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Journal articles on the topic 'Socio-political commitment'
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1
Kumar, Prashant. "Socio-Political Commitment in Seamus Heaney's Poetry." Asian Journal of Research in Social Sciences and Humanities 4, no. 11 (2014): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2249-7315.2014.01044.2.
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Salawu, Olajide Michael. "Abàmì Èdá: Personhood and Socio-political Commitment in Fela's Music." Muziki 16, no. 2 (July 3, 2019): 4–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18125980.2020.1781547.
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Schwebel, Chava. "Welfare Rights in Canadian and German Constitutional Law." German Law Journal 12, no. 11 (November 1, 2011): 1901–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200017636.
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According to liberal political theorists, such as John Locke and Adam Smith, liberty and equality are competing values. In Canadian constitutional law, the commitment to liberal individualism has pushed questions of socio-economic rights from the constitutional sphere into the political one.
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Arifianto, Alexander. "NAHDLATUL ULAMA AND ITS COMMITMENT TOWARDS MODERATE POLITICAL NORMS: A COMPARISON BETWEEN THE ABDURRAHMAN WAHID AND JOKOWI ERA." Journal Of Global Strategic Studies 1, no. 1 (June 15, 2021): 77–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jgss.v1i1.573.
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This article addresses recent development related to Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) � Indonesia�s largest Islamic organization - and its recent actions as it faces ideological and political challenges from other conservative Islamist organizations. In the process, NU seems to have engaged in backtracking its commitment to consistently promote moderate norms like democracy and tolerance toward different religious and political viewpoints. It examines the factors which explains this reversal and answers the following research puzzle: Under which socio-political conditions do a religious organization that has adhered to follow moderate political norms and discourses decide to backtrack from them and decide to pursue policies to embrace an �exclusivist moderation�? The article concludes the declining commitment to moderate norms within the NU is due to growing ideological competition from conservative Islamists both within and outside of the organization, leading NU to embrace immoderate responses to crack down against its competitors.
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Shamionov, Rail M. "The Role of Civic Identity in the Preferences of Civil and Political Forms of Social Activity in Russian Youth." RUDN Journal of Psychology and Pedagogics 17, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 459–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1683-2020-17-3-459-472.
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Civic identity is an important feature of a socialised person. It regulates numerous personal behavioural manifestations, e.g. commitment to the country, patriotism, willingness to participate in important processes related to democratic procedures, desire to realise values that are of paramount importance for adaptation and integration with other representatives of civil society. The aim of this research is to determine the role of civic identity in the preferences of civil and political forms of social activity among young people in provincial Russia. The study involved 305 people (35.4% men) aged 17 to 35 (M = 21.1; SD = 3.1). The study used a questionnaire aimed at determining the socio-demographic characteristics of the sample group, containing scales for assessing the degree of personal involvement in certain forms of social activity (R.M. Shamionov et al.), Civic Identity Scale (A.N. Tatarko), Self-Assessment of the Propensity for Extreme Risky Behavior Technique (the Russian version of M. Zuckermans Sensation Seeking Scale). The study revealed that the indicators of commitment to protest, radical-protest and subcultural activity are more homogeneous and less pronounced in comparison with the indicators of civic, political and socio-economic activity. As a result of the factor analysis, it was found that civic-political (civic, socio-economic and political) and subcultural-protest (subcultural, protest and radical-protest) forms of activity constitute two stable factors. As a result of structural modelling, it was shown that civic identity has a positive impact on social activity in the civil-political field and a negative impact on subcultural-protest activity. Seeking new experiences plays a positive role in subcultural-protest activity of young people, while the feeling of uncertainty undermines the manifestations of civic-political activity. The study also revealed an important role of socialisation conditions: the participation of parents in the public life of the country contributes to civic-political activity and the formation of civic identity of their children. Civic identity reduces the manifestation of the feeling of uncertainty and the search for new experiences among young people.
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Mišina, Dalibor. "“Spit and Sing, My Yugoslavia”: New Partisans, social critique and Bosnian poetics of the patriotic." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 2 (March 2010): 265–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903517801.
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As “music of commitment,” in the period from the late 1970s to the late 1980s rock music in Yugoslavia had an important purpose of providing a popular-cultural outlet for the unique forms of socio-cultural critique that engaged with the realities and problems of Yugoslav society. The three “music movements” that embodied the new rock'n'roll spirit – New Wave, New Primitives, and New Partisans – used rock music to critique the country's “new socialist culture,” with the purpose of helping to eliminate the disconnect between the ideal and the reality of socialist Yugoslavia. This paper examines the New Partisans as the most radical expression of music of commitment through the works of its most important rock bands: Bijelo dugme, Plavi orkestar, and Merlin. The paper's argument is that the New Partisans’ socio-cultural engagement, animated by advocacy of Yugoslavism, was a counter-logic to the nationalist dissolution of a distinctly Yugoslav fabric of a socialist community in crisis. Thus, the movement's revolutionary “spirit of reconstruction” permeating its “poetics of the patriotic” was a mechanism of socio-cultural resistance to political, cultural and moral-ethical de-Yugoslavization of Yugoslav society. Its ultimate objective was to make the case that the only way into the future – if there was to be any – rested on strategic reanimation of the Partisan revolutionary past as the only viable socio-cultural foundation of the Yugoslav socialist community.
