Academic literature on the topic 'Socio-political commitment'

According to liberal political theorists, such as John Locke and Adam Smith, liberty and equality are competing values. In Canadian constitutional law, the commitment to liberal individualism has pushed questions of socio-economic rights from the constitutional sphere into the political one.

This article addresses recent development related to Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) � Indonesia�s largest Islamic organization - and its recent actions as it faces ideological and political challenges from other conservative Islamist organizations. In the process, NU seems to have engaged in backtracking its commitment to consistently promote moderate norms like democracy and tolerance toward different religious and political viewpoints. It examines the factors which explains this reversal and answers the following research puzzle: Under which socio-political conditions do a religious organization that has adhered to follow moderate political norms and discourses decide to backtrack from them and decide to pursue policies to embrace an �exclusivist moderation�? The article concludes the declining commitment to moderate norms within the NU is due to growing ideological competition from conservative Islamists both within and outside of the organization, leading NU to embrace immoderate responses to crack down against its competitors.

Civic identity is an important feature of a socialised person. It regulates numerous personal behavioural manifestations, e.g. commitment to the country, patriotism, willingness to participate in important processes related to democratic procedures, desire to realise values that are of paramount importance for adaptation and integration with other representatives of civil society. The aim of this research is to determine the role of civic identity in the preferences of civil and political forms of social activity among young people in provincial Russia. The study involved 305 people (35.4% men) aged 17 to 35 (M = 21.1; SD = 3.1). The study used a questionnaire aimed at determining the socio-demographic characteristics of the sample group, containing scales for assessing the degree of personal involvement in certain forms of social activity (R.M. Shamionov et al.), Civic Identity Scale (A.N. Tatarko), Self-Assessment of the Propensity for Extreme Risky Behavior Technique (the Russian version of M. Zuckermans Sensation Seeking Scale). The study revealed that the indicators of commitment to protest, radical-protest and subcultural activity are more homogeneous and less pronounced in comparison with the indicators of civic, political and socio-economic activity. As a result of the factor analysis, it was found that civic-political (civic, socio-economic and political) and subcultural-protest (subcultural, protest and radical-protest) forms of activity constitute two stable factors. As a result of structural modelling, it was shown that civic identity has a positive impact on social activity in the civil-political field and a negative impact on subcultural-protest activity. Seeking new experiences plays a positive role in subcultural-protest activity of young people, while the feeling of uncertainty undermines the manifestations of civic-political activity. The study also revealed an important role of socialisation conditions: the participation of parents in the public life of the country contributes to civic-political activity and the formation of civic identity of their children. Civic identity reduces the manifestation of the feeling of uncertainty and the search for new experiences among young people.

As “music of commitment,” in the period from the late 1970s to the late 1980s rock music in Yugoslavia had an important purpose of providing a popular-cultural outlet for the unique forms of socio-cultural critique that engaged with the realities and problems of Yugoslav society. The three “music movements” that embodied the new rock'n'roll spirit – New Wave, New Primitives, and New Partisans – used rock music to critique the country's “new socialist culture,” with the purpose of helping to eliminate the disconnect between the ideal and the reality of socialist Yugoslavia. This paper examines the New Partisans as the most radical expression of music of commitment through the works of its most important rock bands: Bijelo dugme, Plavi orkestar, and Merlin. The paper's argument is that the New Partisans’ socio-cultural engagement, animated by advocacy of Yugoslavism, was a counter-logic to the nationalist dissolution of a distinctly Yugoslav fabric of a socialist community in crisis. Thus, the movement's revolutionary “spirit of reconstruction” permeating its “poetics of the patriotic” was a mechanism of socio-cultural resistance to political, cultural and moral-ethical de-Yugoslavization of Yugoslav society. Its ultimate objective was to make the case that the only way into the future – if there was to be any – rested on strategic reanimation of the Partisan revolutionary past as the only viable socio-cultural foundation of the Yugoslav socialist community.

