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Journal articles on the topic 'Socializm'
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1
Tereškinas, Artūras, and Ieva Dryžaitė. "Darbininkai vyrai ir socialinis kentėjimasšiuolaikinėje Lietuvoje." Sociologija. Mintis ir veiksmas 25 (December 9, 2009): 62–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/socmintvei.2009.2.6086.
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Straipsnyje analizuojamas sunkų fizinį darbą dirbančių vyrų socialinis kentėjimas ir aptariami procesai, lemiantys jų socialinę atskirtį ir nelygybės patirtis. Darbe naudojamasi sociologijoje ir antropologijoje vis plačiau įsigalinčia socialinio kentėjimo sąvoka. Šia sąvoka siekiama atskleisti kasdienes socialiai marginaliuotų asmenų bėdas ir vargus bei apibūdinti veiksnius, prisidedančius prie jų priespaudos. Socialinį kentėjimą galima apibūdinti kaip individų sukonstruotą patirtį, lemiamą socialinio konteksto, kultūrinės aplinkos, ekonominių bei politinių faktorių. 19 pusiau strukūruotų interviu su sunkų fizinį darbą dirbančiais vyrais atskleidė, kad besikeičianti visuomenė ir sugriuvusi darbo kultūra sukūrė didžiulę prarają tarp senosios ir naujosios kartos darbininkų. Vyresnieji darbininkai išgyvena didesnes asmenines ir profesines krizes, nes dabartinė darbo kultūra jiems neleidžia pasijusti pilnaverčiais kolektyvo nariais, jiem trūksta įvertinimo ir paskatinimo, artimesnių ryšių ir pagarbos. Jaunesni darbininkai atsiduria nesaugaus, stabilumo negarantuojančio darbo spąstuose. Kasdieniai vargai, kuriuos kuria dominuojanti socialinė sistema, prisideda prie šių vyrų beviltiškumo, desperacijos ir sumažėjusių galimybių dalyvauti viešojoje sferoje.
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Norkus, Zenonas. "I. Kantas, T. Parsonsas ir postpozityvizmas socialinėje teorijoje." Problemos 51 (September 29, 2014): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/problemos.1997.51.6951.
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Straipsnyje ieškoma atsakymo į klausimą, kodėl sociologijos teorija vadinama dviem skirtingais pavadinimais – „socialine teorija“ ir „sociologine teorija“. Grindžiama tezė, kad ši dvivardystė yra dviejų iki galo neišspręstų sociologijos episteminio statuso problemų (sociologijos santykio su kitais socialiniais mokslais ir jos santykio su filosofija) semantinis simptomas. Minimalistiškai save suprantanti sociologija yra mokslas apie visuomenės socialinę bendruomenę. Maksimalistinė sociologijos samprata teigia, kad sociologijos objektas yra visa visuomenė: sociologija tampa socialine teorija ir neišvengia sociologinio proto antinomijų dialektikos, kuri reiškiasi alternatyvių „visuomenės esmės“ sampratų konfliktais. Socialinė teorija ir istorijos filosofija straipsnyje traktuojamos kaip alternatyvios tradicinei metafizikai „modernybės metafizikos“. Postpozityvistinė socialinė teorija traktuojama kaip forumas, kuriame svarstomos turiningos ontologinės sociologinių teorijų darybos problemos.
3
Kott, Matthew. "Latvia’s Pērkonkrusts: Anti-German National Socialism in a Fascistogenic Milieu." Fascism 4, no. 2 (November 23, 2015): 169–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00402007.
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Aside from equating it with Hitlerism, there have been few scholarly attempts to define national socialism and specify its relation to the broader category of fascism. This article posits that national socialisms are a sub-genus of fascism, where the distinguishing feature is an ultaranationalism based on a palingenetic völkisch racism, of which anti-Semitism is an essential element. Thus, national socialism is not just mimetic Hitlerism, as Hitler is not even necessary. National socialist movements may even conceivably be opposed to the goals and actions of Hitlerism. To test this definition, the case of Latvia’s Pērkonkrusts [Thunder Cross] movement is analysed. Based on an analysis of its ideology, Pērkonkrusts is a national socialist movement with a völkisch racialist worldview, while also being essentially anti-German. The case study even addresses the apparent paradox that Pērkonkrusts both collaborated in the Holocaust, and engaged in resistance against the German occupation regime.
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Pula, Besnik. "Socialism Betrayed? Economists, Neoliberalism, and History in the Undoing of Market Socialism." Historical Materialism 23, no. 4 (November 27, 2015): 169–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341426.
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Through an historical analysis of the transnational practices of economists during the Cold War, Johanna Bockman rejects the narrative that the revolutions of 1989 represented the victory of ‘Western economics’, and especially neoliberalism, over ‘East-European socialism’. Rather, Bockman shows that the space of exchange, as well as policy experimentation in socialist states such as Yugoslavia and Hungary, led to the articulation of alternative, decentralised, ‘market socialisms’ from the 1950s up until the 1980s. Instead of operating within separate and incommensurable paradigms of ‘capitalist’ and ‘socialist’ economics, Bockman shows how neoclassical theory and its long tradition of comparing distinct economic systems became the centralepistemeallowing for the transnational exchange of ideas between economists of both the East and the West. This review-essay evaluates the book’s central claims but argues that the book stands on weaker ground when arguing that a reformed socialism was a viable option in Eastern Europe after 1989.
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Zarecor, Kimberly Elman. "Socialist Neighborhoods after Socialism." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 26, no. 3 (December 22, 2011): 486–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325411428968.
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The Czech Republic’s socialist-era neighborhoods are largely intact twenty years after the end of Communist Party rule. These buildings will be rehabilitated, but not replaced, because of financial and logistical constraints. In the context of the country’s accession to the European Union in 2004 and the recent global economic crisis, this essay questions what can and should be done in an effort to make these neighborhoods better places to live in the present and the future. It starts with a brief history of postwar housing construction and socialist-era design methodologies, exploring postwar architectural practice and innovations in construction technology that were connected to the industrialization of housing production. The role of the Baťa Company in the development of panelák technology is described. In the context of post-socialist rehabilitation efforts, the discussion addresses current housing policy including regulated rents and the shift in emphasis from renting to ownership. Government subsidies and grant programs are considered, as well as problems such as physical degradation and social segregation. The essay proposes that for the future the social and spatial ideas that were part of the original designs may be more important than the architectural style of individual buildings.
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Scirocco, Giovanni. "Un dialogo non interrotto: Arfé e Salvemini tra storia e politica." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 77 (May 2009): 57–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2009-077004.
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An Uninterrupted Dialogue: Arfé and Salvemini between History and Politics reconstructs the origins of the republication of Salvemini's writings on the Southern question. For the young Neapolitan historian Gaetano Arfé, Salvemini represented a model both as a historian and for his political commitment, above all because of their common interests that underlay their collaboration, albeit only for a brief period: the Southern question, the socialist movement and antifascism. Key words: Arfé, Salvemini, History, Politics, Socialism, Southern question. Parole chiave: Arfé, Salvemini, storia, politica, socialismo, Questione meridionale.
