Relevant bibliographies by topics / Society of United Irishmen Irland

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Academic literature on the topic 'Society of United Irishmen Irland'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Society of United Irishmen Irland"

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Quinn, James. "The United Irishmen and social reform." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 122 (November 1998): 188–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400013900.

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When questioned by a parliamentary committee after the rebellion of 1798, the United Irish leader Thomas Addis Emmet predicted that ‘if a revolution ever takes place, a very different system of political economy will be established from what has hitherto prevailed here’. Was there any real substance to this claim? Did Emmet’s words indicate that the republican leadership genuinely sought a radical reshaping of society, or was he simply indulging in empty rhetoric that a broken United Irish movement could never make good? It has always been difficult to pin down the United Irishmen’s socio-economic views: their pronouncements in this area were few and were generally couched in vague terms. This is hardly surprising. Given that the society’s membership was far from socially homogeneous, the leadership no doubt recognised the difficulties involved in trying to produce an agreed programme of social reform. In an organisation one of whose earliest rules had been ‘to attend to those things in which we agree, to exclude from our thoughts those in which we differ’, it was generally judged prudent to steer clear of such a potentially divisive subject. Moreover, the readiness with which the government instigated prosecutions of outspoken radicals, particularly after the outbreak of war in 1793, made advisable a degree of caution in any statements which could be construed as threatening the established social order. Nevertheless, the society did address the issue of social reform from time to time, and individual United Irishmen also espoused a variety of proposals. This article will attempt to examine some of the strands of United Irish social thinking and to determine if the movement had such a thing as a coherent programme of social reform.
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Curtin, Nancy J. "The transformation of the Society of United Irishmen into a mass-based revolutionary organisation, 1794-6." Irish Historical Studies 24, no. 96 (November 1985): 463–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400034477.

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The Society of United Irishmen, formed in the autumn of 1791 as a middle-class club dedicated to achieving parliamentary reform and catholic emancipation, was eventually transformed into a mass-based, secret revolutionary organisation determined to establish a non-sectarian republic in Ireland. Approaching near extinction in 1794, the United Irishmen recovered within the next two years to become a formidable revolutionary threat. With amazing rapidity the United Irishmen managed to harness a politically-discontented middle class, radical artisans and tradesmen, economically and socially vexed peasants, amfa loose association of catholic agrarian rebels commonly known as Defenders into a more or less coherent force. The swiftness with which this” alliance was formed, burdened as it was with tensions along class and sectarian lines, was matched only by the quickness with which it collapsed under the strain of internal dissension and vigorous government repression.
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Bartlett, Thomas. "Select documents XXXVIII: Defenders and Defenderism in 1795." Irish Historical Studies 24, no. 95 (May 1985): 373–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400034271.

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Secret societies in Ireland in the period 1760 to 1845 have recently been the subject of an extraordinary amount (by Irish standards) of scholarly interest. The Whiteboys, Hearts of Oak, Steelboys, Rightboys, United Irishmen, Caravats, Rockites and Ribbonmen have all had their historians and various interpretations have been put forward to explain the rise of these societies and the nature of the violence they perpetrated. However, the Defenders, the secret society that dominated the 1790s and the immediate post-union period, have been relatively neglected. Admittedly some important contributions have been made recently to their history: Mr J.G.O. Kerrane has made a study of the Defenders in County Meath; Professor David Miller has investigated the origins of the society in County Armagh; Dr Marianne Elliott has explored the implications for future Irish republicanism of the 1796 alliance between the non-sectarian United Irishmen and the avowedly catholic Defenders; and Dr Tom Garvin has traced the lines of continuity between Defenderism and the later Ribbonism. Nonetheless, it remains true that there is as yet no comprehensive account of the movement and much about it remains obscure. The documents published below shed light on the organisation, aims and activities of the Defenders on the eve of their alliance with the United Irishmen. They also illustrate the complex web of archaic and modern forces that comprised ‘Defenderism’
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Durey, Michael. "The Dublin Society of United Irishmen and the politics of the Carey–Drennan dispute, 1792–1794." Historical Journal 37, no. 1 (March 1994): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014710.