<p>African writers like Ngugi Wa Thiong’o have not relented in their portraiture of the dehumanizing plights of the working class. Ngugi is a revolutionary writer conditioned by the colonial, post-colonial and neo-colonial socio-political and economic quagmire and experiences surrounding him, and as such he has no choice than to use art as an avenue of expressing his ideology and vision about the multifaceted problems as pictured in his society. This paper therefore, examines commitment in literature with particular focus on the Kenyan writer, Ngugi wa Thiong’o’s committed literature and social vision, his stylistic use of satire. The conceptual framework is Marxism using Ngugi’s Matigari. The study as a close textual analysis adopts the descriptive design.</p>

<p>The main thrust of the argument of this paper is that Emmanuel Doh, Bate Besong and Mathew Takwi have used their poetry as a veritable weapon of conscientisation and political liberation in Cameroon. Thus, the three poets blend literature and reality to advance the cause of Anglophone National Liberation in Cameroon. From a clearly Marxist literary perspective, the ideo-aesthetic position of Emmanuel Doh in Wading the Tide (1998), Bate Besong in Just Above Cameroon (1998) and Mathew Takwi in Messing Manners (2014) is very clear, though subtle: these poets view the emancipation and welfare of Anglophones in Cameroon as an index of socio-political growth. <br />In the light of the above assertions, the paper argues that Doh, Besong and Takwi are deeply sensitive and responsive to the realities and moods of moments of collective experience, especially crisis moments. Their poetry is , in fact, a summation of their political and ideological commitments. These poets have endeared themselves to the Anglophone, especially those who are dissatisfied with the present day political dispensation in Cameroon in their attempts to write and be involved with what has become known as “literature of conscientisation and commitment”.</p>

The key issue of this article is exposing the specificity of patriotism as well as its axiological conditions and requirements, understood in terms of personal commitment and love for the homeland, considered a gift and responsibility. In the personalist context of Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński’s pastoral thought, the presentation of patriotism aims to depict this moral virtue as an essentially Christian value, which is expressed, first of all, in active care for the good and prosperity of the homeland, understood as a bonum commune. In this context, the author of the article formulates the fundamental question whether patriotism still exhibits constructive axiological potential, allowing to shape the socio-political and cultural reality of the contemporary world. This reflection also refers to the praxis of socio-political life, which is branded by an intense polarization of opinions not only concerning the homeland but also relating to the axiological values that define patriotism.

This review paper presents a framework to evaluate the artificial intelligence (AI) readiness for the healthcare sector in developing countries: a combination of adequate technical or technological expertise, financial sustainability, and socio-political commitment embedded in a healthy psycho-cultural context could bring about the smooth transitioning toward an AI-powered healthcare sector. Taking the Vietnamese healthcare sector as a case study, this paper attempts to clarify the negative and positive influencers. With only about 1500 publications about AI from 1998 to 2017 according to the latest Elsevier AI report, Vietnamese physicians are still capable of applying the state-of-the-art AI techniques in their research. However, a deeper look at the funding sources suggests a lack of socio-political commitment, hence the financial sustainability, to advance the field. The AI readiness in Vietnam’s healthcare also suffers from the unprepared information infrastructure—using text mining for the official annual reports from 2012 to 2016 of the Ministry of Health, the paper found that the frequency of the word “database” actually decreases from 2012 to 2016, and the word has a high probability to accompany words such as “lacking”, “standardizing”, “inefficient”, and “inaccurate.” Finally, manifestations of psycho-cultural elements such as the public’s mistaken views on AI or the non-transparent, inflexible and redundant of Vietnamese organizational structures can impede the transition to an AI-powered healthcare sector.

This thesis explores the representation of political and social issues in the work of a selection of contemporary Italian authors, aiming to assess what has become of the notion of political commitment ('impegno'), as debated by intellectuals in the sharply-defined political climate following World War II, and whether the institutional seizure then crisis of the 1980s and 1990s has encouraged a comparable literary response. In part one, I examine the critical works of Vittorini and Calvino, two authors central to the early discussion about the social role of literature, revealing the tensions between their conceptions of the relationship between writers and society, which, despite their close collaboration, are identifiable in their writings of the 1950s and 1960s. I then trace these different veins of thinking - which I have termed 'fault lines' in the solid mass of 'impegno' - into the works of Celati and Palandri, who express the socio-political consciousness of youth in the 1960s and 1970s. In the six chapters of the main body of my thesis, I consider the further breakdown, in the recent climate of political diffidence, of the traditional sense of commitment to a specific cause, into a fragmentary exposure of a variety of 'minority' issues in the work of individual authors or groups of the 1980s and early 1990s, broadly classifiable under the 'giovani narratori' label. This allows me to consider well-known contemporary authors, such as Tabucchi, De Carlo and Tondelli, from a specific perspective, alongside Ballestra, a young and little studied writer. My last two chapters discuss a selection of established women writers and barely-known African immigrant writers, assessing the impact of specific interest-groups on the 'impegno' question. I conclude by considering the specificity of these 'fragments' to Italian culture, within the general context of the postmodern lapse of faith in ideologies.

