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Journal articles on the topic 'Société civile – Japon'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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1

Tsujinaka, Yutaka, Leslie M. Tkach-Kawasaki, and Séverine Bardon. "Internet dans la société civile : premier bilan au Japon, en Corée et en Chine (1997-2007)." Hermès 55, no. 3 (2009): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.4267/2042/31507.

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2

Malinas, David-Antoine. "L’action collective protestataire dans le Japon contemporain : analyse spatiale d’une tradition cachée." Diversité urbaine 13, no. 1 (May 1, 2014): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1024709ar.

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Depuis la crise des années 1990, une des transformations les plus importantes du Japon concerne le rôle de la société civile. Si de nombreuses études ont été réalisées pour analyser et réfléchir à la montée du bénévolat, peu de recherches ont analysé la dimension proprement politique de ce renouveau. Plus exactement, les travaux qui traitent de la dynamique des mouvements sociaux au Japon insistent surtout sur son déclin continu. Comment rendre compte alors du mouvement des sans-abri des années 1990, du très médiatique « haken mura(village des intérimaires) » de 2008, ou plus récemment encore d’actions de protestations localisées, mais intégrées au mouvement international des « indignés » ?Le recours à l’analyse spatiale permet de mettre en évidence que, même en période de faible activisme, certains sites peuvent être particulièrement politisés et assurer le maintien et le renouvellement de l’engagement. La mobilisation autour de la question de la pauvreté, si elle semble débuter au début des années 1990, possède ainsi toute une histoire, celle d’une fraction de la nouvelle gauche jusqu’alors oubliée.

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3

Thomann, Bernard. "L'hygiène nationale, la société civile et la reconnaissance de la silicose comme maladie professionnelle au Japon (1868-1960)." Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine 56-1, no. 1 (2009): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhmc.561.0142.

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4

Mokaddem, Salim. "DE L’ENFANCE ET DES ENFANTS : ONTOLOGIE HISTORIQUE ET ANTHROPOLOGIE ARCHEOLOGIQUE DE L’ENFANCE." Dialektiké 3 (January 13, 2016): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15628/dialektike.2015.3165.

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Le corps est souvent vécu dans une confrontation entre un intérieur et un extérieur (dualisme du corps et de l’âme, du sensible et de l’intellect, de la forme esthétique et de la densité noétique) qui se fait au détriment d’une perception hétérogène ou diversifiée du corps puisque l’âme devient alors la prison du corps (Foucault). Trop souvent, en effet, le corps de l’enfant est rabattu sur une vision biopolitique de l’enfance comme état, âge, ou moment transitoire mineur dont il faut évacuer l’inachèvement par une biopolitique de maturité, de disciplinarisation continue, d’éducation normée, pour en évacuer la part maudite non réductible aux impératifs de contrôle par le monde adulte. Ainsi, l’enfant est écrasé par une vision érotique, médicale, esthétique, donc fortement historicisée de son être-au-monde. La fête des morts au Japon est devenu la fête des enfants ; elle révèle les ambigüités de cet état d’enfant : le corps de l’enfant est assigné à résidence et la liberté désirée de l’enfance est cependant étalée sur toutes les surfaces sociales de la société civile et religieuse (culte du « kawai », de la miniaturisation). Une philosophie des âges de la vie doit nécessairement prendre en compte l’anthropologie historique du corps et de ses limites pour comprendre ses modalités d’expression possible.

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5

Schwartz, Frank. "Civil Society in Japan Reconsidered." Japanese Journal of Political Science 3, no. 2 (November 2002): 195–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109902002037.

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When defined broadly, we can proceed on the assumption that in all but the most totalitarian of modern contexts, there is some kind of civil society that can be identified and compared cross-nationally. Although Japan may not strike the casual observer as the most fertile ground for such an investigation, setting bounds to the state and freeing space for plurality – the foci of a civil society approach – have long been key issues for that country. Japan may be the strictest of all advanced industrial democracies in regulating the incorporation of nongovernmental organizations, but the 1990s represented a watershed in this regard, and the passage of new legislation in 1998 will enable many thousands of organizations to win legal status without subjecting themselves to stifling state regulation.