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Bakker, Nicolau João. "O desafio do socialismo religioso na pastoral (I)." Revista Eclesiástica Brasileira 72, no. 285 (February 18, 2019): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.29386/reb.v72i285.913.
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Falar de socialismo religioso tem algo de ambíguo. Existem muitos socialismos na história e na atualidade. O objetivo deste artigo é demonstrar que, tanto na Revelação bíblica quanto na Tradição Cristã, alguma forma de socialismo está claramente presente. Javé se revela um Deus que se coloca do lado dos escravos, em oposição ao Faraó, e se compromete com eles. Jesus rejeita o legalismo do Templo e retoma o profetismo que exige fidelidade à Aliança, expressão de justiça social e amor aos desvalidos. O Reino de Deus se refere a uma “nova” sociedade a ser estabelecida na terra, mas cuja concretização final está no porvir. Este mesmo socialismo religioso está presente na Tradição Cristã e na história da humanidade. Hoje, perigosamente, o pêndulo da Igreja pende novamente para o lado do Templo. Manter o socialismo religioso, a busca pela “nova” sociedade, continua um dos grandes desafios da pastoral dos nossos dias.Abstract: To speak about religious socialism is somewhat ambiguous. There are a lot of socialisms in history and at present. The scope of this article is to demonstrate that, in biblical Revelation and in Christian Tradition, some kind of socialism is visibly present. Yaweh reveals himself as a God who remains on the side of slaves, in opposite of Pharaoh, and commits himself to them. Jesus rejects the legalism of the Temple and renews the prophetic promise that requires fidelity to the Covenant, symbol of justice and love for the helpless. The Kingdom of God refers to a “new” social order to be established on this earth, but whose full realization lies always in the future. This same religious socialism is to be found in Christian Tradition and mankind´s history. At present, the pendulum of the church, dangerously, tends once more to the side of the Temple. Maintain the religious socialism and the search for a “new” social order, continues to be one of the greatest challenges of pastoral ministry in our day.
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Mateos, Abdón. "La refundación de la Agrupación Socialista Universitaria (ASU) durante la transición, 1977-1986 = The Refoundation of the Universitary Socialist Association during transition, 1977-1986." CIAN-Revista de Historia de las Universidades 21, no. 2 (November 30, 2018): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/cian.2018.4474.
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Resumen: En 1977 fue refundada la Agrupación Socialista Universitaria (ASU), como sección de la Federación Socialista Madrileña del PSOE. A diferencia de la primera ASU (1956-1961), los nuevos universitarios socialistas madrileños, procedentes de las clases medias trabajadoras, tuvieron un perfil ideológico socialdemócrata más que de socialismo radical. A lo largo de la primera legislatura socialista y con la crisis de la OTAN, la ASU fue perdiendo el carácter de agrupación estudiantil para incrementarse su implantación entre el profesorado y convertirse en una sección de reclutamiento de cuadros socialistas.Palabras clave: PSOE, Socialdemocracia, Universidades de Madrid, reforma universitaria, movimiento estudiantil.Abstract: In 1977, the Socialist University Association (ASU) was refounded as a section of the Socialist Federation of Madrid of the PSOE. Unlike the first ASU (1956-1961), the new Madrid socialist university students, coming from the working middle classes, had a social-democratic ideological profile rather than radical socialism. Throughout the first socialist legislature and with the crisis of NATO, ASU was losing the character of student group to increase its implementation among professors and become a recruitment section of socialist cadres.Keywords: Spanish Socialist Workers Party, Madrid Universities, University reform, student movement
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Smith, Robert C. "Democracy, Race, and the Socialist Project in the United States." National Review of Black Politics 1, no. 1 (January 2020): 34–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nrbp.2020.1.1.34.
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This paper examines the relationship between race, socialism, and democracy in America. It is organized into five sections and a conclusion. The first section explores how socialism has been viewed by many black leaders and intellectuals as necessary, imperative perhaps, in the black struggle for material equality, and further investigates the relationship of this black perspective on socialism to white opposition. The second section uses the most recent historical work to identify the factors that have the stalled the development of socialism in America. I also assess how these factors have changed or not in terms of making the socialist project more likely. In the third section, I analyze available poll data on American opinion about socialism from the 1930s to the present. While the data show unambiguously increased support for socialism since the 1930s, socialism does not today command the support of a majority of the American people. In the fourth section I examine the paradigmatic Franklin Roosevelt presidency on how liberal Democratic presidents have avoided the socialist label while embracing socialist programs. The fifth section is a brief examination of what socialism—really existing socialism—means in the early twenty-first century, and the idea of “socialist smuggling” as manifested in the presidencies of FDR and Lyndon Johnson. The speculative conclusion asks what are the prospects for the socialist project, and whether the white liberal cosmopolitan bourgeoisie rather than the white working class might become a mass base for the socialist project.
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Zavaleta Betancourt, José Alfredo. "El laberinto de Octavio." Clivajes. Revista de Ciencias Sociales, no. 14 (April 3, 2021): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.25009/clivajes-rcs.v0i14.2664.
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Este ensayo propone una interpretación de las posiciones políticas de Octavio Paz, con el propósito de identificar su legado político. Para tal efecto, pone a discusión la idea de que Octavio Paz era un intelectual de izquierda socialista, a partir de la relectura de sus principales ensayos políticos. En esta lógica, lo conceptúa como poeta con posiciones políticas, que discursivamente defendía un tipo de socialismo democrático desde una posición nacional-revolucionaria.En la búsqueda de las reglas y estrategias discursivas utilizadas por Paz para hablar de la violencia, la izquierda, la democracia y el socialismo, es posible identificar su crítica teórica desde el campo literario, con claras intervenciones en los campos político e intelectual. Octavio Paz deseaba, evidentemente, ilustrar a la izquierda mexicana con la advertencia de lo acontecido en los regímenes socialista-burocráticos. El programa democrático de Paz, a mano para la izquierda de su tiempo y las actuales izquierdas, constituye una recuperación de la democracia liberal, un andamiaje para la sociedad mexicana, un proyecto de modernización no ensayado por el régimen priista y destruido, en su tiempo, por las burocracias socialistas del país.Palabras clave: Crítica, Izquierda, Democracia, Violencia Octavio's LabyrinthSummaryThis essay proposes an interpretation of Octavio Paz's political positions, with the purpose of identifying his political legacy. For this purpose, the idea that Octavio Paz was an intellectual of the socialist left, based on the rereading of his main political essays, is put into discussion. In this logic, he is conceptualized as a poet with political positions, who discursively defended a type of democratic socialism from a national-revolutionary position.In the search for the discursive rules and strategies used by Paz to talk about violence, the left, democracy and socialism, it is possible to identify his theoretical criticism from the literary field, with clear interventions in the political and intellectual fields. Octavio Paz, wanted, evidently, to enlighten the Mexican left with the warning of what happened in the socialist-bureaucratic regimes. Paz's democratic program, at hand for the left of his time and the current left, constitutes a recovery of liberal democracy, a scaffolding for Mexican society, a modernization project not tested by the PRI regime and destroyed, in its time, by the socialist bureaucracies of the country.Keywords: Criticism, Left, Democracy, Violence Le labyrinthe d’OctavioRésuméeCet essai propose une interprétation des positions politiques d’Octavio Paz, afin d’identifier son héritage politique. Pour ce faire, on met en discussion l’idée qu’Octavio Paz était un intellectuel de gauche socialiste, à partir de la relecture se ses principaux essais politiques. Dans cette logique, on se fait une conception de lui comme un poète d’idées et postures politiques qui défendait discursivement un type de socialisme démocratique à partir d’une position nationale-révolutionnaire.Dans la recherche des règles et stratégies discursives utilisées par Paz pour parler de la violence, la gauche, la démocratie et le socialisme, il est possible d’identifier sa critique théorique à partir du champ littéraire, avec des claires interventions dans les champs politiques et intellectuels. Octavio Paz désirait évidement, illustrer la gauche mexicaine avec l’avertissement ce qui est arrivé dans les régimes socio-bureaucratiques. Le programme démocratique de Paz, de la main de la gauche de son époque et des gauches actuelles, constitue une récupération de la démocratie libérale, une structure pour la société mexicaine, un projet de modernisation pas essayé par le régime du PRI, et détruit dans son époque par les bureaucraties socialistes du pays.Mots clés : Critique, Gauche, Démocratie, Violence
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Mišina, Dalibor. "Beyond Nostalgia." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 50, no. 3 (2016): 332–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-05003004.