Cette recherche vise à élaborer une mariologie sociale en Afrique. Sa problématique tourne autour de trois questions principales : le culte marial est-il vécu comme une pratique libératrice au service de l’engagement pour la justice sociale ? La figure de la Vierge Marie constitue-t-elle une source d’inspiration qui permette aux chrétiens et aux chrétiennes catholiques romains de s’engager au niveau sociopolitique en Afrique ? Les engagements des chrétiens et des chrétiennes, épris de vertus mariales, participent-ils à l’avènement d’une société de justice, de paix et du vivre-ensemble harmonieux ? Ces questions sont posées dans un contexte large, celui de l’Afrique subsaharienne où plusieurs pays font face aux crises multiformes et, dans un cadre plus restreint, celui de la République Démocratique du Congo où quatre mouvements marials, basés à Kinshasa, ont fait objet d’études de terrain. Cette thèse prétend déconstruire et reconstruire la conception et le vécu des pratiques mariales afin que celles-ci deviennent un ferment qui pousse les chrétiens et les chrétiennes catholiques africains en général et congolais en particulier à s’engager dans la résolution des problèmes majeurs de leur société notamment au niveau de la justice, de la paix et de la question des femmes. Cette thèse cherche à dépasser deux types de mariologies produites en Afrique : la mariologie coloniale, qui concerne l’histoire de l’arrivée de la Vierge Marie à travers l’action des missionnaires qui ont évangélisé le continent africain et une certaine mariologie inculturée qui se limite à corréler des catégories culturelles africaines avec des thèmes classiques de mariologie. La réflexion épouse la voie d’une approche de mariologie sociale qui, mise en application par les Africains et les Africaines, peut aider à relever le défi lié aux multiples problèmes au niveau économique, politique, social et culturel que rencontre la majorité de pays africains. La recherche est abordée dans une perspective des théologies africaines de la libération et de la reconstruction à travers une démarche de contextualisation, de décontextualisation et de recontextualisation. La thèse comprend quatre parties. La première partie fait un état des lieux de la mariologie africaine. Elle situe cette dernière dans le parcours historique de la théologie africaine, analyse la dévotion mariale en Afrique à travers l’action missionnaire, étudie la question de l’inculturation de quelques mystères marials et se penche sur le lien entre la mariologie et les problèmes de société en Afrique. La seconde partie examine la question de la mariologie sociale en Amérique Latine. Elle étudie l’aspect sociopolitique de la dévotion mariale, l’anthropologie et l’herméneutique de la réflexion et des apparitions mariales, les dogmes marials dans une perspective sociale et la place occupée par la Vierge Marie et le culte marial dans le combat féministe en Amérique Latine. La troisième partie explore le rapport entre la pratique de la dévotion mariale et l’engagement sociopolitique de quatre mouvements marials (Légion de Marie, Communauté du Magnificat, Groupe de l’Arbre Desséché ou Nzete Ekauka et École de prière Notre-Dame Vierge Puissante) à Kinshasa. Elle jette un regard sur le contexte de naissance et d’évolution des mouvements d’action catholique dans leur ensemble et fait une analyse critique des pratiques mariales et de l’engagement sociopolitique de ces mouvements. La quatrième partie tente une recomposition du discours de mariologie sociale en Afrique à partir d’une lecture du Magnificat. Elle fait une actualisation de ce cantique pour enrichir la pratique du culte marial et présente trois axes sur lesquels peut porter une mariologie sociale en Afrique.
This research aims at developing a social Mariology in Africa. It deals with three main questions: Is Marian devotion lived as a liberating practice in view of a commitment for social justice? Is the figure of the Virgin Mary an inspiration which allows Roman Catholic Christian men and women to involve themselves at the sociopolitical level in Africa? Do the commitments of Christian men and women who love Marian virtues take part in the advent of a society of justice, peace and harmonious coexistence? Those questions are asked in a broad context, that of Sub-Saharan Africa, where many countries are facing multifaceted crises and, in a more limited context, that of the Democratic Republic of Congo, where four marials Movements, based in Kinshasa, were the objects of field studies. This thesis claims to deconstruct and reconstruct the concept and the lived-out experience of Marian practices, so that those practices may become a ferment leading African Catholic Christian men and women in general, and Congolese Catholic Christian men and women in particular, to commit themselves in the resolution of the major problems of their society, particularly in terms of justice, peace and women's issues. This thesis seeks to go beyond two types of Mariology produced in Africa: colonial Mariology, dealing with the history of the arrival of the Virgin Mary through the work of the missionaries who evangelized the African continent, and some kind of an acculturated Mariology, which limits itself to setting a correlation between African cultural categories and some classical themes of Mariology. This reflection takes a stand for a social Mariology, that is, an approach which, implemented by African men and women, can help them meet the challenges created by the many economic, political, social and cultural problems that most of the African countries are faced with. This research work is done in the perspective of the African theologies of liberation and in the perspective of a reconstruction, through a process of contextualization, de-contextualization and re-contextualization. This thesis is made up of four parts. The first part presents an overview of African Mariology. It sees it through the historical journey of African theology, it analyses Marian devotion in Africa through the works of missionaries, it studies the question of acculturation of a few Marian mysteries, and it focuses on the relationship between Mariology and the social problems in Africa. The second part examines the issue of social Mariology in Latin America. It studies the sociopolitical aspect of Marian devotion, the anthropology and the hermeneutics of the Marian reflection and of the Marian apparitions. It studies the Marian dogmas from a social perspective, and the place of the Virgin Mary and of Marian devotion in the feminist struggle in Latin America. The third part explores the relationship between the practice of Marian devotion and the sociopolitical commitment of four Catholic Action Movements that are present in Kinshasa: The Legion of Mary, the Magnificat Community, the Group of "l'Arbre Desséché" (Dried Tree Group) or Nzete Ekauka, and the Prayer School "Notre Dame, Vierge Puissante" (Our Lady, Powerful Virgin). It takes a look at the general context of the birth and evolution of those Catholic Action Movements, and it makes a critical analysis of the Marian practices and of the sociopolitical commitment of those movements. The fourth part attempts a reconstruction of the social discourse of Mariology in Africa, starting from a reading of the Magnificat. It makes an actualized reading of that song in view of enriching the practice of Marian devotion, and it presents three aspects on which social Mariology in Africa can rest.