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ABSTRACTThis article is concerned with political divisions within the Dublin Society of United Irishmen in a period, 1792–1794, which historians, accepting the contemporary argument of its leaders, have generally agreed demonstrated the society's unity of purpose. It is argued that ideological tensions existed between the middle-class leadership and the middling-class rank and file which reflected the existence of two different conceptions of radicalism, one ‘Jacobin’ and one ‘sans-culotte’. These tensions are brought to light through an examination of the dispute between William Paulet Carey and William Drennan, which culminated in the latter's trial in 1794, and the career of the former until he exiled himself from Ireland after the ijg8 rebellion. It is further argued that, because these ideological differences have been ignored, historians have wrongly assumed that Carey was a political turncoat. In reality, he remained true to the sans-culotte principles of direct democracy and rotation of office, even after his ostracism. Carey's deep suspicion of the motivation of the United Irish leaders came to be accepted by Drennan in retrospect.
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Landy, Craig T. A. "Society of United Irishmen Revolutionary and New-York Manumission Society Lawyer: Thomas Addis Emmet and the Irish Contributions to the Antislavery Movement in New York." New York History 95, no. 2 (2014): 193–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nyh.2014.0032.

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Lune, Howard. "The Test: Ritual as a Framing Device in the Construction of Cultural Nationalism." Irish Journal of Sociology 23, no. 2 (November 2015): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/ijs.23.2.2.

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Organised movements that challenge a government must construct and frame their own visions of the nation that legitimate their challenge. To do so, they may attempt to mobilise a cultural nationalism to supersede dominant political nationalisms. An alternative cultural nationalism can appeal to patriotism while undermining the legitimacy of a standing government. Such work is subtle, particularly when direct challenges to authority are proscribed by law. Organisational rituals of belonging are powerful tools in this process. Ritual repetition of key framing ideas can unite members around the cultural construct of the movement without directly addressing their targets. This paper examines the organisation of the Society of United Irishmen (1791–98) and their use of a membership ‘test’ ritual. The test epitomised the primary work of the society which entailed the construction of a new vision of Irish nationalism. As the Society transitioned from its rhetorical function to organising an actual rising against British rule, the Society's test and related rituals changed to reflect this shift. While the rising itself failed, the cultural construct endured.
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Hazlett, W. Ian P. "Religion and Politics in William Steel Dickson DD (1744–1824): Ulster-Scot Irishman and his Modernizing Thought-World." Scottish Church History 48, no. 1 (April 2019): 34–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/sch.2019.0003.

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This essay presents the lineaments and origins of the core thinking of Steel Dickson, a typically controversial representative of the progressive eighteenth-century intelligentsia in the north of Ireland who were Presbyterian ministers and inclined to radicalising reform of politics and religion as well as, more tentatively, to the reformatting of fundamental theology. There will be reference to short studies and general interpretations of Dickson and, more particularly, some analysis of his publications including religio-political addresses and church sermons. Discussed will be the context of his association with the Society of United Irishmen and its evolving revolutionary path, as well as his links to other reform thinkers, politicians and churchmen in Ulster. The study argues that Steel Dickson's varied political involvement flowed consciously from his ethical and religious convictions. Further, that he embodied (with qualification) the impact of the Scottish Enlightenment and ‘Moderate’ Presbyterianism in Ireland – but along with strong appeal to biblical testimony and norms. Finally, it demonstrates with illustrations that the decisive shaping and reconstructing of the contours of Dickson's mind occurred during his studies at Glasgow University in its intellectual heyday.
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Thale, Mary. "London Debating Societies in the 1790s." Historical Journal 32, no. 1 (March 1989): 57–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015302.

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Of the popular societies that government repressed in the 1790s, the public debating societies in London are probably the least known although some of them had been meeting without interruption for over fifty years. Since these societies admitted all who paid the weekly entrance fee and allowed anyone to stand up and speak, they were quite different from the private, limited debating clubs where new members had to be approved and where the speeches were often prepared orations. Because of their size, the public debating societies attracted men who wanted to practise speaking before a large audience. Burke is said to have gained his first experience in public speaking at one of these debating societies. Pitt not only spoke at them; he helped found one. Boswell and Goldsmith attended them. Most of the speakers and auditors, however, were men of a lower class; and in the 1790sin reaction to the French Revolution, these societies were repressed. Although they constitute a significant social phenomenon, their history has not beenj traced, as has that of the London Corresponding Socie-ty (LCS) or the United! Irishmen (UI). In a sense the debating societies form an adjunct to, and complement the history of the declared reform societies of the 1790s: Members of the Corresponding Society might go from their meeting to a debating society in order to hear an LCS member speak. The few known managers of debating societies were also prominent members of the LCS or the UI or both; 1 and when a political topic was debated, most of the speakers would take a reformist position.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Society of United Irishmen Irland"