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This article addresses the issue of socialist nostalgia. Specifically, it deals with the inadequacy of treating the post-socialist “return of socialism” as different incarnations of socialist nostalgia. The author contends that this kind of treatment suffers from “nostalgia reductionism” and “socialism essentialism,” and leads to the very problematic conceptual and analytical shortcoming of pre-determining the nature of what needs to be understood and explained. Correspondingly, the author argues that a meaningful consideration of the post-socialist return of socialism has to free itself from the “nostalgia presumption” and embrace a non-essentialist analytical viewpoint whereby socialist nostalgia is recast as a plurality of heterogeneous and context-dependent post-socialist socialist discourses. To this end, the author analyzes two post-Yugoslav documentary films, Sretno dijete and Orkestar, to substantiate the claim that socialist nostalgia is too narrow of a framework to encapsulate adequately the span of an entire range of post-socialist socialist discourses and the ways they operate in specific sociocultural contexts and communicate to and with particular audience(s). In advancing this argument, the author does not propose that “the nostalgic” has no place in the analysis of the post-socialist memory of socialism but, rather, that the degree and nature of its presence has to be established through an interpretive reading of particular post-socialist socialist texts, rather than presumed a priori.
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Fuchs, Christian. "Communicative Socialism/Digital Socialism." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 18, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v18i1.1144.
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This introduction provides a preface to the contributions gathered in tripleC’s special issue “Communicative Socialism/Digital Socialism”. It outlines how Marx conceived of socialism (Sections 2, 3, 4, 5), introduces a model of a socialist society that consists of three dimensions (Section 6), and shows how, based on Marx, we can conceptualise communicative and digital socialism (Section 7). Section 8 introduces ten principles of communicative/digital socialist politics.
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Capaldi, Nicholas. "Mill and socialism." Tocqueville Review 33, no. 1 (January 2012): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.33.1.125.
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The question of Mill’s relation to socialism continues to puzzle scholars. There are good reasons, for this. Mill described himself in the Principles of Political Economy as an “Ideal Socialist,” and later wrote in the Chapters on Socialism a scathing critique of socialism. O. Kurer, identifies 10 features of Mill’s so-called socialist utopia.
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Wollner, Gabriel. "Socialist Action." Philosophical Topics 48, no. 2 (2020): 285–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtopics202048224.
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This paper offers a new version of a historically influential, yet today unpopular, neglected, and on the whole insufficiently developed argument for socialism: socialism makes it possible for people to really act together. This idea of socialist action, combining the claims that there is a particularly valuable form of joint action and that socialism is about making such action possible, played an important role in the history of the labor movement, going back to the early Marx and running through various strands of socialist thought. I shall argue that socialist action should be seen as central to the socialist project, its critique of capitalism, and the institutional alternatives envisaged by it.
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HABER, SAMUEL. "The Nightmare and the Dream: Edward Bellamy and the Travails of Socialist Thought." Journal of American Studies 36, no. 3 (December 2002): 417–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875802006898.
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In the light of recent events, the once widely accepted Marxist distinction between “scientific” and “utopian” socialism is fading rapidly. For it has become increasingly difficult to believe that any form of socialism is inherent in the workings of history, as the Marxists had claimed for their “scientific” variety. Today Marxism, in its own terms, turns out to be “utopian.” One can now more readily recognize the kinship of the many different socialisms as well as the significance of their link to the social ideals of the past. What had previously been a somewhat antiquarian literature on “precursors,” “forerunners,” and “schismatics” of socialism suddenly appears as especially pertinent and perhaps even central. Today, without difficulty, one turns away from the various contradistinctions developed in this scholarship and toward the interconnections implicit in it.1Surveying this literature, we can recognize three preeminent social ideals that went into the making of the various socialisms – the call for social justice, the aspiration toward a society of brotherly love, and the belief that one could rid society of poverty. It was the eighth-century prophets of the Hebrew Bible who advanced the audacious demand for justice in society. They urged an end to oppression, cruelty, abuse, and more generally that people be given what was rightfully theirs. This demand recurs in almost all the socialist programs. In the Marxist scheme, it takes the form of the theory of surplus value which describes capitalist profit as a surplus product stolen (“entwandt”) from the worker who creates it.
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Wang, Huan. "The Enlightenment by Western Eco-Socialist Ideas on Socialist Harmonious Eco-Construction." Advanced Materials Research 524-527 (May 2012): 3553–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.524-527.3553.
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Western Eco-socialist Ideas, combined product between the contemporary western eco-movement and socialist ideas, and important part of new socialist movement in the west, is the rising western social thought of the left wing since the 1960s and 1970s. Broadly speaking, eco-socialism can be divided into three closely-related parts, eco-Marxist theory, eco-socialism (narrowly) theory and the "red-green" political movement theory. Confronted with the increasingly serious eco-crisis, eco-socialism puts forward to build a harmoniously-developing socialist society of between people and nature, between people and people, and between people and society, on the basis of maintaining ecological balance, in establishing a sustainable model of economic development, health and peace of rational consumption mode, and aiming at harmonious interpersonal relationship as the main content. It throws light upon us in the socialist harmonious eco-construction for today. In reference to and on the basis of the ecological socialism valuable ideas, we aim to provide reference for the socialist harmonious ecological construction and development, and finally achieve China's economic, political, cultural and ecological and social harmonious development and progress, which is the purpose of this article.
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Askew, Kelly M. "Sung and Unsung: Musical Reflections on Tanzanian Postsocialisms." Africa 76, no. 1 (February 2006): 15–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2006.0002.