The monograph is devoted to studying the process of implementation of modernization projects of the RCP(b) - VKP(b) 1920-1930-ies in the context of intra-party struggle for power. A lack of managerial experience in the leadership of the country, declared utopian ideas, the bureaucratization of the party-state apparatus and the commitment to radical ways of solving problems gave rise to political and socio-economic crises affect the results. Revealed the limits of the political life of leaders of the ruling party in the implementation of the political-administrative projects considered as a series of unjustified social and economic experiments, criticized the concept of the Soviet state as an apparatus of violence in the interests of the world proletarian revolution. Intended for specialists in the history of Soviet Russia of the twentieth century, University professors, and for anyone interested in Russian history.

This chapter outlines the main features of green political economy and how it differs from dominant orthodox neo-classical economics. Neo-classical economics is critiqued on the grounds of its false presentation of itself as “objective” and “value neutral.” Its ecologically irrational commitment to the imperative of orthodox economic growth as a permanent feature of the economy compromises its ability to offer realistic or normatively compelling guides to how we might make the transition to a sustainable economy. Green political economy is presented as an alternative form of economic thinking but one which explicitly expresses its normative/ideological value bases. It also challenges the commitment to undifferentiated economic growth as a permanent objective of the human economy. In its place, it promotes “economic security” and a post-growth economy. The latter includes the transition to a low-carbon energy economy, and is one which maximizes quality of life and actively seeks to lower socio-economic inequality.