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Dumka, Bie Precious. "The African Writer and Commitment in Art: a Critical Discourse of Ngugi Wa Thiong’o’s Literature of Commitment, Social Vision and Stylistic Use of Satire in Matigari." Scholedge International Journal of Multidisciplinary & Allied Studies ISSN 2394-336X 5, no. 1 (February 9, 2018): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.19085/journal.sijmas050102.
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<p>African writers like Ngugi Wa Thiong’o have not relented in their portraiture of the dehumanizing plights of the working class. Ngugi is a revolutionary writer conditioned by the colonial, post-colonial and neo-colonial socio-political and economic quagmire and experiences surrounding him, and as such he has no choice than to use art as an avenue of expressing his ideology and vision about the multifaceted problems as pictured in his society. This paper therefore, examines commitment in literature with particular focus on the Kenyan writer, Ngugi wa Thiong’o’s committed literature and social vision, his stylistic use of satire. The conceptual framework is Marxism using Ngugi’s Matigari. The study as a close textual analysis adopts the descriptive design.</p>
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Ngeh, Andrew T., Anyam Pius Mbuh, and Chopnkeng Stanley. "Conscientisation and Political Liberation in Anglophone Cameroonian Poetry: The Poetic Vision of Emmanuel Fru Doh, Bate Besong and Mathew Takwi." Issues in Social Science 3, no. 2 (October 4, 2015): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/iss.v3i2.8393.
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<p>The main thrust of the argument of this paper is that Emmanuel Doh, Bate Besong and Mathew Takwi have used their poetry as a veritable weapon of conscientisation and political liberation in Cameroon. Thus, the three poets blend literature and reality to advance the cause of Anglophone National Liberation in Cameroon. From a clearly Marxist literary perspective, the ideo-aesthetic position of Emmanuel Doh in Wading the Tide (1998), Bate Besong in Just Above Cameroon (1998) and Mathew Takwi in Messing Manners (2014) is very clear, though subtle: these poets view the emancipation and welfare of Anglophones in Cameroon as an index of socio-political growth. <br />In the light of the above assertions, the paper argues that Doh, Besong and Takwi are deeply sensitive and responsive to the realities and moods of moments of collective experience, especially crisis moments. Their poetry is , in fact, a summation of their political and ideological commitments. These poets have endeared themselves to the Anglophone, especially those who are dissatisfied with the present day political dispensation in Cameroon in their attempts to write and be involved with what has become known as “literature of conscientisation and commitment”.</p>
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Ficek, Ryszard. "Patriotism as Love of the Homeland or Another Form of Nationalism? Devotedness, Allegiance, and Loyalty to the Native Country in the Thought of Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński." Collectanea Theologica 91, no. 2 (July 20, 2021): 77–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/ct.2021.91.2.04.
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The key issue of this article is exposing the specificity of patriotism as well as its axiological conditions and requirements, understood in terms of personal commitment and love for the homeland, considered a gift and responsibility. In the personalist context of Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński’s pastoral thought, the presentation of patriotism aims to depict this moral virtue as an essentially Christian value, which is expressed, first of all, in active care for the good and prosperity of the homeland, understood as a bonum commune. In this context, the author of the article formulates the fundamental question whether patriotism still exhibits constructive axiological potential, allowing to shape the socio-political and cultural reality of the contemporary world. This reflection also refers to the praxis of socio-political life, which is branded by an intense polarization of opinions not only concerning the homeland but also relating to the axiological values that define patriotism.
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Vuong, Quan-Hoang, Manh-Tung Ho, Thu-Trang Vuong, Viet-Phuong La, Manh-Toan Ho, Kien-Cuong P. Nghiem, Bach Xuan Tran, et al. "Artificial Intelligence vs. Natural Stupidity: Evaluating AI readiness for the Vietnamese Medical Information System." Journal of Clinical Medicine 8, no. 2 (February 1, 2019): 168. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jcm8020168.
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This review paper presents a framework to evaluate the artificial intelligence (AI) readiness for the healthcare sector in developing countries: a combination of adequate technical or technological expertise, financial sustainability, and socio-political commitment embedded in a healthy psycho-cultural context could bring about the smooth transitioning toward an AI-powered healthcare sector. Taking the Vietnamese healthcare sector as a case study, this paper attempts to clarify the negative and positive influencers. With only about 1500 publications about AI from 1998 to 2017 according to the latest Elsevier AI report, Vietnamese physicians are still capable of applying the state-of-the-art AI techniques in their research. However, a deeper look at the funding sources suggests a lack of socio-political commitment, hence the financial sustainability, to advance the field. The AI readiness in Vietnam’s healthcare also suffers from the unprepared information infrastructure—using text mining for the official annual reports from 2012 to 2016 of the Ministry of Health, the paper found that the frequency of the word “database” actually decreases from 2012 to 2016, and the word has a high probability to accompany words such as “lacking”, “standardizing”, “inefficient”, and “inaccurate.” Finally, manifestations of psycho-cultural elements such as the public’s mistaken views on AI or the non-transparent, inflexible and redundant of Vietnamese organizational structures can impede the transition to an AI-powered healthcare sector.
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Walls, Michael, and Steve Kibble. "Beyond Polarity: Negotiating a Hybrid State in Somaliland." Africa Spectrum 45, no. 1 (April 2010): 31–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971004500102.