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ABSTRACTOn 14 October 1999, Julius Kambarage Nyerere, the first president of the United Republic of Tanzania, died in a London hospital. In Tanzania, musical bands throughout the country reacted to the news by composing scores of lamentation songs (nyimbo za maombolezo) that mourned his passing and assessed his contributions to the country he helped to create. While elsewhere in the world Nyerere is affiliated with the ‘African socialist’ platform termed Ujamaa that he theorized in his political writings and instituted during his tenure as president, these lamentation songs are notably silent on the topic of socialism. This silence indicates the ambiguity with which Tanzanians today relate to their socialist past. As a necessary prelude to analysis of the nyimbo za maombolezo, this article explores the practices, policies and values promoted in Tanzanian socialisms (mainland and Zanzibar) and in the postsocialist present. Competing rhetorics are revealed in these musical constructions of the ‘Father of the Nation’ and, by extension, the Tanzanian nation itself.
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McPhail, Edward. "Socialism after Hayek and human sociality." Review of Austrian Economics 22, no. 3 (September 10, 2008): 285–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11138-008-0060-6.
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Kapačiauskienė, Danutė. "Bendražmogiškumas ir klasinis moralės pobūdis." Problemos 18 (September 29, 2014): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/problemos.1976.18.5638.
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Straipsnyje nagrinėjami klasinio bei bendražmogiško moralės pobūdžio klausimai. Buržuazinių revoliucijų epocha subrandino idėją, kad žmogaus vertingumas nepriklauso nuo jo kilmės. Šios idėjos veikiami, susiformavo moraliniai principai – vienodi reikalavimai kiekvienam žmogui, ir dėl to šie principai buvo pradėti laikyti bendražmogiškais. Straipsnyje teigiama, kad proletariato revoliucinė kova išryškino žmogaus klasinės padėties socialinę svarbą. Žmogaus klasinė nepriklausomybė tapo moralinio vertinimo objektu, paveikdama ir moralinių vertinimų principus. K. Marxo ir F. Engelso sukurta mokslinė visuomenės raidos teorija parodė, kad visose klasinėse visuomenėse moralė taip pat buvo klasinė. Teigiama, kad yra klasinė ir vadintoji bendražmogiška buržuazinės epochos moralė. Proletarinė moralė irgi turi būti laikoma bendražmogiška jau vien dėl to, kad jos principai susiję su komunistinės visuomenės idėja. Socialistiniai moralės principai žmogaus socialinę poziciją laiko moralinio vertinimo objektu. Moralės bendražmogiškumas priklauso nuo, to kiek socialinė praktika sukuria objektyvų socialinį pagrindą realiai žmonių socialinei lygybei.
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Miller, David. "WHAT'S LEFT OF THE WELFARE STATE?" Social Philosophy and Policy 20, no. 1 (December 18, 2002): 92–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052503201059.
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What, if anything, is left of the socialist project? One way of interpreting this question is to ask whether socialism has bequeathed any permanent legacy to the capitalist democracies—do they have any features that would not exist apart from the historical impact of socialism, and that positively reflect socialist values? If we assume, with the political consensus of the moment, that full-blown socialism no longer represents a possible programme for these democracies, perhaps we can still discover the remains of socialism embedded in their practices. Or maybe not—that is the question I want to address.
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Kornai, János. "The Affinity Between Ownership Forms and Coordination Mechanisms: The Common Experience of Reform in Socialist Countries." Journal of Economic Perspectives 4, no. 3 (August 1, 1990): 131–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.4.3.131.
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The world is witnessing a great upheaval in socialist countries, where dramatic events have been happening since 1988. The present paper concentrates on evaluating past experience in the hope that a correct understanding of the past will help in devising sound policies for the future. In the following, I distinguish two prototypes of socialism. The first one is classical socialism: the form of socialism that prevailed under Stalin, Mao Zedong, and their disciples in other countries. The second one is reform socialism: the new form of socialism that evolved (in chronological order) under Tito in Yugoslavia, Kádár in Hungary, Deng Xiaoping in China, and Gorbachev in the USSR; some further countries could be named as well. The reform socialist countries made some steps toward liberalization in the political sphere, somewhat decentralized the control of their state-owned sector, and allowed a somewhat larger scope for the private sector. At the same time, these countries still maintained the fundamental attributes of a socialist system: the Communist party did not share power with any other political force, the state-owned sector still played a dominant role in the economy, and the main coordinator of economic activities was the centralized bureaucracy, even though coordination was effected with the aid of less rigid instruments. In this paper, I am concerned with reform socialism, and do not discuss the problems of “post-socialist” revolutionary systemic transformation.
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Navarro, Vicente. "Has Socialism Failed? An Analysis of Health Indicators under Socialism." International Journal of Health Services 22, no. 4 (October 1992): 583–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/b2tp-3r5m-q7up-dua2.
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This article analyzes the widely held assumption in academia and the mainstream press that capitalism has proven superior to socialism in responding to human needs. The author surveys the health conditions of the world's populations, continent by continent, and shows that, contrary to dominant ideology, socialism and socialist forces have been, for the most part, better able to improve health conditions than have capitalism and capitalist forces. In the underdeveloped world, socialist forces and regimes have, more frequently than not, improved health and social indicators better than capitalist forces and regimes, and in the developed world, countries with strong socialist forces have been better able to improve health conditions than those countries lacking or with weak socialist forces. The socialist experience has, of course, also included negative developments that have negated important components of the socialist project. Still, the evidence presented in this article shows that the historical experience of socialism has not been one of failure. To the contrary: it has been, for the most part, more successful than capitalism in improving the health conditions of the world's populations.
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., Durr-e.-Nayab. "Neil Wilcock and Corina Scholz. Hartmut Elsenhans and a Critique of Capitalism. Conversations on Theory and Policy Implications. London, U.K.: Palgrave Macmillan, UK. 2016. xii+184 pages. €84.99 (Hard Bound)." Pakistan Development Review 55, no. 3 (September 1, 2016): 241–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v55i3pp.241-244.
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After the Second World War, the world was practically divided into two competing economic systems, capitalism and socialism. This ideological competition extended to the socio-political realm, and became the basis of the cold wars from the late 1940s to early 1990s. The events in Russia in the early to mid-20th century presented socialism as a real contender, if not a complete alternative to capitalism. With its increasing influence in many countries, not just in Russia’s neighbourhood but also in the continents far across, socialism emerged as the dominant thought, leading to what became to be referred to as the socialist bloc. But then came the collapse of the USSR in early 1990s and the whole socialist thought came to be questioned. In socialist China, introduction of reforms with a capitalist bent further questioned the practicability and success of socialism, while reforms in the Indian economic system encouraged the proponents of capitalism to declare victory. Adoption of capitalist ideals by purely or quasi-socialist countries stamped the superiority of capitalism.
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Costaguta, Lorenzo. "“Geographies of Peoples”: Scientific Racialism and Labor Internationalism in Gilded Age American Socialism." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 18, no. 2 (March 8, 2019): 199–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000701.
