cultural-political map of late interwar Europe allows for a study of how actors from the popular movements in Denmark, Norway and Sweden mobilised educational ideals and practices to internationalise the experience of Scandinavian social democracy. The analysis shows how the transnational activities of the Nordic folk high school’s study course opened up new spaces for Scandinavian internationalism. In this way, the article argues, the school represented an experiment in internationalism from below where Nordism was deployed as a cultural strategy to create international understanding for working-class Scandinavians; and created new arenas for Nordic encounters with French political and intellectual milieus that admired Scandinavian democracy and social peace.

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10

Dolinsek, Sonja, and Philippa Hetherington. "Socialist Internationalism and Decolonizing Moralities in the UN Anti-Trafficking Regime, 1947–1954." Journal of the History of International Law / Revue d’histoire du droit international 21, no. 2 (June 27, 2019): 212–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-12340112.

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Abstract In the late 1940s, state socialist governments proclaimed that commercial sex did not exist under socialism. At the same time, they were enthusiastic participants in the drafting of a new UN Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others. This article explores state socialist involvement in the global moral reform drive accompanying the 1949 Convention. It traces the ideological coherence between Socialist Bloc and ‘Western’ delegations on the desirability of prostitution’s abolition. Conversely, it highlights splits on issues of jurisdiction, manifesting in the Soviet call for the eradication of the draft Convention’s ‘colonial clause’, which allowed states to adhere to or withdraw from international instruments on behalf of ‘non-self-governing territories’. We argue that critiques of the colonial clause discursively stitched together global moral reform and opposition to imperialism, according socialist and newly decolonized delegations an ideological win in the early Cold War.

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11

Kirby, William C. "China's Internationalization in the Early People's Republic: Dreams of a Socialist World Economy." China Quarterly 188 (December 2006): 870–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741006000476.

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The People's Republic of China, like the Chinese Communist Party that ruled it, was from its conception internationalist in premise and in promise. The PRC in its formative years would be Moscow's most faithful and self-sacrificing ally, a distinction earned in blood in Korea and by the fact that, unlike the East European “people's democracies,” the PRC's allegiance was not bought at gunpoint. This article researches one of the most ambitious international undertakings of that era: the effort to plan the development of half the world and to create a socialist world economy stretching from Berlin to Canton. What was China's role in this undertaking, and how did it shape the early PRC? How did this socialist world economy work (or not work)? How successfully internationalist was a project negotiated by sovereign (and Stalinist) states? Why did Mao Zedong ultimately destroy it, and with it, the dream of communist internationalism?

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12

NICHOLLS, JULIA. "EMPIRE AND INTERNATIONALISM IN FRENCH REVOLUTIONARY SOCIALIST THOUGHT, 1871–1885." Historical Journal 59, no. 4 (May 30, 2016): 1051–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x16000030.

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ABSTRACTThis article explores the role of empire and internationalism in French revolutionary socialist thought at the beginning of the Third Republic. Whilst French revolutionary socialists frequently employed colonial examples and operated within wider traditions of either imperialism or anti-colonialism, the concept of ‘empire’ itself remained vague and undefined in their thought. Previous literature on the subject has focused overwhelmingly on the writings of Communards deported to New Caledonia in the 1870s; however, this article argues that the deportees in fact remained theoretically unconcerned with imperial and international questions. Rather, it was those who remained in Europe that produced more clearly elaborated theories on empire and international engagement. Such ideas subsequently served to demarcate the limits and possibilities of universal equality and solidarity, which were central to revolutionary socialist thought during this period. Consequently, it will be suggested that despite their recent rise in popularity, empire, and colonialism are not the best categories of analysis for approaching such themes, for they cannot be isolated from broader concerns with international and transnational thought.

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13

Boyce, Robert. "The practice of socialist internationalism: European socialists and international politics, 1914–1960." Cold War History 19, no. 2 (April 3, 2019): 320–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2019.1601410.

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14

Kulić, Vladimir. "Building the Socialist Balkans." Southeastern Europe 41, no. 2 (June 9, 2017): 95–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04102001.