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6

Haddad, Mary Alice. "Transformation of Japan's Civil Society Landscape." Journal of East Asian Studies 7, no. 3 (December 2007): 413–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800002575.

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Japan's civil society is being transformed as more people volunteer for advocacy and professional nonprofit organizations. In the US context, this trend has been accompanied by a decline in participation in traditional organizations. Does the rise in new types of nonprofit groups herald a decline of traditional volunteering in Japan? This article argues that while changes in civil rights, political opportunity structure, and technology have also taken place in Japan, they have contributed to the rise of new groups without causing traditional organizations to decline, because Japanese attitudes about civic responsibility have continued to support traditional volunteering.

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7

Shipper, Apichai W. "Foreigners and Civil Society in Japan." Pacific Affairs 79, no. 2 (June 1, 2006): 269–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2006792269.

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8

NEARY, IAN. "STATE AND CIVIL SOCIETY IN JAPAN." Asian Affairs 34, no. 1 (March 2003): 27–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0306837032000054298.

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9

Willis, Charmaine N. "Democratization and civil society development through the perspectives of Gramsci and Tocqueville in South Korea and Japan." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 5, no. 4 (August 4, 2019): 371–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891119867401.

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The development of a country’s civil society has typically been tied to the development of democracy: a vibrant civil society is indicative of a vibrant democracy. Why, then, has civil society emerged differently in South Korea, a country that democratized fairly recently, and Japan, a country that has been democratic since the end of the Second World War? I argue the origins of democracy in both states significantly contributed to the contrasting characters of civil society. In Japan, top-down democratization facilitated the development of a civil society with a strong link to the state for the majority of the 20th century, best viewed from the perspective of Gramsci. By contrast, the bottom-up democratization process in South Korea fostered a civil society where organizations monitor the state, best understood from the Tocquevillian perspective. Through comparative case analysis, this study endeavors to contribute to the literature on civil society by highlighting the ways in which democratization influences the trajectory of civil society.

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10

VICKERS, Edward. "Nonformal Education and Civil Society in Japan." Educational Studies in Japan 11 (2017): 137–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.7571/esjkyoiku.11.137.

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11

Bagnall, Richard G. "Nonformal education and civil society in Japan." International Journal of Lifelong Education 36, no. 4 (January 5, 2017): 503–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02601370.2016.1276328.

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12

Tiefenbach, Tim, and Florian Coulmas. "Civil Society and Happiness: Japan and Beyond." VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations 26, no. 1 (December 24, 2014): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11266-014-9547-x.

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13

Kremers, Daniel, and Shunsuke Izuta. "Bedeutungswandel der Zivilgesellschaft oder das Elend der Ideengeschichte: Eine kommentierte Übersetzung von Kiyoaki Hiratas Aufsatz zum Begriff shimin shakai bei Antonio Gramsci (Teil 2)." Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 72, no. 1 (April 25, 2018): 215–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2017-0077.