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AbstractThis article investigates ideas of race in Gilded Age socialism by analyzing the intellectual production of the leaders of the Socialist Party of America (SLP) from 1876 to 1882. Existing scholarship on socialism and race during the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era rarely addresses socialist conceptions of race prior to 1901 and fails to recognize the centrality of scientific racialism and Darwinism in influencing socialist thought. By positioning American socialism within a transatlantic scenario and reconstructing how the immigrant origins of Gilded Age socialists influenced their perceptions of race, this article argues that scientific racialism and Darwinism competed with color-blind internationalism in shaping the racial policies of the SLP during the Gilded Age. Moreover, a transatlantic investigation of American socialist ideas of race presents a reinterpretation of the early phases of the history of the SLP and addresses its historical legacies. While advocates of scientific racialism and Darwinism determined the racial policies of the SLP in the 1880s, color-blind internationalists abandoned the party and extended their influence beyond organized socialism, especially in the Knights of Labor.
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Šliavaitė, Kristina. "Ar baigėsi posocializmas Lietuvoje? Antropologija ir posocializmo transformacijų etnografija." Lietuvos etnologija / Lithuanian ethnology 20 (29) 2020 (December 21, 2020): 9–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/25386522-2029001.
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Has Post-Socialism Ended in Lithuania? The Anthropology and Ethnography of Post-Socialist Transformations The main aim of the paper is to overview ethnographic research on post-socialist transformations in Lithuania by contextualising it within the broader framework of the field of anthropology of post-socialism. The author refers to numerous discussions in the field on the validity of the use of the term post-socialism long after the collapse of the Soviet system (Sampson 1999; Humphrey 2002; Műller 2019, etc), and discusses whether and how selected ethnographies on social cultural transformations in Lithuania after the 1990s and later use the term postsocialism, and how the period is defined conceptually and chronologically. The first part of the paper introduces discussions in anthropology on challenges in defining the post-socialist region and the chronology of post-socialism (Humphrey 2002; Buyandelgeriyn 2008; Frederiksen, Knudsen 2015; Műller 2019; Нильсен 2004, etc), as well as reflections on issues of the representation and unequal relations between the West and the East in studies of post-socialist European countries (Thelen 2011; Buchowski 2012; Cervinkova 2012; Klumbytė, Sharafutdinova 2013b; Frederiksen, Knudsen 2015, etc). These critical studies indicate that ethnographies of socialist and post-socialist East Central Europe constructed it as the ‘other’, different to the western part of the region (Thelen 2011; Buchowski 2012; Cervinkova 2012; Klumbytė, Sharafutdinova 2013b; Frederiksen, Knudsen 2015; Műller 2019; etc), and that the term post-socialist/post-socialism refers to these unequal relations between the West and the East (Cervinkova 2012; Frederiksen, Knudsen 2015; Műller 2019; etc). However, disregarding certain conceptual challenges, it is agreed that the ethnographies of social cultural transformations in post-socialist European countries are unique and important, due to their methodological approach (long-term fieldwork), and focus on people’s everyday lives and the emphasis on the interrelations of cultural, social and economic processes (Burawoy, Verdery 1999; Hann 2002; Hőrschelmann, Stenning 2008, etc).
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Dimitrova-Grajzl, Valentina, and Eszter Simon. "Political Trust and Historical Legacy: The Effect of Varieties of Socialism." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 24, no. 2 (January 22, 2010): 206–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409353334.
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This article, unlike the vast existing literature on political trust, focuses on trust in post-socialist countries and, more specifically, on trust of young people rather than on trust of general populations. Studying young people is important in the context of establishing democracy and the survival of democracy. The authors examine the continuous effect of socialism and stipulate that the legacy of the type of socialist regime is a major determinant of political trust in Central and Eastern European and former Soviet Union countries. Utilizing individual-level data from an institutional survey, the authors find that distinguishing between different types of socialism is instrumental in explaining political trust. Results on the former Yugoslavia, however, suggest that the effects of socialism might be temporarily overshadowed in the short run by drastic post-socialist events such as warfare. The findings have implications for policies aimed at fostering political trust in post-socialist countries and for discerning future patterns of political and social developments.
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Telyčėnaitė, Austė. "Skepticizmo priežastys, lemiančios visuomenės požiūrį į socialinę atsakomybę." Informacijos mokslai 78, no. 78 (September 22, 2017): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2017.78.10839.
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Nors socialinės atsakomybės idėja iš esmės yra nukreipta į visuomenės gerovę, tačiau dėl pasitaikančių nesąžiningų verslo organizacijų poelgių, padidėjusio visuomenės informuotumo, neetiškos komunikacijos ar skeptiškos prigimties visuomenė socialinės atsakomybės veiklų atžvilgiu tampa skeptiška. Straipsniu siekiama pristatyti visuomenės nuostatas dėl organizacijų vykdomos socialinės atsakomybės, jas lemiančias priežastis ir pasekmes. Aptariama socialinės atsakomybės, požiūrių į ją problematika. Analizuojant užsienio autorių tyrimus nustatyta, kad visuomenėje vyrauja skeptiškas požiūris į organizacijų socialinę atsakomybę. Straipsnyje pristatomas atliktas kokybinis tyrimas, atskleidžiantis visuomenės požiūrį į verslo organizacijų socialinę atsakomybę bei jos komunikaciją. Tyrimo rezultatai parodė, jog dažniausiai skepticizmas jos atžvilgiu yra nulemiamas asmeninių individų patirčių, o ne su socialine atsakomybe susijusių įvykių. Taip pat išryškėjo, jog skepticizmas socialinės atsakomybės atžvilgiu stabdo socialinės atsakomybės iniciatyvų vystymąsi ir demotyvuoja verslo organizacijas tapti socialiai atsakingomis. Nors užsienio autorių tyrimai rodo, jog skepticizmas neigiamai veikia vartotojų ketinimus įsigyti prekių bei paslaugų, tyrimo metu gauti rezultatai atskleidė, jog vietiniame kontekste skepticizmas tam neturi reikšmės.
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Bulota, Rytis. "Visuomeninės nuostatos ir (nepastebima)rezistencija Kaune vėlyvuoju sovietmečiu." Sociologija. Mintis ir veiksmas 29, no. 2 (December 11, 2011): 244–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/socmintvei.2011.2.6133.