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Richling, Marian. ""To make all Irishmen - citizens ; all citizens - Irishmen"?: die Genese und das Scheitern des republikanischen Nationalismus in Irland (1782-1798)." [S.l. : s.n.], 2005. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=975270893.

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Ridner, Judith A. "The Society of United Irishmen and the Rebellion of 1798." W&M ScholarWorks, 1988. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625476.

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Ferradou, Mathieu. ""Aux États-Unis de France et d'Irlande" : circulations révolutionnaires entre France et Irlande à l'époque de la République atlantique." Thesis, Paris 1, 2019. https://ecm.univ-paris1.fr/nuxeo/site/esupversions/7d22394b-42e4-413a-b621-060974c5ca6f.

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Avec l’entrée en république de la France à l’été 1792, soudainement le potentiel révolutionnaire initié par le bouleversement de 1789 se déploie pour l’Irlande. Dans un contexte d’agitation populaire menée par les Irlandais Unis et les Defenders en Irlande, les exilés irlandais à Paris entrent, eux aussi, en république, d’abord à l’échelle micro-locale lors de la « République au Collège », prise de contrôle éphémère par les étudiants du Collège irlandais de Paris, puis à travers le « festin patriotique », un rassemblement festif de toute la galaxie révolutionnaire atlantique, et particulièrement des « citoyens » des Trois Royaumes. Ces deux événements initient un processus d’engagement personnel de chacun des protagonistes et une dynamique révolutionnaire transnationale à travers le projet d’avènement de la « République des États-Unis d’Irlande et de France », elle-même inscrite dans la perspective plus large de la « République atlantique ». Cet engagement et cette dynamique se déploient d’abord dans le cadre des activités à la fois publiques et couvertes de la société des Anglais, Ecossais et Irlandais de Paris ou Société des Amis des Droits de l’Homme (SADH). Elles contribuent, par le rapprochement entre la France et la SADH, à déclencher la guerre entre l’Angleterre et la France. La dialectique entre dynamique républicaine et contre-républicaine dans le cadre des French Wars conduit les protagonistes de la Républiques des États-Unis de France et d’Irlande à poursuivre et approfondir leur projet, dans une remarquable continuité entre 1792 et 1798. Tout en reconfigurant ses modalités, en variant les répertoires de l’action révolutionnaire en fonction des évolutions du contexte politique et géopolitique, ce projet républicain transnational atteint son apogée avec les expéditions franco-irlandaises de 1796 et 1798. En suivant les parcours de vingt-huit Irlandais patriotes et républicains, en reconstituant leurs réseaux de sociabilité et de circulations, il s’agit d’interroger les raisons et les modalités de l’engagement, dans une perspective d’histoire sociale des idées politiques, c’est-à-dire en étudiant le passage des mots à la pratique, en fonction des circonstances et du cadre social. Dans la dialectique entre Révolution et Contre-Révolution, cet engagement aboutit à un processus de « radicalisation ». Ce faisant, cette thèse interroge l’historiographie existante sur la décennie 1790 en Irlande en cherchant à la replacer dans un contexte de synergies révolutionnaires et en explorant le concept de République atlantique, proposant un regard neuf sur le processus de politisation populaire en Irlande
With the advent of the republic in France in the summer of 1792, the revolutionary potential initiated by the upheaval of 1789 suddenly exploded in Ireland. In a context of rising popular discontent led by the United Irishmen and the Defenders in Ireland, the Irish exiles in Paris also embraced the republic, first at the micro-local scale of the Irish College in Paris of which the students took control in a fleeting but highly significant moment, the ‘République au Collège’, then at the ‘festin patriotique’, a gathering of all the Atlantic revolutionary galaxy, but most notably of the ‘citizens’ of the Three Kingdoms. These two events initiated a process of personal engagement for each of the protagonists and a transnational revolutionary dynamic through the project of establishing the ‘Republic of the United States of France and Ireland’. This commitment and this dynamic were extant throughout the activities, both public and covert, of the Society of the English, Scottish and Irish at Paris or Société des Amis des Droits de l’Homme (SADH). They contributed, because of the collaboration between France and the SADH, to spark the war between England and France. The dialectic between the republican and counter-republican dynamics in the context of the French Wars led the protagonists of the Republic of the United States of France and Ireland to pursue and further define their project in an astonishing continuity between 1792 and 1798. While this republic project varied in its forms and modalities due to the changing political and geopolitical context, it reached its apex with the Franco-Irish expeditions of 1796 and 1798. Following the paths of twenty eight Irish republican patriots, and examining their networks of sociability and circulations, enable to question the motivations and forms of political engagement, in the perspective of a social history of political ideas, i.e. by studying the transition from words to acts, which depends on the circumstances and on the social environment. In the dialectic between Counter-Revolution and Revolution, this engagement leads to a process of ‘radicalisation’. By doing so, this dissertation aims at questioning the prevailing historiography of the 1790s in Ireland, by replacing it in its context of revolutionary synergies and by exploring the concept of the Atlantic Republic, thereby offering a new take on the process of popular politicisation in Ireland
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Books on the topic "Society of United Irishmen Irland"