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Many African states struggle to reconcile traditional social institutions with the precepts of nation-state democracy within colonially defined borders. Since the 1991 fall of the dictatorial Somali regime of Siyaad Barre, Somaliland has gradually pieced together what appear to be a durable peace and an increasingly sophisticated, constitutionally based nation-state democracy. It is still negotiating the relationship between identity, nation and territory in which there is a differential commitment to democracy between the political elite and the wider population. Accommodation between a clan-based social structure and a representative democracy has been enabled by local socio-cultural traditions. External intervention, while minimal, has on occasion proved fruitful in providing a way out of crises. The territory has escaped the violence and political breakdown experienced in Southern Somali areas. This contribution argues that the remarkable resilience of the present socio-political system in Somaliland is challenged by present and forthcoming problems in the fields of democratic representation (inter alia of women), delivery of public goods, a fragile sub-regional context and foreign investment.
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Chakraborty Mithun, Liton. "Khondakar Ashraf Hossain’s On Behula’s Raft: An Exploration into Socio-Cultural, Political and Economic Aspects of Bangladesh." Advances in Language and Literary Studies 8, no. 2 (April 30, 2017): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.8n.2p.77.
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In the volume On Behula's Raft published in 2008 by Khondakar Ashraf Hossain, some significant social, cultural, political and historical aspects of Bangladesh figure repeatedly. This paper tries to explain how these aspects are reflected in Hossain's poems through text analysis of the primary material and some other primary and secondary sources. In this volume, Behula myth is found to be re-created and modified to suit Hossain's exploration into and celebration of, and commitment to Bangladesh, his beloved and beautiful motherland. Some important characters have been highlighted in this volume such as Bangabandhu's daughter Sheikh Hasina, a victim of fanaticism named Noorjahan, a legendary Bengali female poet called Kankabati and a Dhaka rickshaw-puller named Abushama to present various socio-politico-economic aspects of Bangladesh. Moreover, Bangladesh's liberation war, political reality, problems and potentials have been depicted in most of the poems in the volume. The paper implies that in On Behula's Raft, Hossain (2008) upholds a Bangladesh consciousness on an epical scale which has rendered great significance to the volume.
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Nevsky, Egor V. "Analysis of Relationship between Commitment to Civic Engagement and Socio-Psychological Characteristics of Students." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: Educational Acmeology. Developmental Psychology 9, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 377–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/2304-9790-2020-9-4-377-384.
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The purpose of the study presented in the article is to identify the relationship between commitment to civic engagement and socio-psychological characteristics of the individual. The study was carried out on a sample of young students (N = 110) aged 17 to 29 years (M = 23, SD = 3.98), 29% of men and 71% of women. The following methodological tools were used: a questionnaire aimed at fixing the socio-demographic characteristics of respondents; a questionnaire, including a scale of self-assessment of social activity and forms of its manifestation (R. M. Shamionov, I. V. Arendachuk, E. E. Bocharova, etc.); questions aimed at self-assessment of trust in the government institution in the possibility of realizing one’s own rights and freedoms; “Personal value questionnaire” by S. Schwartz (PVQ-R2) to study the expression of individual values. Presumably, there is a relationship between the severity of civil society and socio-political forms of activity, trust in institutional sources and values of openness to change. We discovered that the most preferred forms of social activity of young people are leisure, Internet network, spiritual and educational development. Young people are more likely to express confidence in their relatives or friends, and various Internet sources when exercising their rights and freedoms. We demonstrated that participation of young people in activities aimed at transforming society and expressing their own and collective civic position on issues of public life expands the possibilities of achieving personal professional, career and economic goals, as well as the realization of their cultural, national, religious interests, subject to the manifestation of trust in various governing institutions that implement the functions of ensuring the rights and freedoms of a person. Realization of civic activity is associated with desire for novelty and changes in society, on the one hand, the desire for change leads to generation of civic activity associated with transformation of society on the other hand. The value of “stimulation” is a predictor of civic activity. The study of this problem can be applied in work with young people in public municipal organizations, schools, institutes.
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Shamionov, Rail, Marina Grigoryeva, Elena Grinina, and Aleksey Sozonnik. "Correlation of academic adaptation and commitment to social activity in university students with chronic diseases." E3S Web of Conferences 210 (2020): 19019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202021019019.
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Adaptation of students with chronic diseases to the university educational environment is an important challenge in keeping with the equal opportunity strategy. This process is fraught not only with difficulties, but also with those opportunities that can be created within the framework of the versatile social activity of students. The aim of the research is to study the correlation between academic adaptation and adherence to various forms of social activities in students with chronic diseases and those without health limitations. The study involved 419 full-time students. We used an original questionnaire aimed at identifying socio-demographic characteristics, a methodology for assessing the components of academic adaptation and a scale of commitment to various forms of social activities. Our research revealed differences in adherence to the forms of social activities. We identified multiple linkages between academic adaptation and Internet cognitive, educational and socio-political forms of activities among students with chronic diseases, as well as linkages between leisure, civic, educational, protest, radical protest and subcultural forms of activities among students without chronic diseases. We found specificity in predicting academic adaptation in students' commitment to certain forms of social activities. We offer recommendations for psychological and pedagogical support of academic adaptation to students with chronic diseases.