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Abstract Anmerkungen zu Übersetzung und Zitationsweise: Namen werden mit dem Vornamen voran wiedergegeben. Die Umschrift japanischer Begriffe in lateinischen Lettern (rōmaji) erfolgt nach dem Hepburn-System. Alle typografischen Sonderzeichen innerhalb der Übersetzung entsprechen Hervorhebungen des Autors im Original. Anmerkungen und Kommentare der Übersetzer befinden sich in den Fußnoten.The history of ideas is a history of translations and interpretations, of finding new words for old phenomena and attributing new phenomena to old words. In this commented translation from a Japanese source text, this historical process is demonstrated for the term civil society and the languages German, French, Italian and Japanese. In his 1989 article “On Gramsci’s notion of civil society”, Japanese Marxist Kiyoaki Hirata compared the use of the term by Georg W. F. Hegel, Karl Marx and Antonio Gramsci, while translating it to Japanese as shimin shakai 市民社会, today a highly popular term in Japan. After having published a translation of the first part of Hirata’s article, in which he endeavors on the connections and differences between Hegel and Marx, we have now translated the second part, in which Hirata reconstructs how Gramsci relied on Hegel and Marx in redefining the concept of civil society (società civile). We have pointed out why the global resurgence of the term civil society during the 1990s was accompanied by the invention of the neologism Zivilgesellschaft, while the classic term bürgerliche Gesellschaft almost fell into disuse in the German language. As both the English and the Japanese discourse on civil society (shimin shakai) continued unaffected by this translative-turn however, we have decided to translate shimin shakai in this pre-1990 text as bürgerliche Gesellschaft. This way we are able underline the fact that Hegel, Marx and Gramsci were writing on and further developing the same concept and that just because they have highlighted different aspects and attributed different functions to it, we do not necessarily need different words for each concept in order to properly understand these continuities and differences. More so we argue that neologisms like Zivilgesellschaft and Bürgergesellschaft have in the German discourse obscured continuities in the history of ideas on civil society. Hiratas text – despite of its weaknesses, such as a neglect of scientific documentation standards and a highly metaphoric and speculative language – is therefore a valuable contribution to highlighting such continuities and worth to be made accessible to a non-Japanese speaking readership. By pointing out the dialectic heritage in Gramsci’s writings, Hirata – much differently from many post-1990 authors – shows that Gramsci’s civil society is not constituted by a set of more or less organized so-called “non-state” actors that enclose and limit government authority, but rather forms an integral part of the state in which a government’s political force is bolstered by an ethical hegemony. It is in civil society that leading groups stabilize their authority over the whole society by educating and persuading the subaltern groups to an active consent to social and economic rules that benefit the interests of the leading group, while on the other hand no subaltern group can ever become politically leading before having established ethical hegemony in civil society.

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14

Potter, David M. "Organised Religion, Civil Society and Philanthropy in Japan." Asian Journal of Social Science 43, no. 4 (2015): 488–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04304008.

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Scholarship on socially-engaged religion in Japan and research on the non-profit sector in that country tend to be mutually disregarding. This article attempts to fill the gap between the scholarship on socially-engaged religion and that on the non-profit sector. It first outlines the ways in which legal categories of civil society organisations in Japan hinder the identification of religious organisations with the rest of the non-profit sector. Second, it places organised religion within Japan’s broader non-profit sector. Finally, the article examines the connections between religious and civil society organisations in other non-profit sectors. The cases suggest that organised religion is involved in some form or other in all of the major sectors of the broader non-profit sector but that their participation varies both by sector and religion.

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15

Tsujinaka, Yutaka, and Robert Pekkanen. "Civil Society and Interest Groups in Contemporary Japan." Pacific Affairs 80, no. 3 (October 1, 2007): 419–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2007803419.

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16

Pekkanen, Robert. "After the Developmental State: Civil Society in Japan." Journal of East Asian Studies 4, no. 3 (December 2004): 363–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800006019.

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The Japanese developmental state catapulted Japan into economic prominence. However, almost just as world attention focused on Japan's distinctive model, the era of the developmental state was drawing to a close. A generation of scholars has ably documented the story of Japan's developmental state by focusing on industrial policy. They chronicled how a strong bureaucracy buffered by insulation from politicians lay at the heart of the developmental state. As Joseph Wong points out in the introductory essay to this special issue, scholars have also argued that the developmental state contained within itself the seeds of its own dismantling.1Since the 1960s, formal powers had been stripped from the bureaucracy, leaving it increasingly dependent upon “administrative guidance” not legally enforceable.2By the late 1980s, the very success of the developmental state had eroded the powers of the bureaucracy to set industrial policy.

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17

Vosse, Wilhelm. "The Emergence of a Civil Society in Japan." Japanstudien 11, no. 1 (January 2000): 31–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09386491.2000.11826856.

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18

Hirata, Keiko. "The State of Civil Society in Japan (review)." Journal of Japanese Studies 31, no. 2 (2005): 417–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jjs.2005.0045.

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19

Okura, Sae. "Representing Women’s Interests in Japan’s Civil Society." Societies 11, no. 3 (August 2, 2021): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc11030091.

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Japan has witnessed marginalization and underrepresentation of women in its civil society. This study examines its extent. It also explores who in Japan’s civil society represent women’s interests by using survey data from civil society organizations. This study reveals that civil society organizations are generally led by male leaders, and around half of their staff are male. It also indicates that the number of organizations representing women’s interests is limited, with only 2.2% representing women’s interests. Interestingly, the central actors representing women’s interests include economic and business groups, political groups, labor groups, and civic groups including women’s groups.