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Irland im Zeitalter der Revolution: Politik und Publizistik der United Irishmen, 1791-98. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1989.

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Elliott, Marianne. Partners in revolution: The United Irishmen and France. New Haven (Conn.): Yale University Press, 1988.

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Dissent into treason: Unitarians, king-killers and the Society of United Irishmen. Dingle: Brandon, 2010.

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Smyth, Denis. Men of liberty: From Macart's Fort to Boulovogue : a history of the Society of United Irishmen, 1791-1798. [Belfast?]: North Belfast History Workshop, 1988.

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Frost, Thomas. The Secret Society of the United Irishmen. Kessinger Publishing, 2005.

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McDowell, R. B. Proceedings of the Dublin Society of United Irishmen. Irish Manuscripts Commission, 1998.

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Elliott, Marianne. Partners in Revolution: The United Irishmen and France. Yale University Press, 1990.

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Beiner, Guy. Forgetful Remembrance. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198749356.001.0001.

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What happens when a society attempts to obscure inconvenient episodes in its past? In 1798, Ulster Protestants—in particular Presbyterians—participated alongside Catholics in the failed republican rebellion of the United Irishmen. In subsequent years, communities in counties Antrim and Down that had been heavily involved in the insurrection reconciled with the newly formed United Kingdom and identified with unionism. As Protestant loyalists closed ranks in face of resurgent Catholic nationalism, with many joining the Orange Order, Presbyterians had a vested interest to consign their rebel past to oblivion. Uncovering a vernacular historiography, to be found in oral traditions and often-unnoticed local writings, Guy Beiner shows that recollections of the rebellion persisted under a public facade of forgetting. Beneath a culture of silencing and reticence, he finds muted traditions of forgetful remembrance. Beiner follows the dynamics of social forgetting for over two centuries, starting with anxieties of being forgotten that preceded the insurrection. He reveals how bitter memories of repression prevented a policy of amnesty from facilitating amnesia. Clandestine traditions of defiant remembrance were regenerated and transmitted over several generations, yet when commemoration emerged into the open, it was met with violent responses. Prohibitions on public remembrance of 1798 seemed to come to an end by the bicentennial year of 1998, with the signing of the peace agreement in Northern Ireland, however the ambiguity of memory continues into the current post-conflict era. Comparative references demonstrate the wider relevance of the historical study of social forgetting.
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Whatmore, Richard. Terrorists, Anarchists, and Republicans. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691168777.001.0001.