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Huang, Youqin. "Low-income Housing in Chinese Cities: Policies and Practices." China Quarterly 212 (December 2012): 941–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741012001270.
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AbstractThis paper argues that the low-income housing programme in China has so far failed to provide adequate housing for the poor for three main reasons: the central government's failure to define a clear mission; a lack of commitment from local governments; and an exclusionary policy towards migrants. A systematic review of low-income housing policy in China shows that the central government juggles its economic and socio-political goals thereby causing constant changes in low-income housing policy. Meanwhile, the existing public finance system, the performance evaluation system and localization in policy implementation have all resulted in a lack of commitment from local governments to low-income housing. Inadequate provision is made worse by problems with allocation. Despite encouraging changes since 2010, many factors underlying the government's failures remain unchanged, thus the fate of low-income housing remains uncertain.
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Doecker, Georg. "“Out, and under, and out, and out.” Self-(Dis-)Organisation and the Stories of Libertatia." Performance Philosophy 4, no. 2 (February 1, 2019): 546–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.21476/pp.2019.42241.
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Recent socio-political developments in the experimental performing arts scenes from Europe have seen a strong commitment to the practices of self-organisation and their liberating impetus. Responding to the experimental nature of many such activities with a likewise experimental theoretical enquiry, this paper invests in an interpretation of self-organising principles from anarchism, cybernetics, and vitalist materialism through the fictional narrative of the pirate utopia Libertatia. The argument thus developed is that the liberating potentials of self-organisation can be located precisely in its inherent tendency toward self-dis-organisation.
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Hadiprayitno, Irene. "Legal complexity and state obligations to the right to food: Towards an analytical shift of progressive realisation." International Journal of Legal Discourse 5, no. 1 (May 26, 2020): 17–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijld-2020-2026.
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AbstractThe article aims to analyse what it means to study state obligations to progressive realization of the right to food from the perspective of legal complexity. This perspective studies law not in isolation, rather in the existence of multiple legal systems at socio-political space of states. The article highlights that employing legal complexity, particularly with its understanding on interlegality and space, may enable one to gain alternative insights in the ways that states measure their commitment to carry their obligations to respect, protect and fulfill the right to food.
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al-Anani, Khalil. "Devout Neoliberalism?! Explaining Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood's Socio-economic Perspective and Policies." Politics and Religion 13, no. 4 (February 11, 2020): 748–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048320000085.
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AbstractHow can we explain the neoliberal orientation of Islamist movements in the Middle East? This paper attempts to answer this question by exploring the case of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. It analyzes in depth the Brotherhood's socio-economic vision and policies when it was in power between 2012 and 2013. It argues that the Brotherhood adopted a market-oriented vision, which encouraged the private sector, liberalized the economy, and appealed to foreign investments. As a socio-political movement, the Brotherhood attempted to strike a balance between its constituency, which is rooted in the lower, middle, and upper-middle classes, and its commitment to neoliberal policies. However, this paradoxical balance burdened the movement and affected its popularity. The article also contends that the Brotherhood's neoliberal leanings can be explained by three key factors: the movement's pragmatism, its “devout” bourgeoisie, and the appeal for international acceptance and recognition.
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Aremo, Michael, and Adekunle Binuyo. "EMPLOYEE RETENTION STRATEGIES AND NORMATIVE COMMITMENT OF ACADEMICS IN SELECTED PRIVATE UNIVERSITIES IN OGUN STATE, NIGERIA." International Journal of Innovative Research in Social Sciences and Strategic Management Techniques 7, no. 1 (September 3, 2020): 194–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.48028/iiprds/ijirsssmt.v7.i1.15.
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Tertiary educational institutions are facing a huge challenge in terms of retaining skilled human resource capacity, which has a debilitating effect on its ability to make strides in the areas of socio-economic and political development. The need for qualified academic staff in Nigerian tertiary institutions of learning is on the increase, while, majority of the tertiary institutions in Nigeria are experiencing dearth of teaching personnel due to poor remuneration, low motivation, low job satisfaction and lack of organisational commitment amongst the lecturers, which have created negative job attitudes and poor organisational commitment. This study therefore investigated the influence of employee retention strategies on normative commitment of academics in selected private universities in Ogun state, Nigeria. Survey research design was adopted for the study. The population comprised 1,842 academics in the private universities (Covenant, McPherson, Babcock, Bells, Crawford and Crescent universities). Through a multiple sampling technique, 589 out of 1842 were sampled for the study. Data were analyzed using both descriptive, as well as inferential statistics. Findings revealed that employee retention strategies had a significant effect on the normative commitment of academics in selected private universities in Ogun state, Nigeria (R2 = 0.638, t = 169.039, p<.05). The study recommends among others that private universities should take into consideration the retention factors which impact on the employees’ commitment to the institution and improve on them so as to curb employees’ desires to leave the organisation.
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Serrat, Rodrigo, and Feliciano Villar. "Lifecourse transitions and participation in political organisations in older Spanish men and women." Ageing and Society 40, no. 10 (May 28, 2019): 2174–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x19000618.