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20

Kui, Kaipin. "Facilitating or Impeding – A Discourse on the Two-Sided Effects of Japan's NPO Law on the Growth of Civil Society." China Nonprofit Review 1, no. 1 (2009): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187651409x412732.

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AbstractTo accommodate the historical transition of the civil society and the growing needs of non-government organizations (NGOs) of Japan, Japan had implemented the Nonprofit Organization (NPO) Law, which represented a special set of laws responsible for regulating NGOs. While the NPO Law encouraged many NGOs to apply for NPO status, it also attracted some skepticism. Many believed the NPO Law not only failed to promote NGOs but also impeded their growth. The NPO Law seemed to be beset with many "side effects." Combining the goals and historical context of Japan's NPO Law with the law's contents and the actual state of Japan's civil society, this article analyzed the two-sided effects of Japan's NPO Law on the growth of Japan's civil society. Japan's experience could help China create a better legal system for regulating NGOs.

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21

Ishida, Yu, and Naoko Okuyama. "Local Charitable Giving and Civil Society Organizations in Japan." VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations 26, no. 4 (May 8, 2015): 1164–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11266-015-9588-9.

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22

Klien, Susanne. "Recovering from Disaster, Reinventing Japan?" Current History 116, no. 791 (September 1, 2017): 241–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2017.116.791.241.

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23

ALDRICH, DANIEL P. "LOCATION, LOCATION, LOCATION: SELECTING SITES FOR CONTROVERSIAL FACILITIES." Singapore Economic Review 53, no. 01 (April 2008): 145–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0217590808002884.

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While a large literature exists on the siting of controversial facilities, few theories about spatial location have been tested on large samples. Using a new dataset from Japan, this paper demonstrates that state agencies choose localities judged weakest in local civil society as host communities for controversial projects. In some cases, powerful politicians deliberately seek to have facilities such as nuclear power plants, dams and airports placed in their home constituency. This paper then explores new territory: how demographic, political and civil society factors impact the outcomes of siting attempts. It finds that the strength of local civil society impacts the probability that a proposed project will come to fruition; the greater the concentration of local civil society, the less likely state-planned projects will be completed.

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24

Edgington, David W., and Yamamoto Tadashi. "Deciding the Public Good: Governance and Civil Society in Japan." Pacific Affairs 73, no. 1 (2000): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2672302.

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25

Hadl, Gabriele, and Hamada Tadahisa. "Policy convergence and online civil society media (CSM) in Japan." International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics 5, no. 1 (March 1, 2009): 69–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/macp.5.1-2.69_1.

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26

Dusinberre, Martin, and Daniel P. Aldrich. "Hatoko Comes Home: Civil Society and Nuclear Power in Japan." Journal of Asian Studies 70, no. 3 (August 2011): 683–705. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911811000866.

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This article seeks to explain how, given Japan's “nuclear allergy” following World War II, a small coastal town not far from Hiroshima volunteered to host a nuclear power plant in the early 1980s. Where standard explanations of contentious nuclear power siting decisions have focused on the regional power utilities and the central government, this paper instead examines the importance of historical change and civil society at a local level. Using a microhistorical approach based on interviews and archival materials, and framing our discussion with a popular Japanese television show known as Hatoko's Sea, we illustrate the agency of municipal actors in the decision-making process. In this way, we highlight the significance of long-term economic transformations, demographic decline, and vertical social networks in local invitations to controversial facilities. These perspectives are particularly important in the wake of the 2011 Fukushima crisis, as the outside world seeks to understand how and why Japan embraced atomic energy.

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27

Mimura, Nobuo. "ACTIVITIES OF JAPAN SOCIETY OF CIVIL ENGINEERS FOR GLOBAL ENVIRONMENT." Proceedings of the Symposium on Global Environment 6 (1998): 33–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2208/proge.6.33.

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28

Kaigo, Muneo, and Leslie Tkach-Kawasaki. "Social Media for Enhancing Civil Society and Disaster Relief: Usage by Local Municipalities in Japan." JeDEM - eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government 7, no. 1 (October 23, 2015): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.29379/jedem.v7i1.371.