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Remiantis teoriniu H. Johnstono ir C. Mueller pasiūlytu nepastebimų opozicinių praktikų modeliu, straipsnyje siekiama aptarti, kokios buvo pagrindinės opozicinės laikysenos bei jų socialinė raiška Kaune vėlyvuoju sovietmečiu. Analizuojamu laikotarpiu okupuotoje Lietuvoje egzistavusioms esminėms opozicinėms visuomenės grupėms būdingas nesusitaikymas su esama situacija. Vieną socialiai atpažįstamo ir matomo ideologinio protesto formą atitiko tradicinėmis vertybėmis grįsti etnokultūriniai ir katalikiški sąjūdžiai, kitą – provakarietiškos subkultūros ar menininkų sambūriai. Nors šių grupių raiška leidžia jas analitiškai suvokti kaip svarbiausius rezistencijos židinius, stiprios neigiamos nuostatos sovietinio režimo atžvilgiu buvo išplitusios žymiai gausesniuose visuomenės sluoksniuose. Tokios visuomeninės nuostatos neįgijo akivaizdžių, deklaruotinų ar socialiai matomų opozicinių praktikų formos, tačiau jos prisidėjo prie Sąjūdžio, kaip socialinio judėjimo, sėkmės. Kadangi socialiniai judėjimai susiję su kolektyvine tapatybe ir jos įtvirtinimu arba išsaugojimu, straipsnyje atskleidžiama, kaip aptariamos opozicinės nuostatos kūrė socialinę terpę, leidusią atsirasti Sąjūdžio kolektyvinei tapatybei. Opozicinio konteksto egzistavimas leidžia paaiškinti sparčią Sąjūdžio kaip socialinio judėjimo mobilizaciją – praėjus vos trims savaitėms po susikūrimo, Sajūdžio demonstracijose dalyvavo dešimtys, o kiek vėliau – ir šimtai tūkstančių žmonių.
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Webb, Danielle. "A Socialist Compass for Aotearoa." Counterfutures 8 (March 1, 2020): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/cf.v8i0.6362.
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In this article, I argue that both tino rangatiratanga and socialism lie at the heart of emancipatory politics in Aotearoa New Zealand. For Māori, the economy has always been a dynamic site of interaction with the state and corporate bodies, and today the Māori economy is celebrated by some as a space where tino rangatiratanga can be realised. For the most part, though, the capitalist economy has been a site of exploitation for Māori. Given the inextricable relations between capitalism and colonialism, I present the case for Māori socialism as an emancipatory response to both. To do so, I employ Erik Olin Wright’s socialist compass, a conceptual tool that points to a variety of economic pathways towards socialism. But there is a major problem with Wright’s compass: it only has three points (state power, economic power, and social power). I extend Wright’s vision for socialism by completing the compass, adding to it a much needed fourth point: tino rangatiratanga. The resulting ‘Aotearoa socialist compass’ can be used to orient us towards Māori socialism—a socialist economy in which tino rangatiratanga is realised.
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Gerrard, Jessica. "“Little Soldiers” for Socialism: Childhood and Socialist Politics in the British Socialist Sunday School Movement." International Review of Social History 58, no. 1 (February 7, 2013): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859012000806.
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AbstractThis paper examines the ways in which turn-of-the-century British socialists enacted socialism for children through the British Socialist Sunday School movement. It focuses in particular on the movement's emergence in the 1890s and the first three decades of operation. Situated amidst a growing international field of comparable socialist children's initiatives, socialist Sunday schools attempted to connect their local activity of children's education to the broader politics of international socialism. In this discussion I explore the attempt to make this connection, including the endeavour to transcend party differences in the creation of a non-partisan international children's socialist movement, the cooption of traditional Sunday school rituals, and the resolve to make socialist childhood cultures was the responsibility of both men and women. Defending their existence against criticism from conservative campaigners, the state, and sections of the left, socialist Sunday schools mobilized a complex and contested culture of socialist childhood.
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Strube, Julian. "The Formation of Occultist Identities Amidst the Theosophy and Socialism of fin-de-siècle France." Tekstualia 4, no. 63 (December 13, 2020): 23–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.5814.
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Fin-de-siècle occultism is usually analyzed within the context of the „occult revival” that implies the modernization of the older esoteric tradition. However, this notion is rooted in the defi ning esoteric discourses at the end of the nineteenth century. This article discusses two major aspects of these discourses. First, French esotericists polemically distanced themselves from the „Eastern” esotericism of the Theosophical Society by constructing an ésotérisme occidental. This separation of „East” and „West” occurred as a reaction to the T.S., and should thus be seen as a „nationalist” response to a global phenomenon. The second major aspect of occultist identity formations is socialism. Fin-de-siècle occultists were deeply interested in the socialist theories formulated during the July Monarchy but ambiguously distanced themselves from contemporary „materialist” socialisms.
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Curthoys, Ann. "What is the socialism in socialist feminism?" Australian Feminist Studies 3, no. 6 (March 1988): 17–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08164649.1988.9961583.
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Leftwich, Adrian. "Is there a socialist path to socialism?" Third World Quarterly 13, no. 1 (January 1992): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436599208420260.
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Gaus, Gerald F. "BACKWARDS INTO THE FUTURE: NEOREPUBLICANISM AS A POSTSOCIALIST CRITIQUE OF MARKET SOCIETY." Social Philosophy and Policy 20, no. 1 (December 18, 2002): 59–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052503201047.
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Socialism, understood as the rejection of markets based on private property in favor of comprehensive centralized economic planning, is no longer a serious political option. If the core of capitalism is the organization of the economy primarily through market competition based on private property, then capitalism has certainly defeated socialism. Markets have been accepted—and central planning abandoned—throughout most of the Third World and in most of the formerly Communist states. In the advanced industrial states of the West, Labor and “democratic socialist” parties have rejected socialism, by deregulating markets and privatizing industries, utilities, and transport. The U.K. Labour Party's 1945 manifesto declared the party to be a “Socialist Party, and proud of it. Its ultimate aim is the establishment of the Socialist Commonwealth of Great Britain.” Today the Labour Party insists that markets are a given.
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Paszkiewicz, Lilla Barbara. "The Opposition to Communism in the Political Thought of The Exiled Democratic Socialist Adam Ciołkosz." Polish Political Science Review 6, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 92–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2018-0007.
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AbstractThe Polish socialist movement has undergone various stages of development over more than 100 years of history. In the first half of the 20th century it was, to a large extent, identified with European Social Democracy. After the Second World War and the seizure of power in Poland by the communists, the socialist movement was replaced by a communist ideology that completely distorted the authentic democratic socialism and appropriated the values it represented. The unmasking of communist counterfeits was dealt with by the Polish émigré activist – Adam Ciołkosz, who as active politician and theoretician of socialism, showed a special activity in the contestation of communism. His views as an authentic Social Democrat had a significant impact on the political thought of the Polish socialist movement outside Poland. Ciołkosz, as an anti-Communist, represented such values as: respect for human rights and social justice, humanistic sensitivity, Christianity and above all socialism. At the same time, he promoted the need to fight communism and expose the criminal ideology. He pointed to the need to introduce a system of social justice (i.e. democratic socialism).
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McCabe, Helen. "Mill and socialism: A reply to Capaldi." Tocqueville Review 33, no. 1 (January 2012): 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.33.1.145.
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As Nicholas Capaldi notes, “the question of Mill’s relation to socialism continues to puzzle scholars.” There are two possible reasons for this. One is because it seems eminently puzzling that a philosopher with such a fundamental commitment to individual freedom could be a socialist; the other is because Mill was unclear about the relationship. The latter is, to some extent, true; Mill changed his mind about some of the contemporary socialist theories of his day, and also changed the extent to which he was willing to endorse socialism, as he expressly admits, depending on how open to socialism he felt his audience was likely to be.1
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Da Silva, Cristhian Teófilo. "Mariátegui entre dois mundos: Visões do comunitarismo indígena andino." Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre as Américas 8, no. 2 (December 30, 2014): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.21057/repam.v8i2.10758.