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This article introduces the special issue of Southeastern Europe dedicated to architecture in the Balkans produced in the networks of socialist internationalism. The built heritage of socialism has suffered several waves of erasure, most spectacularly exemplified by the current remake of Skopje, but it is also undergoing a surge in popular and scholarly interest. Focusing on Bucharest, Skopje, Sofia, and the activities of the Belgrade company Energoprojekt in Nigeria, the issue contributes to the growing scholarship on socialist and postsocialist space by analyzing architecture’s global entanglements during the Cold War. “Architecture” is understood here not only as the built environment in its various scales, but also as a regulated, organized profession, a field of cultural production, an art, and a technical discipline. It thus opens up a broad range of phenomena that cut across the fabric of society: from the representations of specific global imaginaries, to the transnational exchanges of expertise, services, and material goods.

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15

Gabaccia, Donna R. "Worker Internationalism and Italian Labor Migration, 1870–1914." International Labor and Working-Class History 45 (1994): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900012461.

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Was internationalism a grand failure? Was it practiced even bt those who proclaimed it? Beyond the international congresses with their affirmations of working-class solidarity, the meaning of internationalism seems to unravel. Marx called for international solidarity precisely because socialist activists operated, conceptually and practically, within a world of nationstates. Modern nationalism and the internationalism of workers's movements at best can be considered “twins, developing side by side in an uneasy relationship since 1830s”. While an international economy and division of labor surely existed before World War I, workers' internationalism seemed more a rhetorical response to modern nationalism than a pragmatic response to an international economy.

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16

Knight, John M. "Mandated internationalism: Sino-Soviet friendship 1949-1956." Twentieth Century Communism 19, no. 19 (October 1, 2020): 26–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864320830900536.

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The Sino-Soviet Friendship Association (SSFA) was China's largest mass organisation of the 1950s. Whether it was marking events on the socialist calendar, showing films, holding lectures, or arranging worker competitions, the SSFA had an inescapable presence in public life. Invariably, the Soviet Union was presented as China's benevolent 'elder brother,' guiding it to modernity. By taking part in SSFA activities, Chinese were interpellated into a discourse that legitimated communist rule and defined their nation, world, and future. Yet, even within such a top-down, closed discursive system, there remained room for the inquisitive to form authentic friendships with their foreign Other. In addition to examining internal documents and public activities of the Shanghai and Beijing branches of the SSFA, this essay covers three rounds of pen-pal exchanges between Lu Shuqin and 'Natasha,' young women workers from Beijing and Moscow. Rather than adhering to the expected inner-socialist bloc hierarchy, their letters reveal an egalitarian cosmopolitanism. When read against China's state-sponsored narrative of 'elder' and 'younger' brother, these pen-pal letters complicate and expand the discourse of Sino-Soviet friendship, showing how the mandated internationalism of the 1950s interacted with the self-directed behaviours of socialist individuals.

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17

FRAMKE, MARIA. "‘We Must Send a Gift Worthy of India and the Congress!’ War and political humanitarianism in late colonial South Asia." Modern Asian Studies 51, no. 6 (November 2017): 1969–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000950.

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AbstractThe interwar period has recently been described as a highly internationalist one in South Asia, as a series of distinct internationalisms—communist, anarchist, social scientific, socialist, literary, and aesthetic1—took shape. At the same time, it has been argued that the Second Sino-Japanese War of 1937 drew to a close various opportunities for international association (at least, temporarily). Taking into account both these contradistinctive developments, this article deals with another—and thus far largely overlooked—South Asian internationalism in the form of wartime Indian humanitarianism. In 1938, the Indian National Congress helped organize an Indian medical mission to China to bring relief to Chinese victims of the Second Sino-Japanese War. By focusing on this initiative, this article traces the ideas, the practices, and the motives of Indian political humanitarianism. It argues that such initiatives, as they became part of much wider global networks of humanitarianism in the late 1930s and early 1940s, created new openings for Indian nationalists to establish international alliances. This article also examines the way in which political humanitarianism enabled these same nationalists to perform as independent leaders on an international stage, and argues that humanitarianism served as a tool of anti-colonial emancipation.

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18

TAN, KOK-CHOR. "PRIORITY FOR COMPATRIOTS: COMMENTARY ON GLOBALIZATION AND JUSTICE." Economics and Philosophy 22, no. 1 (March 2006): 115–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266267105000738.