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This main focus of this article is a case study that analyzes social media usage by a local municipality in Japan, and on the possibilities and problems of complementary communication channels such as social networking services for promoting civil society activities and linking civil society organizations. We examine how in the past, Japanese municipalities have been using social media and social networking services for enhancing civil society and how social networking services are a potential tool that can provide vital information and connect citizens, municipal governments and civil society. This article focuses on the first phase of the Tsukuba Civic Activities Cyber-Square [Tsukuba Shimin Katsudō no Hiroba] on Facebook Experiment in 2012 and how it functioned during and after the May 6, 2012 Tsukuba city tornado disaster for the subsequent relief and support activities during May 2012.

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29

KIM, YOUNG SOO, and JOONGBUM SHIN. "Variance in Global Response to HIV/AIDS between the United States and Japan: Perception, Media, and Civil Society." Japanese Journal of Political Science 18, no. 4 (November 7, 2017): 514–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109917000159.

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AbstractThe US and Japan, despite their shared reputation as leading donors for international development, remarkably varied in their foreign aid policy for HIV/AIDS in the 1980s and 1990s. Unlike the US, who initiated and increased global AIDS funding dramatically, Japan was lukewarm in its contributions. I claim that the distinctive pattern depends on how the pandemic was domestically framed and understood. The policy commitment was more likely when the internationally shared idea (international norms) of threats requiring immediate international cooperation was congruent with the domestic perception of the epidemic. The research undertakes a comparative examination of the determinants of the distinctive domestic perceptions of the two cases, including the number of individuals infected with HIV, the attitude and role of the media, and the civil society organizations dealing with HIV/AIDS. They played significant roles as intervening variables that conditioned domestic diffusion or internalization of the international norms for foreign aid policy development. The US had a favorable domestic condition based upon the relatively large number of those infected with HIV, a media that adopted a constructive approach, and active civil society organizations associated with the disease. In contrast, in Japan the number of HIV cases was lower, the media had a distorted view of the epidemic, and civil society organizations were not strong enough to offer much support until the early 1990s.

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30

Uno, Kathleen. "Civil Society, State, and Institutions for Young Children in Modern Japan: The Initial Years." History of Education Quarterly 49, no. 2 (May 2009): 170–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2009.00194.x.

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Research on the history of children and childhood in modern Japan (1868–1945) reveals that issues related to civil society, state, and the establishment of institutions for young children can be explored beyond the transatlantic world. This brief essay considers the role of state and nonstate agents in the genesis of institutions for young children in modern Japan after briefly surveying historiography, a few basic terms, and earlier patterns of state and private involvement in education. After that, it proceeds in chronological order, treating first the founding of kindergartens and then day nurseries, focusing on the initial four decades.

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31

Haddad, Mary Alice. "From Undemocratic to Democratic Civil Society: Japan's Volunteer Fire Departments." Journal of Asian Studies 69, no. 1 (February 2010): 33–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911809991549.

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How do undemocratic civic organizations become compatible with democratic civil society? How do local organizations merge older patriarchal, hierarchical values and practices with newer more egalitarian, democratic ones? This article tells the story of how volunteer fire departments have done this in Japan. Their transformation from centralized war instruments of an authoritarian regime to local community safety organizations of a full-fledged democracy did not happen overnight. A slow process of demographic and value changes helped the organizations adjust to more democratic social values and practices. The way in which these organizations have made the transition offers important lessons for emerging democracies around the world.

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32

Ivanova, Polina. "Mission Statements of Japanese Civil Society Organizations Supporting International Students in the Kansai Area." Journal of Comparative & International Higher Education 13, no. 2 (May 7, 2021): 38–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jcihe.v13i2.1890.

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This study is applying critical discourse analysis (CDA) to mission statements of civil society organizations (CSOs) in the Kansai area of Japan to examine how those texts may be reflecting their views on migration and impacting their practices related to international students. The analysis shows similarities across CSO types in choosing organizational names, using vague and bureaucratic vocabulary for formulating their mission statements, as well as confusing and contradictory style of some statements and event announcements that may be misleading or discouraging for potential members. At the same time, diversity of vocabulary referring to their target audience demonstrates shifting perspectives of CSOs on international students and more generally, on foreigners living in Japan.