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In 1798, members of the United Irishmen were massacred by the British amid the crumbling walls of a half-built town near Waterford in Ireland. Many of the Irish were republicans inspired by the French Revolution, and the site of their demise was known as Genevan Barracks. The Barracks were the remnants of an experimental community called New Geneva, a settlement of Calvinist republican rebels who fled the continent in 1782. The British believed that the rectitude and industriousness of these imported revolutionaries would have a positive effect on the Irish populace. The experiment was abandoned, however, after the Calvinists demanded greater independence and more state money for their project. This book tells the story of a utopian city inspired by a spirit of liberty and republican values being turned into a place where republicans who had fought for liberty were extinguished by the might of empire. The book brings to life a violent age in which powerful states like Britain and France intervened in the affairs of smaller, weaker countries, justifying their actions on the grounds that they were stopping anarchists and terrorists from destroying society, religion, and government. The Genevans and the Irish rebels, in turn, saw themselves as advocates of republican virtue, willing to sacrifice themselves for liberty, rights, and the public good. The book shows how the massacre at Genevan Barracks marked an end to the old Europe of diverse political forms, and the ascendancy of powerful states seeking empire and markets — in many respects the end of enlightenment itself.
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Book chapters on the topic "Society of United Irishmen Irland"

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"Belfast and the Society of United Irishmen." In Wolfe Tone, 128–40. Liverpool University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/upo9781846317774.011.

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"Belfast and the Society of United Irishmen." In Wolfe Tone, 128–40. 2nd ed. Liverpool University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt5vjfsp.16.

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Clark, Anna. "Address from the Society of United Irishmen." In History of Suffrage 1760–1867, 194–206. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003192541-9.

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Dickinson, Harry T. "Proceedings of the Society of United Irishmen of Dublin (Dublin: Printed by order of the Society, [1793])." In Ireland in the Age of Revolution, 1760–1805, 109–34. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429348723-20.

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Whatmore, Richard. "The Power of Place." In Terrorists, Anarchists, and Republicans, 3–24. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691168777.003.0001.

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This chapter describes the origins of the Society of United Irishmen. This organization was inspired by republicanism. To many observers, creating a republic in Ireland presented an opportunity to create a nation in a unified sense, overcoming through shared commitment to republican ideas of equality the divisions that were responsible for the political corruption and economic backwardness of the country. This was what had happened in France, where a diverse and divided nation was becoming a unified, and singularly powerful, republican patrie. Indeed, the links between the United Irishmen and French republicans were especially strong from 1792, with many prominent figures in the movement spending time in Paris.
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Dickinson, Harry T. "Address from the Society of United Irishmen of Dublin, to the People of Ireland ([Dublin,] 1794)." In Ireland in the Age of Revolution, 1760–1805, 157–64. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429348723-28.

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Rowan, Archibald Hamilton. "Certificate of Tone's admission to membership of the Society of United Irishmen of Dublin, 11 January 1793." In The Writings of Theobald Wolfe Tone 1763–98, Vol. 1: Tone's Career in Ireland to June 1795, edited by R. B. McDowell, T. W. Moody, and C. J. Woods, 389. Oxford University Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00073250.

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McCracken, Henry Joy. "Certificate of Tone's admission to membership of the First Society of United Irishmen of Belfast, 10 June 1795." In The Writings of Theobald Wolfe Tone 1763–98, Vol. 1: Tone's Career in Ireland to June 1795, edited by R. B. McDowell, T. W. Moody, and C. J. Woods. Oxford University Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00073314.

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Dickinson, Harry T. "Society of United Irishmen of Dublin (Dublin, 1794), pp. 13–14, 30–2, 50–73, 81–90, 199–202." In Ireland in the Age of Revolution, 1760–1805, 167–90. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429348723-30.

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Harris, Bob. "Scottish-English Connections in British Radicalism in the 1790s." In Anglo-Scottish Relations from 1603 to 1900. British Academy, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263303.003.0010.

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This chapter discusses the frame for radical co-operation in the age of the Friends of the People and later. The links to radicalism south of the Border have tended to be relegated to the margins of historical debate. Through the agency of Thomas Muir, links with the leading Irish radical society, the United Irishmen, were established at a relatively early stage, although the precise nature of these remains obscure. The emphasis on the Scots-Irish connection reflects the formative affect on Irish presbyterian radicals of an education provided by the Scottish universities. The influence of the English reform movement on the emergence of an organised campaign for parliamentary reform in Scotland in the 1790s has not always been fully appreciated, although it appears to have been a significant one. Correspondence and personal contacts across national boundaries were intermittent; the flow of print, in both ways, was continual. During the 1790s, union was a crucial element of radical strategy and tactics in Britain.
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