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In his stimulating and provocative collection of essays, Globalization and Justice, Kai Nielsen (2003b) defends a cosmopolitan account of global justice. On the cosmopolitan view, as Nielsen understands it, individuals are entitled to equal consideration regardless of citizenship or nationality and global institutions should be arranged in such a way that each person's interest is given equal consideration. Nielsen's defense of cosmopolitan justice in this collection will be of no surprise to readers familiar with his socialist egalitarian commitments. Indeed, the internationalism underlying socialism, Nielsen would argue, naturally entails the cosmopolitan account of justice (e.g., chs. 5 and 6).

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19

Colás, Alejandro. "Putting Cosmopolitanism into Practice: the Case of Socialist Internationalism." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 23, no. 3 (March 1994): 513–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03058298940230030501.

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20

Applebaum, Rachel. "The Friendship Project: Socialist Internationalism in the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia in the 1950s and 1960s." Slavic Review 74, no. 3 (2015): 484–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.74.3.484.

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This article examines the evolution of socialist internationalism in the 1950s and 1960s through a case study of cultural relations between the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia. More broadly, it explores attempts by Soviet and eastern bloc officials to integrate their countries into a cohesive “socialist world” by constructing an extensive network of transnational, cultural, interpersonal, and commercial ties between their citizens. Accounts of Soviet-eastern bloc relations during this period tend to focus on the iconic crises in Poland and Hungary in 1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968. Yet in the realm of everyday life, the 1950s and 1960s were the apogee of Soviet-eastern European integration. I argue that in the case of Soviet-Czechoslovak relations, the new version of socialist internationalism that developed during these decades was successful in so far as it shaped the lives of ordinary citizens—through participation in friendship societies, pen-pal correspondences, and the consumption of each other's mass media and consumer goods. As these contacts brought the two countries closer, however, they inadvertently highlighted cultural and political discord between them, which ultimately helped undermine the very alliance they were designed to support.

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21

Laqua, Daniel. "Talbot C. Imlay. The Practice of Socialist Internationalism: European Socialists and International Politics, 1914–1960." American Historical Review 125, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 299–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz800.

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22

Braskén, Kasper. "Talbot C. Imlay, The Practice of Socialist Internationalism: European Socialists and International Politics, 1914–1960." European History Quarterly 49, no. 1 (January 2019): 131–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691418822189n.

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23

Amin, Samir. "Die Außenansicht der europäischen Linken." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 23, no. 92 (September 1, 1993): 427–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v23i92.1029.

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In the framework of a world-system type of analysis, the perspectives of the European left after the decline of Soviel type socialism are described as a response to the polarization between the Third and the First World: In contrast to the capitalist mode of production in the centre, which operates as a market-based integration of the circulation of capital, of commodities and of labour power, labour in the periphery is blocked. In view of the contradiction between capital accumulation on a world-level and political and social governance on national levels, a socialist strategy should be based on a new internationalism, emphasizing regional alliances whose expansion is coupled to the increase in the unfettered mobility of labour.

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24

Bauche, Manuela. "Cuban Corals in East Berlin’s Natural History Museum, 1967–74." Representations 141, no. 1 (2018): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2018.141.1.3.

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This essay reconstructs the history of a coral-reef diorama, the outcome of a German Democratic Republic expedition to Cuba, that was displayed in East Berlin’s Natural History Museum in 1967 on the occasion of the GDR’s twenty-fifth anniversary. The paper investigates how the practice of socialist internationalism influenced the diorama’s coming into being, arguing that while official diplomatic relations between Cuba and the GDR were a prerequisite for the expedition, nongovernmental contacts were central to both the initiation and execution of the project. It also demonstrates how the diorama’s display was informed more by national and institutional concerns than by the rhetoric and policies of internationalism.

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25

Weeks, Theodore R. "Joshua D. Zimmerman. Poles, Jews, and the Politics of Nationality: The Bund and the Polish Socialist Party in Late Tsarist Russia, 1892–1914. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2004. xiii, 360 pp." AJS Review 29, no. 1 (April 2005): 190–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009405370097.