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AbstractIn recent years, there has been an increasing number of studies addressing older people's political participation. Much of this literature, however, can be criticised for neglecting important aspects of seniors’ political participation, such as its dynamics across the lifecourse, its gendered nature and the influence of the particular socio-political contexts in which participation occurs. In this paper we bring together all these issues to explore the relation between lifecourse transitions and participation in political organisations in Spanish men and women. We conducted life-story interviews with 40 highly engaged older political activists regarding their lifetime story of political commitment, and identified eight different lifecourse transitions affecting their participation in political organisations. Three of these transitions were related to the work domain and five to the family domain. Most of them were clearly gender-dependent, affecting men's and women's engagement in political organisations in different ways and to different degrees. Our study expands on previous research on lifespan-related aspects of political participation by showing that considering biographical, gendered and historical aspects is key to understanding the relationships between life transitions and participation in political organisations across the lifecourse.
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Martins, Alexandre Andrade. "THE LEFTIST POLITICAL PARTIES IN LIGHT OF SIMONE WEIL’S CRITICISM: THE WORKERS’ PARTY CASE." Síntese: Revista de Filosofia 46, no. 145 (August 27, 2019): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.20911/21769389v46n145p47/2019.
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Given the socio-political context of Latin American countries and their leftist and center-leftist parties that had governed some countries since the beginning of the 2000’s, this essay will present Simone Weil’s anthropology of a rooted people towards social justice guided by a spirituality of supernatural justice. This anthropology supports her criticism of political parties that this essay will use to examine the Brazilian context and its Workers’ Party that governed the country for over thirteen years and ended its tenure after a process of impeachment. Although Simone Weil seems to be pessimistic as to whether multiparty or monoparty political systems are able to promote and maintain a social order able to lead people to find their rootedness, she develops a critical anthropology that allows us to understand when a political party abandons its commitment to develop social policies for the poor and working class. Consequently, the political party assumes an agenda of maintaining power, no matter the means that must be used to achieve this goal.
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Malkopoulou, Anthoula, and Ludvig Norman. "Three Models of Democratic Self-Defence: Militant Democracy and Its Alternatives." Political Studies 66, no. 2 (October 9, 2017): 442–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717723504.
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Militant democracy relies on the idea that democracies ought to defend themselves from anti-democratic forces by constitutionalising repressive measures. We offer a criticism of this view by highlighting the exclusionary elitism on which militant democracy is built. In doing this, we consider two competing models of democratic self-defence: the procedural and the social. We suggest that the procedural model, while avoiding the exclusionary and other pitfalls of militant democracy, is detached from socio-political realities and fails to offer a comprehensive vision of democratic stability. The largely neglected social model of democratic self defence avoids this problem; it combines proceduralism’s commitment to dissensus with a social-democratic logic in the design of democratic constitutions. We argue in favour of such a social democratic self-defence and further develop this model around the guiding principle of political and social non-domination.
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Lomonosov, Aleksey V. "V.V. Rozanov Among Parties and Politicians." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 60 (December 12, 2019): 165–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2019-0-4-165-170.
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The article reveals the social significance of determining the political views of V.V. Rozanov in the system of the thinker’s worldview. The correlation of these views with his political journalism is shown. The genesis of social and political ideas of V.V. Rozanov is revealed. The author specifies his ideological predecessors in the sphere of public thought of the late 19th century and the thinker’s affiliation with the conservative political camp of Russian writers. The author of the article also gives coverage of the V.V. Rozanov’s polemical publications in the press. He outlines the circle of political sympathies and determinative constants in the political views of Rozanov-publicist and proves his commitment to the centrist political parties. The author examines the process of Rozanov’s socio-political views evolution at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries, and the related changes in his political journalism. The evaluations are based on the large layer of Rozanov’s newspaper publicism in the years of 1905–1917. To determine the Rozanov’s position in the “New time” journal editorial office and to reveal the motives of his political essays the author of the article used epistola
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Tebble, Adam James. "Does Inclusion Require Democracy?" Political Studies 51, no. 1 (March 2003): 197–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00420.
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Iris Marion Young's theory of democracy aims to accommodate the idea of difference by combining anti-essentialist, identity conferring social groups and mediated socio-economic relations. In this way they are supposed to combine instrumental rationality with inclusiveness and the recognition of difference. Using the political thought of F.A. Hayek, this paper mounts a critique of Young's difference theory. In particular it argues that Young's theory of group representation at the institutional level of politics contradicts her commitment to an anti-essentialist account of groups. Whereas her account of group identity is necessarily fluid and inclusive, her account of recognition is rigid and exclusionary. Furthermore the epistemological demands of democratic communication and economic coordination undermine her instrumental account of public-decision making. In contrast it will be argued that Hayek's political thought provides instructive alternative way of addressing the tensions at the heart of Young's theory.
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Davidson, Kathryn, and Brendan Gleeson. "Interrogating Urban Climate Leadership: Toward a Political Ecology of the C40 Network." Global Environmental Politics 15, no. 4 (November 2015): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00321.
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This article considers the rapid evolution and increased prominence of the C40 Cities Climate Change Leadership Group and its commitment to the development of a new style of thinking, and possibly a new urban construct. This new construct is not yet understood, perhaps due to the fact that it is an inchoate ideal being forged through the work of the network for the future of our cities. Such an assessment is well situated within the political economy of urban sustainability, with its ability to set up an interrogative frame to identify the progressive and regressive possibilities that the C40 signals. This article argues that the C40 cities propose nothing new in their ideas, providing a reinforcement of neoliberal urbanism. We need to deviate from technocratic and “econocratic” approaches toward pathways that emphasize the democratic content of socio-environmental development.