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Resumo Este artigo visa demonstrar que a presença da herança andina no projeto de socialismo “indo-americano” de Mariátegui gerou uma tensão epistemológica original e crítica do pensamento social marxista na América Latina. A partir desta releitura da perspectiva mariateguiana apoiada em duas vertentes, indigenista peruana e marxista europeia, o presente artigo afirma a importância dos estudos sobre o indigenismo para a compreensão dos limites do socialismo de orientação marxista no Peru. O artigo será concluído ressaltando a importância do socialismo indo-americano de Mariátegui para a “descoberta” da constituição híbrida do modo de produção peruano. Palavras-chave Indigenismo; marxismo; Peru; José Carlos Mariátegui ---Resumen Este artículo tiene como objetivo demostrar que la presencia de la herencia andina en el diseño del socialismo "indoamericano" de Mariátegui ha generado una crítica epistemológica original del pensamiento social marxista en América Latina. De este recuento la perspectiva de Mariátegui apoyada en dos frentes, indigenista peruana y marxista europea, este artículo defiende la importancia de los estudios sobre el indigenismo para la comprensión de los límites del socialismo marxista en el Perú. El artículo concluirá destacando la importancia del socialismo indo-americano de Mariátegui en el "descubrimiento" de la constitución híbrida del modo de producción peruana. Palabras clave Indigenismo; marxismo; Perú; José Carlos Mariátegui---AbstractThis article aims to demonstrate that the presence of the Andean heritage in Mariátegui's "Indo-American" socialist project generated a new and critical epistemological tension of the Marxist social thinking in Latin America. From this mariateguian retelling, which is established in two ways, Peruvian indigenous and European Marxist, this article maintains the importance of studies on the indigenous movement to understand the boundaries of Marxist socialism in Peru. The text highlights the importance of Mariátegui's Indo-American socialism in the "discovery" of the hybrid constitution of the Peruvian way of production.Keywordsindigenism; Marxism; Peru; José Carlos Mariátegui____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ERRATAOnde se lê na página 141, v.8, n. 2 (2014):Esse aspecto é precisamente o cerne das polêmicas que surgiram em torno de suas idéias, que culminaram em desavenças com a III Internacional Comunista, em Montevidéu (maio de 1929).Lê-se:Esse aspecto é precisamente o cerne das polêmicas que surgiram em torno de suas idéias, que culminaram em controvérsias na primeira conferência comunista latino-americana, em Buenos Aires (junho de 1929). ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
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Capelle-Pogăcean, Antonela, and Nadège Ragaru. "Inhabiting Culture on the Frontiers of Socialism (Gorna Džumaja, 1944-1948)." Annales (English ed.) 68, no. 02 (June 2013): 289–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398568200000248.
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This article examines the cultural shaping (through film and theater) of urban identities in Gorna Džhumaja, a border city located in Pirin Macedonia, at the dawn of Socialism. In a region that was at the center of Bulgarian, Macedonian, and Greek national conflict, thus rendering its future unpredictable, the establishment of Socialism between 1944-1948 coincided with intense social and national engineering. Developments in the domains of cinema and theater offer a heuristic lens through which to view these processes, notably because of the educational and political role they were attributed. Exploring changes in the cultural environment, designated toponyms, and everyday life of cultural institutions offers new insight into the complex interplay between the pre-Socialist and Socialist periods. It also provides an oblique view of how the Socialist city was fashioned through theatrical tours and ambulant cinema. Socialism thus emerges, beyond sovietization, as a product of transnational circulation.
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WATSON, GEORGE. "Take back the past." European Review 10, no. 4 (October 2002): 459–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798702000376.
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The surprising fact about the 20th century was the return of the liberal free market, circling back to where it began. It was helped because liberalism, unlike socialism, was never a theory of history and could not be falsified by events. But, socialist historians still control the past, and it is still widely believed that the welfare state was created by socialism and that genocide is right-wing. In fact, socialist leaders, fearful of preserving capitalism, opposed the welfare state, which in Britain was the creation of Asquith. Between the wars, Labour had no national health plans, and it was the last of the British parties to accept the Beveridge report. Repetition and suppression have entrenched the myth, which is widely accepted, that welfare equals socialism. The first history of socialism, by a French radical, Alfred Sudre, was opposed to socialism as a conservative idea; Marx and Engels, Ruskin and Morris were openly conservative and the Bolsheviks proudly elitist.
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Nelson, Marcel. "Walking the Tightrope of Socialist Governance: A Strategic-Relational Analysis of Twenty-first-Century Socialism." Latin American Perspectives 46, no. 1 (August 30, 2018): 46–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x18798795.
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The process of socialist transformation in a democratic context presents many quandaries including walking a tightrope between pursuing substantive transformation that challenges existing social relations and remaining in power in view of political opposition stemming from such a challenge. The experiences of twenty-first-century socialism in Ecuador, Bolivia, and Venezuela provide different examples of ways of balancing the two imperatives. Nicos Poulantzas’s writings on the state shed light on the importance of deepening democracy as part of any process of socialist transformation and on the limits of such a strategy. El proceso de transformación socialista en un contexto democrático presenta muchos dilemas que incluyen caminar en la cuerda floja entre perseguir una transformación sustantiva que desafía las relaciones sociales existentes y permanecer en el poder en vista de la oposición política que surge de tal desafío. Las experiencias del socialismo del siglo XXI en Ecuador, Bolivia y Venezuela proporcionan diferentes ejemplos de formas de equilibrar los dos imperativos. Los escritos de Nicos Poulantzas sobre el estado arrojan luz sobre la importancia de profundizar la democracia como parte de cualquier proceso de transformación socialista y los límites de dicha estrategia.
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Streeten, Paul. "Arthur Lewis Distinguished Lecture What's Left of What's Left? or: What Does it Mean to be a Socialist Today?" Review of Black Political Economy 21, no. 1 (September 1992): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02689950.
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After a few reminiscences about Arthur Lewis, several questions on what socialism is not about are raised. Neither public ownership, nor welfare services nor central planning are considered essential to it. The view that the distinction capitalism-socialism is obsolete is briefly discussed. It is argued that many important distinctions cut across the divide. The United States is held up as a socialist country. Changes in the socialist creed in the last century are noted. An alternative window of looking at the private-public sector distinction is discussed. And the essence of socialism as the democratization of political and civil society and private firms is advanced. A final plea for pedantic utopianism is made.
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Belov, Sergei, William Partlett, and Alexandra Troitskaya. "Socialist Constitutional Legacies." Russian Law Journal 9, no. 2 (June 4, 2021): 8–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17589/2309-8678-2021-9-2-8-25.