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For a half-millennium until the 1940s, the history of Poles and Jews was inextricably intertwined. In particular, from the mid-nineteenth century onwards, Poles and Jews alike were faced with sweeping economic and social changes that challenged—even threatened—livelihood, traditions, and identity. One way in which both Jews and Poles attempted to make sense of “modernity” (to use the word as shorthand for industrialization, secularization, and the communications revolution of this period) was to subscribe to one or another form of socialism. In the Polish lands, socialism and nationalism were never mutually exclusive, indeed on the whole, the two movements overlapped considerably. Again, this was just as true for Jews (Bund, Poalei Tsiyon) as for Poles (PPS). Josh Zimmerman's important book examines relations between the two most important pre-1914 Polish and Jewish socialist parties, the Bund and the PPS. Both parties aimed simultaneously to pave the way for international socialism and to develop their respective nations (Jews and Poles). Both parties rejected national chauvinism or prejudice, arguing in a Herderian vein that only when each nation developed its full potential could true internationalism reign. Despite their theoretical agreement, however, the parties frequently clashed on practical issues. Examining these practical differences, Zimmerman has much to tell us about the nature of being Jewish, Polish, and/or socialist in late imperial Russia.

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Collette, Christine. "“Friendly Spirit, Comradeship, and Good-Natured Fun”: Adventures in Socialist Internationalism." International Review of Social History 48, no. 2 (August 2003): 225–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859003001020.

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This essay compares and contrasts two British organizations, the Workers' Travel Association (1921–1966) and the British Workers' Sports Association (1930–1957). It considers their motives, their relationships with the labour movement domestically and internationally, and how far they were able to maintain the international activities to which they aspired.

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Harris, Richard L. "Cuban Internationalism, Che Guevara, and the Survival of Cuba's Socialist Regime." Latin American Perspectives 36, no. 3 (May 2009): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x09334165.

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THAKUR, RAMESH. "Between Socialist Internationalism and Peaceful Coexistence: Poland and the Vietnam War." Australian Journal of Politics & History 30, no. 3 (April 7, 2008): 378–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1984.tb00224.x.

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29

Fokin, A. A. "POLITICAL LANGUAGE OF THE INTEGRATION PROCESSES OF THE CMEA COUNTRIES." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 3, no. 4 (December 25, 2019): 468–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2019-3-4-468-474.

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Based on the approach of the history of ideas, the political language of the official discourse of the socialist integration of the CMEA (COMECON) countries is reconstructed. The evolution of the idea of the unification of Europe in the framework of leftist and socialist political philosophy is examined. There are several basic ideas around which the controversy unfolds. The idea of uniting national states is opposed to the idea of forming a supranational basis for integration (primarily internationalism of the proletariat and communist parties). Within the framework of the CMEA model, a national approach was implemented. By virtue of this, the need to create a community of economic interests comes to the fore. The basic concepts are mutual assistance and integration, which denoted various mechanisms of cooperation within the framework of the socialist camp.

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Steffek, Jens, and Leonie Holthaus. "The social-democratic roots of global governance: Welfare internationalism from the 19th century to the United Nations." European Journal of International Relations 24, no. 1 (April 28, 2017): 106–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066117703176.

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Welfare internationalism was and still is one of the most powerful justifications for establishing international organizations. It suggests that public international organizations should cater to the material needs of individuals, rather than solve conflicts among states. In this article, we trace the origins of welfare internationalism, challenging the dominant narrative that depicts it as a projection of the British welfare state or the American New Deal to the globe. We show that welfare internationalism emerged earlier and combined ideational elements of very different origins. Notions of professional colonial administration migrated to the international context and dovetailed with a cosmopolitan interpretation of 19th-century public unions as caretakers of citizen interests. Reform socialist approaches to the social question inspired domestic and international developments simultaneously, leading to the foundation of the International Labour Organization, which became a crucial venue for the promulgation of welfare internationalism. We thus document how international theorists and practitioners of the early 20th century established a new perspective on international affairs, emanating from individuals and their needs. That perspective came to rival the traditional conception of international politics as intergovernmentalism and delivered important building blocks for the (self-)legitimation of the League of Nations and the United Nations.

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Mujal-Leon, Eusebio. "The West German Social Democratic Party and The Politics of Internationalism in Central America." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 29, no. 4 (1987): 89–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165819.