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Gilbert, Leah, and Liz Walker. "HIV/AIDS in South Africa: an overview." Cadernos de Saúde Pública 18, no. 3 (June 2002): 651–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-311x2002000300009.
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This paper presents an overview of the development of HIV/AIDS in South Africa, taking into consideration the social context and analyzing the factors most likely to have influenced its spread as well as the societal response to it. The authors argue that macro factors such as social and political structures, in addition to behavioral ones, have combined to shape the course of the epidemic. Since various factors linked to social inequalities have combined to shape the pattern and growth of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in South Africa, it is inappropriate to focus on only one dimension in an attempt to combat the epidemic. Following the psycho-socio- environmental model, all potential contributing elements need to be addressed simultaneously. This calls for a true interdisciplinary and multi-sectorial approach. It also requires great commitment as well as strong political will.
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Ahwireng-Obeng, F., and J. P. Mokgohlwa. "Entrepreneurial risk allocation in public-private infrastructure provision in South Africa." South African Journal of Business Management 33, no. 4 (December 31, 2002): 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajbm.v33i4.709.
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A primary concern in the development of entrepreneurship through private-public partnerships (PPP) in infrastructure projects is the adversarial, complex and unequal power relations characterising the negotiation of project risk allocation (RA) among the multiple participants. The inertia of the RA process has led to delayed and costly financial closure and sub-economic costs. Transactions costs of up to ten percent have been incurred in documented cases, and the situation is exacerbated in emerging economies, like South Africa, by political and economic instability and unproven track record of PPP.These developments have led to frustration among private sector participants in PPPs and diminished incentives for their continued participation. Therefore, delivering “satisfactory” RA processes is critical for attracting both domestic and foreign private entrepreneurial resources.The aim of this paper was to ascertain ‘critical factors’ influencing RA processes; determine the extent to which PPP practices in South Africa have led to equitable entrepreneurial risk allocation; and assess the choice of contract for implementing the outcomes of PPP negotiations.Critical success factors included: limiting apprehensions about market, socio-political, regulatory and legal risks as well as risk of lenders; improving common understanding among PPP participants; enhancing the quality of RFP (request for proposal) processes; and strengthening the commitment of participants. RA practices regarding socio-political, regulatory, financial and legal risks allocations were found to be inequitable, and PPP participants preferred tight and highly specified contracts.
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Mishchenko, Mykhailo. "Experience in applying the methodology for the study of psychological age in Ukraine: influence of psychological age on socio-political orientations." Sociology: Theory, Methods, Marketing, Issue Stmm 2020 (2) (May 15, 2020): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/sociology2020.02.057.
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The paper aims to study the relationship between psychological and chronological age, to identify factors affecting individual's perceptions of their psychological age, to disclose the impact of psychological age on socio-political orientations. The author used methodological approaches developed by Ye. Golovakha and A. Kronіk, who studied psychological age as “a measure of psychological past of personality” and, in particular, established the fact of predominance of psychological age’s undervaluation compared to chronological age. The results of the study carried out by the author in the 2017-2020, confirmed that the relationship between psychological and chronological age, detected in the beginning of the 1980s by Y. Golovakha and A. Kronіk, is resilient in times and under different macrosocial conditions. The author examines juvenile-associated socio-political orientations (orientations which more pronounced in younger age groups compared with older age groups, for example, support for Ukraine's membership in the European Union and NATO). The study shows that commitment to juvenile-associated socio-political orientations is related to change of age identity (when the individual most often seeks to self-identify with a younger age group than one he/she really belongs to). The study shows that youth in contemporary society is a reference age group, to which a significant proportion of members of society strive to be like (in imitation of social behavior and social values). This is due to the fact that in the contemporaneous culture the younger generation is associated with progressive social changes and to the fact that in modern society social success is associated in the mass conscious with youth. According to the study by Razumkov Centre, in all age groups percentage of those that assess their psychological age lower than chronological age increases together with the self-assessment of their welfare and with the level of their life satisfaction. The attitude of respondents to take their psychological age as lower than chronological age is related to the perception of youth as a reference socio-demographic group. Besides, the perception of youth as a reference socio-demographic group contributes to spreading the values and orientations of young people to middle and oldest age groups.
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Garbuzarova, Elena G. "Central Asian States in the International Rankings of Democracy Development." RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, no. 3 (August 31, 2021): 379–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-3-379-393.
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Since gaining independence, Central Asian states declared their commitment to democratization and development of a market economy, building their political systems based on the uncontested Western liberal-democratic model. Leaving behind the Soviet legacy, the political elites of Central Asian states strive to build an effective strategy for national and state development and to form effective democratic institutions. However, after several decades, the political regimes in the countries of the region have become more authoritarian than democratic. In the process of democratic transition, the countries face serious threats in the form of political instability and socio-economic problems. The renaissance of traditional national features made them an integral element of the political life of the sovereign states. The development of democracy in the states of the region is influenced by informal institutions - tribal relations, regionalism and the clan structure of society. In fact, the introduction of the basic elements of democracy into the political process of Central Asian states is formal or declarative, and the participation of the masses in politics is limited. Using various methods and criteria, international democracy development ratings assess the level of democratic development in transition states. Western countries set their own norms and rules for the democratization of transition countries based on the ratings of political transformation. As a result, international ratings are used as a tool for achieving the interests of Western countries that seek to reformat the political regimes of non-democratic countries, regardless of their socio-cultural characteristics. Each Central Asian state has its own features and dynamics/statics of democratic transit, but they are all united by the personification of power and loyalty to the autocrat rather than to the political institutions. The author attempts to trace the current state of the political systems of Central Asian states, highlighting the positive and negative trends in their democratization.