This book surveys and analyses the welfare consequences of the Great Recession in Europe and investigates how the burdens of the crisis were shared—between countries, between different socio-economic groups across Europe, and within individual countries. The studies are based on broad comparisons of 30 countries and deeper analyses of 9 country cases. The approach is grounded in classical theories about crisis responses and relates financial hardship to institutional characteristics—such as welfare regimes, currency regimes, socio-political patterns, affluence levels, public debt, and policy reactions during the crisis period—for example, stimulus versus austerity, the degree of social protection emphasis, the commitment to redistribution, and the significance of activation. Welfare and the Great Recession offers new evidence on and demonstrates the importance of the welfare state and government policies with regard to sheltering populations from the level of living consequences of serious economic contraction and distributing burdens in a crisis situation. The book offers various lessons from the crisis experience in Europe and ends with a discussion about welfare futures in a globalized, crisis-prone environment.

The common argument that Hume is a conservative is interrogated. Its accuracy once subject to further inspection is suspect and fails to capture a key characteristic of Hume’s socio-political thought. After identifying those aspects of Hume’s thought that most securely underwrite attributing the conservative label, it is argued nonetheless that the conservative label is at least insecure. It is further claimed that when his commitment to ‘science’ and his polemics against superstition, and other ‘chimerical’ practices and principles, are taken on board then the stronger case that the label is a distortion can be judged to have substance.

This chapter concerns Roman Catholicism in rural Tamil society as the product of shifting socio-political and institutional conditions. It argues that narratives of ‘Christian modernity’ — deepened and made more sophisticated with recent ventures in this field (Robbins 2004, Keane 2007) — have drawn attention away from settings where Christianity was introduced in ways that facilitated its localization within existing social and representational structures; where rather than disrupting existing socio-political arrangements it provided another means for their reproduction. At the same time, it shows how an over-commitment to the idea of cultural continuity fails to detect the ways in which, over time, participation in the realm of ‘Christian religion’ opened space for types of thought and action beyond traditional roles, and altered modes of signification within indigenous systems that were/are socially transformative. The tension between continuity and rupture in the history of Christianity in south India, and the co-existence of apparently antithetical moral traditions and social spaces— the ‘complex of opposites’—is bound up with five hundred years of fraught and shifting understandings of the categories of ‘religion’ and ‘culture’ themselves.

This chapter addresses a central research question of how socio-political factors explain a high level of land acquisition in the state of Tamil Nadu in India that is coupled with intensive industrialization. It answers the question by paying attention to the ideas of policymakers on inclusive industrial schemes and societal structure presenting the upward mobility of low-caste groups in both political and economic spheres in the state. It argues that the state’s commitment to land making and industry making has met the needs of citizens favouring urbanization, thereby contributed to industrial development. Fieldwork findings collated from a bargaining process between the state, society, and foreign capital for land acquisition at a special economic zone for a tyre-manufacturing foreign company strongly support the argument. It particularly stresses the significant role of bureaucratic elites who are proficient at dealing with land acquisition with knowledge and efficiency. The bureaucratic efficiency increases the capacity of the state in making industrial development transferrable.

This chapter traces the precise ways in which the actual religious, emotional, and cultural experience of Quakers changed from the origins of the movement to roughly 1700. Recovering this experience, it becomes clear that Quakerism itself emerged out of a particular response to an awareness of Christ’s presence, and that Friends’ commitment to belief in immediate revelation was continuously affirmed throughout this period of transformation. However, other important religious changes did occur—namely, an altered understanding of divine immanence, the emergence of a powerful group identity, the loss of a distinctive prophetic vocation, and a growing understanding of perfection as moral righteousness. These shifts do not indicate a process of mollification in the pursuit of socio-political respectability, but rather point to a process of theological transformation—as the next chapter will show