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One of the Most Notable Aspects of the Crisis in Central America has been the opportunity it has offered a number of actors, both within and without the region, to become involved in an area long considered a traditional reserve and zone of influence of the United States. Over the last decade, no European Socialist or Social Democratic party has been more important or influential with respect to Central American issues than the West German Social Democratic Party (SPD or Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands). Despite being in the opposition since 1982, the West German Social Democrats have retained their prominence on international issues—particularly on Central American ones—for a number of reasons, such as: (1) having a solid electoral base (37% of the votes in the 1987 Bundestag elections); (2) having leaders who are internationally prominent; (3) having a well-organized foreign policy apparatus at their disposal (the well-financed Friedrich Ebert Stiftung foundation); (4) having connections to a similarly endowed trade union movement, organized around the Deutsche Gewerkschaftsbund(DGB); as well as (5) having persisted in their efforts to coordinate joint initiatives with other Socialist and Social Democratic parties, both within the European Economic Community (EEC) and through the Socialist International (SI).

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Chen, Tina Mai. "Aesthetics of Socialist Internationalism: Lenin Films in the People’s Republic of China." Made in China Journal 5, no. 1 (May 14, 2020): 88–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.22459/mic.05.01.2020.10.

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Tondera, Benedikt. "Empire of friends: Soviet power and socialist internationalism in Cold War Czechoslovakia." Journal of Tourism History 12, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 92–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1755182x.2020.1721846.

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Slaughter, Cliff. "Where To Begin? New Thinking On The Old Idea Of Socialist Internationalism." Critique 33, no. 1 (June 2005): 187–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03017600509469492.

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Radi, Szinan. "Empire of Friends. Soviet Power and Socialist Internationalism in Cold War Czechoslovakia." Europe-Asia Studies 72, no. 10 (November 25, 2020): 1753–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2020.1847881.

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Pucci, Molly. "Empire of friends: Soviet power and socialist internationalism in Cold War Czechoslovakia." Cold War History 20, no. 1 (December 9, 2019): 115–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2019.1695796.

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Mark, James, and Péter Apor. "Socialism Goes Global: Decolonization and the Making of a New Culture of Internationalism in Socialist Hungary, 1956–1989." Journal of Modern History 87, no. 4 (December 2015): 852–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/683608.

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Zayarniuk, Andriy. "OFF-YEAR PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS OF 1908: DETAILS OF MYKOLA HANKEVICH BIOGRAPHY AND THE HISTORY OF THE SOCIALIST MOVEMENT IN LVIV." City History, Culture, Society, no. 5 (November 8, 2018): 73–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mics2019.05.073.

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The article describes the character of Mykola Hankevich in the context of the early parliamentary elections of 1908 in Galicia. The author sets out his task, by shifting the usual historiographical accents, to consider the general election culture in the provincial capital in the early twentieth century, the theory and practice of the international socialist movement in a multinational urban environment. The well-established point of view of K. Jobst and other researchers, who believe that the conflict over Hankevich's face in the 1907 elections, when the executive leadership of the PPSD did not support his candidacy, is the beginning of the path that ultimately led the Polish and Ukrainian Social Democrats parties in the bosom of "their" national camps, and the ephemeral international socialist movement in Galicia disintegrated. The author believes that such a narrative simplifies the processes that took place in the environment of the Galician socialist parties. Cooperation between Ukrainian, Polish, and Jewish socialists did not stop until the outbreak of the First World War. In the USDP, M. Hankevich himself did not cease to cooperate closely with Polish and Jewish socialists. During the snap election of 1908, the PPSD leader agreed with the candidacy of Mykola Hankevich, who, however, lost this election by winning 734 votes against 1011. However, in the anti-Ukrainian hysteria that had not yet subsided after the assassination of Andrzej Potocki, more than 40% of the vote, loyal to the Ukrainian and socialist candidates in the bourgeois Lviv district, looked like a tremendous success for Hankevich. Having identified the main reasons for this success, namely: his impeccable personal reputation, eloquence, popularity among the Lviv workers and intellectuals, genuine internationalism and willingness to represent different ethnic groups and different social strata, the author, referring to the memories of the Polish socialist Yevhen Morachevsky, calls another circumstance that explains the results of the vote quite differently. It is about 450 votes that Morachevsky bought in favour of Gankevich. The author notes that Morachevsky considers his dubious act as a peculiar feat - to pollute his hands to achieve a noble political goal, in which, in his opinion, he manifests the instinct and ability of a politician, thereby opposing himself to "dreamers" and idealists who did not compromise own principles.