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33

Waley, Paul. "Ruining and Restoring Rivers: The State and Civil Society in Japan." Pacific Affairs 78, no. 2 (July 1, 2005): 195–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2005782195.

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34

IKEDA, Syunsuke. "Education on Engineer's Ethics in the Japan Society of Civil Engineers." Proceedings of the JSME annual meeting 2002.1 (2002): 411–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1299/jsmemecjo.2002.1.0_411.

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35

Aldrich, Daniel P. "Rethinking Civil Society–State Relations in Japan after the Fukushima Accident." Polity 45, no. 2 (April 2013): 249–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/pol.2013.2.

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36

Saeki, Eiko. "Democracy and Troubled Autonomy: Sectarian Politics and Civil Society in Japan." Journal of Civil Society 7, no. 4 (December 2011): 385–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2011.626207.

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37

Schreurs, Miranda A. (Miranda Alice). "Democratic Transition and Environmental Civil Society: Japan and South Korea Compared." Good Society 11, no. 2 (2002): 57–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gso.2002.0032.

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38

Sagara, Tomoya, Muneo Kaigo, and Yutaka Tsujinaka. "Meta-Cognition of Efficacy and Social Media Usage among Japanese Civil Society Organizations." Information 11, no. 2 (February 21, 2020): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/info11020118.

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This paper examines how social media are affecting Japanese civil society organizations, in relation to efficacy and political participation. Using data from the 2017 Japan Interest Group Study survey, we analyzed how the flow of information leads to the political participation of civil society organizations. The total number of respondents (organizations) were 1285 (942 organizations in Tokyo and 343 from Ibaraki). In the analysis of our survey we focused on the data portion related to information behavior and efficacy and investigated the meta-cognition of efficacy in lobbying among civil society organizations in Tokyo and Ibaraki. We found that organizations that use social media were relatively few. However, among the few organizations that use social media, we found that these organizations have a much higher meta-cognition of political efficacy in comparison to those that do not use social media. For instance, social media usage had a higher tendency of having cognition of being able to exert influence upon others. We also found that organizations that interact with citizens have a higher tendency to use social media. The correspondence analysis results point towards a hypothesis of how efficacy and participation are mutually higher among the organizations that use social media in Japan.

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39

Anderson, Emma, and Marina Zaloznaya. "Global civil society and the test of Kyoto: A theoretical extension." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 59, no. 3 (May 28, 2018): 179–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715218776411.

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What determines how successful global civil society is in promoting international governance norms within nation-states? Studies attribute the varied effectiveness of civil action to the capacity of non-governmental groups and organizations, the nature of global regimes that generate such norms, domestic political landscapes, or combinations of these factors. Yet, empirical cases, analyzed in this article, suggest that global civil society may lose or gain in domestic effectiveness even when these determinants remain stable. Using primary and secondary data on Kyoto Protocol negotiations in Japan, Canada, and Australia, we argue that changes in the Kyoto stances of these three countries between 2005 and 2012 stemmed from the realignment of domestic political actors engaged in the contestation of the protocol alongside civil society. Our data reveal that exogenous natural and political events led to shifts in the positions of local political elites, media, and the energy industry. As a result, the pro-Kyoto coalition, headed by global civil society, either lost or gained in bargaining power vis-à-vis the counter-coalition. We, therefore, theorize realignment as a mechanism that connects exogenous events to the changing effectiveness of global civil society. Theoretically, our study emphasizes the importance of embedding civil action into its concrete socio-historical contexts and advocates for a process-oriented study of agentic social change.

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40

IMAI, Makoto. "18th Symposium on the use of wood for civil engineering by Japan Society of Civil Engineers." MOKUZAI HOZON (Wood Protection) 45, no. 6 (2019): 291–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5990/jwpa.45.291.

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LEE, Seok-Won. "Shimizu Ikutarō and the Precarious Coexistence of Progressivism and Conservatism." Social Science Japan Journal 24, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 327–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ssjj/jyab021.