This chapter looks into the historical background of the European Union’s (EU’s or Union’s) current commitment to human rights, by retracing the evolution of the EU from an economic community to a more political union based on shared fundamental values. The chapter aims at driving home three core messages that are essential for this volume, namely: (i) the Union’s internal and external human rights engagement have come about in parallel, and have grown somewhat organically, over the past fifty years, before becoming fully constitutionally engrained and intertwined in the Treaty of Lisbon; (ii) the EU’s gradual rapprochement to human rights was driven both by considerations of enhancing the Union’s internal legitimacy (constitutional checks and balances, assuring protection rights to citizens, safeguarding cohesion within an ever more diverse Union) and external legitimacy (being a responsible actor in the world, contributing to peace and stability); and (iii) in spite of all human rights-related provisions in the Treaty of Lisbon, the EU’s competence structure has not adequately followed through on these developments. The Union’s competences up to today remain primarily socio-economic in nature, with very limited law-making and enforcement powers in the area of human rights proper, resulting in an asymmetry that undermines the Union’s potential to effectively deliver on its own human rights commitments.

In the year 2015, it was estimated that more than 5 million students were studying outside their home countries. After the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime in 2003 Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) of Iraq in its attempt to raise the standard of education started its scholarship program known as Human Capacity Development Program (HCDP) in 2010. This policy advocated KRG's open-door policy toward international markets in an attempt to reintegrate its higher education institutions (HEIs). The current socio-political conditions of the world have led to a tension between university's commitment to racial/religious equality and its racial profiling strategies. The vetting and surveillance of Muslim students is preventing many students from gaining access to higher education globally, thus thwarting student's mobility. The key focus of this chapter will be to explore the plight of these students and their choosing of alternate means of study.

Till the end of the twentieth century, aging was considered an issue of the developed countries. However, given the rapidly aging population in developing countries, coupled with the rapidly changing socio-economic and cultural contexts like urbanization, increasing women participation, individualism, and nuclear families, it has been acknowledged that aging poses greater challenge to these countries owing to resource constrains and lack of political commitment. India is undergoing a rapid demographic transition with 104 million older adults in 2011, which is projected to triple by 2050. This transition poses challenges for the health and social systems, and there is an urgent need to strengthen these system with inclusive policies and developmental approaches. This chapter highlights population aging issues and initiatives undertaken to address aging issues in India by critically reviewing the efforts made at global as well as national levels over the years against emerging challenges.

This chapter summarises the recurring themes and lessons from the preceding substantive chapters and reflects upon their implications for public policy and analysis. The chapter argues that social innovations provide many examples of imaginative and inspirational responses to the serious challenges confronting national welfare systems. The energy and commitment of social innovations are admirable, and their participatory approach to policy development and delivery, which empowers service users, is particularly valuable. However, the chapter notes that it is often difficult to evaluate the impact and relative cost-effectiveness of social innovations. Many have diffuse aims and multiple objectives. Also, as many social innovations operate at a local community level, they address the manifestations rather than the structural causes of problems. The chapter concludes by suggesting that most social innovations operate within rather challenge their existing socio-economic infrastructure and political environments. Currently they may complement but cannot replace existing public welfare systems.

This work posits that in most cases conflicts help to build a stronger bond of unity because we agree to disagree. The chapter seeks to demonstrate that African peacebuilding poses great challenge to what looks like a complex, standardized, and globalized understanding of peacebuilding of the international community propelled mainly by achievement of justice. Using the Ibibio of South Nigeria as a case study, the researcher shows that religion, culture, and morality are inseparably bound together and pragmatic. The researcher here presents and discusses the socio-political system in Ibibio land in order to expose the structures therein that invariably ensures a return of peace after relationships have been disrupted by strife. From this investigation, one notices the expression of commitment to peacebuilding through forgiveness, reconciliation, sound teaching, dialogue, which go hand in hand with reconciliation sacrifice. This work recommends the development of a comprehensive healing programme for traumatized people towards sustainable peacebuilding.