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With the end of the Cold War, many assumed that socialism, together with the specific constitutional values and political structures was dead (or dying). This article will challenge these assumptions. Post-Cold War reality did not, however, follow these assumptions. Some countries, especially in Asia, continue to adhere to socialist constitutional approaches. Some cannot fully overcome their socialist legacy. And still others include socialist values in their constitutions and practice. These values and ideas warrant study. Most notably, socialism carries with it a certain set of values and, consequently, a corresponding pressure on legal institutions. The authors, guest editors of this special issue of the Russian Law Journal on the socialist legacies in the world constitutions, outline a general approach for the study of socialist constitutional legacies. The article therefore addresses (a) the methodology of socialist constitutional legacies analysis, (b) the core values of the socialist constitutions and (c) ways in which socialist constitutional ideas and concepts can be combined with the principles of constitutionalism. This analysis raises a number of important – but under-researched questions. One is the extent to which these socialist ideas or concepts are actually socialist. Another is the extent to which these ideas can be included in constitutional discourse.
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Tereškinas, Artūras. "Permąstant socialinę atskirtį ir socialinį kentėjimą." Culture & Society 5, no. 3 (2014): 153–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.7220/2335-8777.5.3.9.
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JEFFREYS-JONES, RHODRI. "Changes in the Nomenclature of the American Left." Journal of American Studies 44, no. 1 (December 17, 2009): 83–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875809991356.
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A frequency survey of Google Books and other digital sources indicates that in political terminology the use of the phrase “American socialism” yielded to “American left” in the course of the twentieth century. Reasons for this include the tactical and personal ambitions of reformers who saw advantage in dropping the socialist tag in the face of domestic antisocialism. In mid-century, domestic antisocialism revived both in extremist rhetoric and in mainstream Republican charges of “creeping socialism.” The Cold War also played a role in changing the nomenclature balance, as it led to the identification of American socialism with the creed of the Soviet adversary. At the same time, a broadening in the left's agenda beyond the election platforms of the Socialist Party of America contributed to the change. The nomenclative “-ism” failure is significant as an indicator of left tendencies because it relates to perceptions of the failure of socialism itself.
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Hoffrogge, Ralf. ""Die wirkliche Bewegung, welche den jetztigen Zustand aufhebt"." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 39, no. 155 (June 1, 2009): 287–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v39i155.434.
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This article gives a short overview on the German labour movement from its beginnings to the 1920ies and shortly portraits the different concepts of socialism within the German social democratic party, Against the common misperception of a hegemonial, coherent and powerful concept of socialist politics in the past the article argues that even in their heyday the German labour movement did not have a clear concept of socialist politics, that the term socialism itself was an object of permanent discussions, Both the Marxist critique of utopian socialism and the overwhelming domination of the Prussian state often constrained these discussions about the political form of a postcapitalist society, The most interesting concept of socialism was not created by theoretical discussions among leftist intellectuals, but by political actions against the first world war, which ended with the German Revolution of 1918 and the rise of a powerful council movement This movement not only insisted on the principles of class war but practically overturned many authoritarian and state-dominated ideas of socialism which were common at that time,
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Čamprag, Nebojša. "International Media and Tourism Industry as the Facilitators of Socialist Legacy Heritagization in the CEE Region." Urban Science 2, no. 4 (November 27, 2018): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/urbansci2040110.
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After the fall of state socialism in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), the socialist legacy became a matter of contested discourses, coming from the new national governments. However, with the recently awakening nostalgia for socialism and growing international interest for the socialist pasts, the approaches to its legacies began gradually to change. In this paper, the focus is on some recent international trends with regards to the socialist heritage for evaluating the share of their influences in the process of de-contestation occurring at the local/national levels. There are two processes standing in juxtaposition to be observed; on the one hand, official nation branding distances the state from socialist pasts to emphasize, often contrasting, post-socialist national identity. On the other hand, the development of communist heritage tourism attempts to reconsider and appropriate socialist legacies in the national frameworks for identity construction. Using the examples from Hungary, Romania, and the former Yugoslavia, the author demonstrates the role of international media and the tourism industry for meeting the objectives of economic development while maintaining post-socialist national identity senses, but also their potentials in reconsiderations of the contested history chapters.
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DROTT, ERIC. "Music and Socialism: Three Moments." Twentieth-Century Music 16, no. 1 (February 2019): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478572219000070.
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AbstractThis article asks how we might map the complex relations between music and socialism. If an abiding concern of socialism is the collective appropriation of the means of production, what are the points at which music might participate in this project? Three moments from the history of music's entanglements with socialism shed light on this question. The first considers music's role in workers’ struggles in Europec. 1900. Here what is at stake is how music and musical associations (most notably workers’ choruses) were mobilized as a tool in the struggle to socialize the means of production. A second vignette turns to France after May 1968, when music itself became a site of political intervention. Here what is at stake is the struggle to socialize the means of musical production, part of the struggle to institute a truly democratic culture. The third vignette turns its attentions to the proximate future, considering music's place in emerging forms of digital capitalism. Crucial in this regard is the way music is being transformed into a means of production in its own right – a means, that is, of producing the kinds of subjects required by contemporary capitalism – as well as the political constraints and possibilities these shifts present for a socialism of the future.
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Konagaya, Yuki. "Socialist Modernisation in Mongolia as Narrated after Socialism." Inner Asia 12, no. 1 (2010): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/146481710792710345.
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AbstractIn this article I introduce our collection of oral histories composed of life histories recorded between 2001 and 2006. First, I discuss some devices implemented in the process of collecting life histories, which was to make oral histories 'polyphonic'. I then suggest that oral history always has a 'dual' tense, in that people talk about 'the past' from the view point of 'the present'. This is illustrated by six cases of statesmen narrating their views about socialist modernisation. Finally, using one of the cases, I demonstrate the co-existence of non-official or private opinions along with official opinions about the socialist period in life-history narratives in the post-socialist period. I call this 'ex-post value'.
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Sadoun, Marc. "Is Socialism Liberal?: Democracy and French Socialist Ideas." Dissent 54, no. 2 (2007): 77–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2007.0070.
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Morkūnas, Zigmantas. "Ekonomika ir politika." Problemos 11 (September 29, 2014): 117–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/problemos.1973.11.5515.
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1971 m. Vilniaus universitete Romualdas Dabkus apgynė filosofijos mokslų kandidato disertaciją „Ekonomikos ir politikos santykis socializmo ir komunizmo statyboje“. Oficialieji oponentai: prof. dr. R. Plečkaitis, filos. kand. doc. V. Lazutka. Disertacijoje analizuojama, kokią reikšmę ekonominių socializmo prielaidų formavimasis turėjo moksliniam kapitalistinės visuomenės aiškinimui, aptariamas socialistinės revoliucijos prielaidų savitumas šiuolaikiniame kapitalizme, ekonomikos ir politikos santykis pereinamuoju iš kapitalizmo į socializmą laikotarpiu, nagrinėjamos ekonominės prielaidos, sąlygojančios socialistinės valstybės sunykimą ir komunistinių ekonominių santykių formavimąsi.