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Simon, Zoltán Boldizsár. "The limits of Anthropocene narratives." European Journal of Social Theory 23, no. 2 (September 18, 2018): 184–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368431018799256.
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The rapidly growing transdisciplinary enthusiasm about developing new kinds of Anthropocene stories is based on the shared assumption that the Anthropocene predicament is best made sense of by narrative means. Against this assumption, this article argues that the challenge we are facing today does not merely lie in telling either scientific, socio-political, or entangled Anthropocene narratives to come to terms with our current condition. Instead, the challenge lies in coming to grips with how the stories we can tell in the Anthropocene relate to the radical novelty of the Anthropocene condition about which no stories can be told. What we need to find are meaningful ways to reconcile an inherited commitment to narrativization and the collapse of storytelling as a vehicle of understanding the Anthropocene as our current predicament.
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Grigoriadis, Theocharis N. "Compromising Islam with Empire: Bureaucracy and Class in Safavid Iran." IRAN and the CAUCASUS 17, no. 4 (2013): 371–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20130403.
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Socio-economic justice lies in the normative core of Islam. The concepts of fard-al-kifāyah and zakāh reveal its commitment to protect the poor from the arbitrariness of the rich and treat the state as an institution that maximises collective welfare. The political economy of Safavid Iran indicates that the establishment of Islam as Iran’s state religion facilitated the empire’s administrative modernisation, economic development and class formation. Contrary to conventional wisdom, I argue that religion did not only offer legitimacy grounds to the Safavid government. It also provided institutional incentives that transformed clerics into intermediaries between people and the Imperial Court, improved fiscal capacity and increased general trust toward the central government.
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Мишуров, Иван, Ivan Mishurov, Ольга Мишурова, and Olga Mishurova. "Social and political foundations of liability in the hospitality industry." Services in Russia and abroad 10, no. 4 (September 22, 2016): 83–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/20185.
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The article deals with the social and political foundations of the study of social liability in the hospitality industry of the Russian Federation. It is well known that social liability has a profound, comprehensive, multi-channel effect on the functioning of not only society, but also the tourism activity. Should be understood that socially responsible activity in the hospitality industry should pursue not only economic goals, that is making a profit, but also take into account the human and social aspects of the impact of its activities on employees, consumers. It should make a positive contribution to the solution of social problems in its field, and also contribute to the development of social liability. Thus, social liability as a social phenomenon, its manifestation and realization in the hospitality industry is multifaceted and multidimensional, and should represent a system, integrity. Social and political foundations of social liability in terms of the Russian Federation are an element of this system, its operation conditions. Analysis of the Russian socio-political circumstances as objective foundations of social responsibility of Russian citizens in the hospitality industry allows us to give a generalized description of social life and highlight its main features. They include: spiritualized sovereign statehood of society, the centuries-old clan customs, the natural gravitation toward the help each other, a strong commitment to principles of social justice, ancient traditions to assemble general Council for making important decisions, primordial respect of our fellow citizens to the general opinion, shared decision-making, collective intelligence, the desire for all-people unity in the face of the formidable challenges. Thus, the socio-political characteristics of the people of the Russian Federation, taking them into account in the implementation of social liability in the hospitality industry are a necessary condition of its normal functioning.
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Biddau, Fulvio, Alessandra Armenti, and Paolo Cottone. "Socio-psychological aspects of grassroots participation in the Transition Movement: An Italian case study." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 4, no. 1 (May 24, 2016): 142–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v4i1.518.
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In this article, we present a case study investigating the socio-psychological aspects of grassroots participation in a Transition Town Movement (TTM) community initiative. We analyzed the first Italian Transition initiative: Monteveglio (Bologna), the central hub of the Italian TTM and a key link with the global Transition Network. A qualitative methodology was used to collect and analyze the data consisting of interviews with key informants and ethnographic notes. The results provide further evidence supporting the role of social representations, shared social identities, and collective efficacy beliefs in promoting, sustaining, and shaping activists’ commitment. The movement seems to have great potential to inspire and engage citizens to tackle climate change at a community level. Grassroots engagement of local communities working together provides the vision and the material starting point for a viable pathway for the changes required. Attempting to ensure their future political relevance, the TTM adherents are striving to disseminate and materially consolidate inherently political and prefigurative movement frames – primarily community resilience and re-localization – within community socio-economic and political frameworks. However, cooperation with politics is perceived by most adherents as a frustrating and dissatisfying experience, and an attempted co-optation of the Transition initiative by institutions. It highlights a tension between the open and non-confrontational approach of the movement towards institutions and their practical experience. Corresponding to this tension, activists have to cope with conflicts, contradictions, and ambivalence of social representations about community action for sustainability, which threaten the sense of collective purpose, group cohesion and ultimately its survival.
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Serra, Renata. "Cotton sector reform in Mali: explaining the puzzles." Journal of Modern African Studies 52, no. 3 (August 18, 2014): 379–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x14000408.