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Abstract Shimizu Ikutarō (1907–1988) is one of the most controversial postwar Japanese intellectuals. His transition from the icon of the Anpo protests to an advocate of a nuclear Japan has been considered an intellectual conversion (tenkō). Instead of revisiting the notion of conversion, this study shows that his wartime thoughts—bottom-up nationalism in particular—continued to influence Shimizu’s postwar writings and activism on both conservative and liberal sides. Shimizu delineated his historical concept of how ordinary people in Meiji and Taisho Japan had contributed to the development of a modern society and called for the construction of a new system. Endorsing Japan’s wartime efforts, Shimizu strove to center nationalist energies by ordinary Japanese on his concept of a new Japan. However, Shimizu’s adherence to bottom-up movements in wartime and postwar Japan reflects his problematic interpretation of Japanese history. Neglecting Japan’s nationalistic path to colonial violence, his writings on the society and culture of wartime and postwar Japan affirm grass-root nationalism as Japan’s key to modern development. This line of thinking was later associated with anti-American nationalist movements in the 1950s. His notion of civil society movements soon encountered a highly nationalistic project of a nuclear Japan in the 1970s.

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Tanaka, Kimiko. "Surnames and Gender in Japan: Women’s Challenges in Seeking Own Identity." Journal of Family History 37, no. 2 (March 27, 2012): 232–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0363199011434684.

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Strongly influenced by the previous Meiji Civil Code that shaped people’s perceptions about the traditional Japanese family, postwar Japanese society has not fully guaranteed gender equality, and whether to legally allow the dual-surname system is one of the major legal and political debates in Japanese society. To understand the tension between the traditional Japanese family emphasized in the previous Meiji Civil Code and gender equality emphasized in the current Japanese law, this study explored the surname system in Japan by reviewing historical trends, recent surveys, political debates, and comparing with other nations. This study illustrated that the surname was not attached to the family lineage and membership as today in the past, and symbolic significance of the surname has changed through the course of Japanese history.

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Uomoto, T., T. Ishibashi, Y. Nobuta, T. Satoh, H. Kawano, K. Takewaka, and K. Uji. "Standard Specifications for Concrete Structures-2007 by Japan Society of Civil Engineers." Concrete Journal 46, no. 7 (2008): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3151/coj1975.46.7_3.

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Terada, Ryoichi. "Constructing Civil Society in Japan: Voices of Environmental Movements - By Koichi Hasegawa." International Journal of Japanese Sociology 15, no. 1 (November 2006): 119–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6781.2006.00089.x.

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Cave, Peter. "Nonformal Education and Civil Society in Japan ed. by Kaori H. Okano." Journal of Japanese Studies 43, no. 2 (2017): 496–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jjs.2017.0066.

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Low, Morris. "Science and Civil Society in Japan: Physicists as Public Men and Policymakers." Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences 30, no. 1 (January 1, 1999): 193–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27757824.

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Miae Jung. "The Role of Civil Society and New Governance in Korea-Japan Relations." Journal of Asia-Pacific Studies 18, no. 2 (August 2011): 17–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.18107/japs.2011.18.2.002.

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Law, Ricky. "Between the State and the People: Civil Society Organizations in Interwar Japan." History Compass 12, no. 3 (March 2014): 217–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hic3.12148.

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Gamper-Rabindran, Shanti. "Site Fights: Divisive Facilities and Civil Society in Japan and the West." Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis: Research and Practice 13, no. 2 (April 2011): 235–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13876988.2011.556335.

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SHARPE, MICHAEL ORLANDO. "What Does Blood Membership Mean in Political Terms?: The Political Incorporation of Latin American Nikkeijin (Japanese Descendants) (LAN) in Japan 1990–2004." Japanese Journal of Political Science 12, no. 1 (February 21, 2011): 113–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109910000253.

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AbstractThis attempts to explain the limited political incorporation of Latin American Nikkeijin (Japanese descendants) (LAN) in Japan 1990–2004. A 1990 reform provides Nikkeijin a renewable visa that has enabled some 300,000 LAN to emigrate to Japan on the basis of Japanese blood descent or ethnicity.1Long-term marginalized minority groups, such as Zainichi Koreans and Chinese,2are comparatively better incorporated in Japan's political system and their demands increasingly recognized as more legitimate. I argue Japan's changing ethnic citizenship regime, political opportunity structure, and structure of civil society combined with LAN language difficulties, newness of residence, small size, low minority status, and powerful myth of return limits their immigrant political incorporation in Japan.

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