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Alamgir, Alena K. "Recalcitrant Women: Internationalism and the Redefinition of Welfare Limits in the Czechoslovak-Vietnamese Labor Exchange Program." Slavic Review 73, no. 01 (2014): 133–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.73.1.0133.

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In this article, I analyze changes in the Czechoslovak-Vietnamese labor exchange program between 1967 and 1989, specifically Czechoslovak state policies toward pregnant Vietnamese workers. In the program, the Czechoslovak state's commitment to being a welfare provider was confronted with its commitment to socialist internationalism. The policies toward pregnant Vietnamese workers constituted a part of the process through which the Czechoslovak state was redefining the limits of care it saw itself obligated to provide. The conflict between the two states over the appropriate treatment of pregnant Vietnamese workers was also an outgrowth of a more general feature of Czechoslovak state socialism: the tension between the pressure to increase (or at least maintain) productivity and the pressure to increase fertility. The gradual transformation of the program into a more decentralized and market exchange-like form shaped the nature of the conflict, the attempts to resolve it, and the limited efficacy of the solutions.

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Trentmann, Frank. "Wealth Versus Welfare: the British Left Between Free Trade and National Political Economy Before the First World War*." Historical Research 70, no. 171 (February 1, 1997): 70–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00032.

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Abstract The convergence of Free trade liberalism and radicalism was a central feature of British political culture after Chartism. This article explores the emergence of alternative visions of political economy on the left in the late Victorian and Edwardian period. Against the conventional view of a shared liberal Free Trade culture, it finds a plurality of languages. An interpretation of how Labour, social democrats, socialists and Fabians understood Britain's development under Free Trade reveals an alternative spectrum of popular ideas about society and economy. In the Independent Labour Party, opposition to protectionism was linked to support for some trade regulation and a more balanced economy. It was tied to a cultural and economic critique of competitive exchange, social dislocation and commercial dependence under Free Trade capitalism. The economic critique co‐existed with political internationalism and turned Labour's position into one of socialist‐radical dualism. This is compared to nationalist and imperialist socialist positions in Britain and abroad. The movement towards national political economy provided a link between older radical notions of moral economy and co‐operation and more collectivist notions of economic order and state regulation. It marked a step in the evolution from mid Victorian popular liberalism to social democracy and from Free Trade to the welfare state.

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Edmond, Jacob. "Scripted Spaces: The Geopoetics of the Newspaper from Tret’iakov to Prigov." Slavic Review 75, no. 2 (2016): 299–330. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.75.2.299.

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AbstractThis essay examines Sergei Tret’iakov’s and Dmitrii Prigov’s turn to the newspaper in their search for a symbolic form adequate to the geopolitical flux at the beginning and endpoints of Soviet history. Fusing the epic and the sublime with the modernist montage principle, both present the newspaper as embodying simultaneously totalizing and disintegrative imaginings of space. Reflecting his avant-gardist and statist commitments, Tret’iakov’s newspaper-epic andocherkjournalism figure the tension between socialist internationalism and socialism in one country and between federal and centralist models of the state. Prigov’s newspaper art embodies the contrary pressures of resurgent nationalisms and globalization in perestroika-era and post-Soviet Russia. Having linked the decline of print culture to the Soviet Union’s demise, Prigov addresses the return of an imperial Russian spatial imaginary by highlighting how the tension between spatial boundlessness and totality in the print newspaper anticipates and complicates the information sublime of the digital age.

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Kroll, Thomas. "Talbot C. Imlay, The Practice of Socialist Internationalism. European Socialists and International Politics, 1914–1960. Oxford, Oxford University Press 2017." Historische Zeitschrift 311, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 835–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2020-1503.

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Levent, Yanlik. "A Test for Soviet Internationalism: Foreign Students in the USSR in the Early 1960s." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 1 (February 16, 2021): 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v071.