Since early 1990s, the electoral campaigns in Lithuania take place within the framework of long-term parliamentary party agreements on Euro-Atlantic integration (more specifically, in the context of fear of pernicious geo-political interference from Russia) and free market reforms (or, in other words, eagerness to integrate into the European market and to be part of the euro-zone). The overall distance between parties on the socioeconomic scale is fairly small and, among political elites, the pro-Western consensus is apparent. There are no real outcast parties in Lithuania. The Lithuanian society itself is not ravaged by deep socio-political cleavages and its ethnic, religious, or corporate divides are not sharp. Yet, electoral volatility is high and political parties are numerous. However, governments in Lithuania are relatively stable. The ministerial government model entrenches itself in Lithuania. Since 2000 the increasingly unstable multi-party system necessitates that the coalition governments are based on inter-party bargaining. The tendency is towards ‘oversized’ cabinets and surplus coalitions. As a rule, publicly available coalition agreements resemble rather memorandums of understanding than seriously thought-through documents of partnership for a particular policy agenda. Coalitions in Lithuania accommodate office-seeking parties and politicians. Commitment of the parties to the coalition in question is routinely maintained via the distribution of ministerial portfolios. The coalition management machinery produces personified accommodations, dubious compromises, delays, and postponements as typical modes of conflict resolution. These deficiencies in turn lead to erosion of political accountability, which further breeds frustration and political protest.

Turkey faces various problems because of her distinctive geo-strategic importance have made her a transit country. The most important of those are migrations towards Europe due to socio-economic disasters like starvation, poverty or unemployment as well as geopolitical disasters like war or internal turmoils. Although the political and economic dimensions of migration are prominent, these are not the focus of this study. The issue in here is to identify whether immigrants, whose number has almost reached almost five million as wars and political chaos within neighbouring countries have forced a huge number of people to flee to Turkey, have right to work and social security according to the Turkish law. In this vein, the paper aims to clarify the content of the right to work and social security for immigrants in the long-term, instead of the short-term social assistances in accordance with human rights and social policy implementation in Turkey. For doing so, the paper firstly deals with Turkey’s commitment to the international law. Secondly, it analyzes the regulations related to the right to work and social security within the national law. Finally, the paper discusses the problems occur during the implementation of law and regulations and suggests solutions for overcoming such problems.

The IDB has been a predominant partner supporting Haiti development efforts for many years. Nowadays, the IDB is the main source of investment for the country. Considering the vital weight of road transport sector in the socio-economy of the country, the IDB has concentrated a large part of investment efforts in rehabilitating and improving national road infrastructures. In the same time, a rapid increase of motorization and relatively higher speeds have contributed to increasing the number of traffic fatalities and injuries. In 2017, road injuries were the fifth cause of mortality in Haiti. The Road Safety situation of the country is preoccupying with many Vulnerable Road Users involved, in particular pedestrians and motorcyclists. The country is facing multi-sector challenges to address this Road Safety situation. Despite recent efforts, high political will has not been continuous in promoting a multi-sector coordination and the success of technical efforts remained mitigated over the last years. Road user awareness is still weak in the country. Risk factors include dangerous driving, bad safety conditions of vehicles, together with limited law enforcement and poor maintenance of safety devices on the roads. In this context, the Road Safety situation of the country may be getting worse in the coming years if no action is taken. However, the new Decade provides with a unique opportunity to achieve Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) including significant progress in reducing the burden of traffic crashes. The IDB has already initiated vital investments in modernizing crash data collection, promoting institutional dialogue and supporting capacity building in the area of Road Safety. Future actions to address Road Safety challenges in Haiti in the framework of the five UN five pillars would require a range of investments in the area of political commitment, institutional coordination and technical efforts. A change of political paradigm from making roads for travelling faster to making roads safer for all users is highly needed at national level. This technical note on Road Safety in Haiti present the current situation of the country and provides with recommendations for future actions on Road Safety.

As the socio-political dynamics of conflict and insecurity continue to evolve across North Africa and the Sahel, efforts to prioritize the exploration of ongoing and emerging violent extremist trends remain important. For decades, violent conflict, poor resource management, environmental change, and weak governments (through lack of institutional capacity or by predatory elite design) have contributed to cycles of instability and state fragility. Violent extremist organizations such as Boko Haram, al-Qaeda, and the self-proclaimed Islamic State and its affiliates have benefited from this instability. As the groups, tactics, and contexts continue to change, greater attention to ongoing and emerging threats to peace and stability in the region is needed. In 2018, the RESOLVE Network convened over 30 global, regional, and local researchers, practitioners and policymakers with varied expertise in local governance, development, and the preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE) research landscape in the Lake Chad Basin and regional proximity. The topics identified here reflect participants’ collective assessment of current dynamics, expertise, in-depth understanding, and commitment to continued analysis of violent extremism (VE) trends and dynamics in the region.