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For leftist movements internationalism, as a principle of Marxism-Leninism, has always been of great importance. The paper discusses Soviet internationalism in relation to foreign students in the USSR in the early 1960s. The author emphasizes some characteristics of the first stages of ideological struggle between Soviet and Chinese communists in connection with the international youth movement and dwells on three demonstrations of foreign students in the Soviet Union. The first one took place on August 5, 1962 in Red Square and was arranged by a militant leftist Japanese student organization Zengakuren against Soviet nuclear tests. After returning home, their leader Nemoto filed a lawsuit against the Soviet police. However, this campaign failed to provoke anti-Soviet hysteria, but revealed lack of unity between the movements. On December 18, 1963, a demonstration of African students took place in Red Square following the death of Assare-Addo, a medical student from Ghana. This incident is considered against the background of conflicts with African students and a diplomatic crisis in the end of 1961, caused by student demonstrations in Guinea, which were supported by Guinean students in the Soviet Union. During the third demonstration on March 17, 1964, about 50 Moroccan students broke into the Moroccan embassy in Moscow and organized a sit-in to protest the death sentences against 11 people in Morocco who had allegedly planned to assassin King Hassan II. Thus, the correlation between socialist statehood and the principle of internationalism showed a certain pattern: when there is a state, internationalism is put to a serious test. The first protests of foreign students in the USSR clearly prove this point.

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Chen, Tina Mai. "Socialism, Aestheticized Bodies, and International Circuits of Gender: Soviet Female Film Stars in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–1969*." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 18, no. 2 (June 11, 2008): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/018223ar.

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Abstract This paper analyses the importance of love relations and sexuality in Soviet film for Chinese socialism in the 1950s and 1960s. By looking at the movement of Soviet women across the Sino-Soviet border — in films and as part of film delegations — I highlight the international circuits of gender that shaped socialist womanhood in China. I examine Chinese discussion of Soviet film stars including Marina Ladynina, Vera Maretskaia, and Marina Kovaleva. I locate the movement away from 'fun-loving post-revolutionary' womanhood associated with Ladynina to socialist womanhood located in struggle and partisanship within the larger context of Maoist theory and Sino-Soviet relations. In my examination of debates over which female film stars were appropriate for China I draw out celebrated and sanctioned couplings of Chinese and Soviet film heroines, such as the links made between Zoya and Zhao Yiman. By looking at how Soviet film stars became part of Chinese political aesthetics, sexuality and love emerge as more important to our understanding of womanhood in Maoist China than has been recognized by most scholars of gender in China. This approach therefore offers a new perspective on Maoist ideologies of gender with its emphasis on non-Chinese bodies as constitutive of gender subjectivities in Maoist China. I argue that while gender in Maoist China was primarily enacted on a national level, internationalism and international circuits of gender were central to its articulation.

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Imlay, Talbot C. "Exploring What Might Have Been: Parallel History, International History, and Post-War Socialist Internationalism." International History Review 31, no. 3 (September 2009): 521–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2009.9641164.

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Hunt, Karen. "Towards a Gendered and Raced Socialist Internationalism: Dora Montefiore Encounters South Africa (1912–14)." African Studies 66, no. 2-3 (December 2007): 321–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020180701482818.

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Bond, Patrick. "Barriers and Openings to a New Socialist Internationalism: South African Histories, Strategies and Narratives." Socialism and Democracy 28, no. 2 (May 4, 2014): 183–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2014.926091.

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Shaffer, Robert. "A Japanese Christian Socialist-Pacifist and His American Supporters: Personal Contacts and Critical Internationalism." Peace & Change 39, no. 2 (March 24, 2014): 212–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/pech.12065.

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Blaive, Muriel. "Rachel Applebaum. Empire of Friends: Soviet Power and Socialist Internationalism in Cold War Czechoslovakia." American Historical Review 125, no. 5 (December 2020): 2034–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz1362.

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Lehmann, Maike. "Empire of Friends: Soviet Power and Socialist Internationalism in Cold War Czechoslovakia by Rachel Applebaum." Ab Imperio 2020, no. 4 (2020): 317–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/imp.2020.0105.

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