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ABSTRACTThis paper provides a detailed analysis of the cotton sector reform process in Mali from 2000 to 2011, explaining reform delays and ambiguities in terms of the wider political and socio-economic context and aid relationships. Contrary to arguments pointing to lack of state commitment and ownership, domestic stakeholders increasingly worked towards finding an acceptable and consensual reform package. The process encountered quite serious obstacles, however, due to divergent actors' incentives, and the existence of opposing philosophies about what a restructured cotton sector should look like. As a consequence of donors' misjudgement of the political and social realities underlying the Malian cotton sector, dialogue among stakeholders was difficult and polarised, forcing the government to spend considerable time and resources to find a suitable compromise. This paper contributes to a better understanding of the merits and limits of pursuing consensual policy processes against the constraints posed by divergent donors' policy paradigms.
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Modola, Doina. "L’ambivalence d’un chef-d’œuvre : Une lettre perdue de I.L. Caragiale." Studia Universitatis Babeş-Bolyai Dramatica 65, no. 2 (October 30, 2020): 97–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbdrama.2020.2.05.
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"The Ambivalence of a Masterpiece: A Lost Letter by I.L. Caragiale. A Lost Letter by I.L. Caragiale, a landmark in the history of Romanian theatre, has enjoyed throughout time numerous critical interpretations, without losing its dramatic potential. We intend to study the comic mechanism through a variety of dramatic strategies: the diversity of the scenes, the circular actions, the baffling succession of situations, starting with the loss of the compromising love letter. This play features the actors of a political electoral farce overflowing with a vaudeville-like comic, that in conjunction with parody, is targeting the ideological clichés and verbal stereotypes. A logically inconceivable humour that borders the absurd. The purpose of this kind of humour, unleashed during comical situations, is not hiding the immorality, the demagogy of a socio-political reality put under the critical scope of the author. The joyful, bitter or cruel laughter are being in a continuous competition here. The humour is thus the element that subverts the values of political commitment. Keywords: I.L. Caragiale, Romanian theatre, farce, vaudeville, humour, comedy, ambivalence. "
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Zheni, Thouraya. "Factive vs. Ideological Knowledge in Political Discourse." International Journal of English Linguistics 9, no. 1 (December 27, 2018): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v9n1p36.
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Since political discourse portrays politicians’ knowledge state and their ideological assumptions, a critical analysis of Clinton’s speeches may unveil her perceptual and conceptual worlds. More specifically, CDA may uncover Clinton’s mental representations about the Tunisian Revolution and the US attitude towards such an important political event in North Africa and the Middle East. Studying factive presupposition and epistemic modality seems to be an effective pragmatic tool to reveal what is presented as factual or ideological knowledge in political discourse. The research instrument used to sort out the frequency distribution of lexical features, mainly factive and emotive verbs, factive noun phrases, mental state verbs and epistemic modal adjectives and adverbs, is the latest version of “AntConc” software. To uncover the epistemic state of Hillary Clinton, van Dijk’s (1995a) approach is implemented to analyze her speeches between January 2011 and December 2012. At the discourse level, research findings reveal that factive presupposition unveils the speaker’s strong personal commitment to the truth value of her propositions. At the cognitive level, results show that the speaker’s personal and social ideologies and knowledge are demystified by the cognitive mechanisms that govern discourse production and understanding via Idealized Cognitive Models (ICMs), cognitive frames and mental models. This study bridges the gap caused by the lack of research on factive vs. ideological knowledge in political discourse from a socio-cognitive perspective.
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Hornung, Severin, and Thomas Höge. "Analysing power and control in work organizations: Assimilating a critical socio-psychodynamic perspective." Business & Management Studies: An International Journal 9, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 355–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15295/bmij.v9i1.1754.
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This conceptual article draws on critical traditions from several social science disciplines, notably, social, political, and systems theory, sociology, psychology, and management studies, as it seeks to explore, assemble, and integrate some constitutive components of a socio- and psychodynamic perspective on power and control in work organizations. At its core is an archetypal taxonomy of formal (economic), real (technocratic), normative (ideological), and formative (biopolitical) modes of power and managerial control through various means and combinations of commodification (contracts, compensation, competition), coercion (commands, constraints, compliance), cooptation (culture, consent, commitment), and creation (corrosion, conception, coevolution). Other integral elements are domains or foci of inquiry, specifically, interests, ideologies, institutions, and identities. These domains are linked to meta-, macro-, meso-, and micro-levels of analysis, resembling economy, society, organization, and individual. Accordingly, behavioural control and psychological governance processes are reinforced by a pervasive economic system logic, cascading into political, social, and psychodynamic sublogics. These taxonomies are integrated with concepts from the depth and dynamic psychology and traced across economic (meta-system interests), societal (macro-political ideologies), organizational (meso-social institutions), and individual (micro-psychodynamic identities) levels revealing patterns of self-similarity. It is argued that societal subsumption and subjugation reproduce psychodynamic subjectification (submission, sublimation) at the individual level, mediated by the subordinating and socializing forces inherent in organizational control systems. Discussed are implications for the dynamics of power and control in contemporary societies, organizations, and individuals under hegemonic governance of neoliberal ideology.
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LEONARD, ZAK. "COLONIAL ETHNOGRAPHY ON INDIA'S NORTH-WEST FRONTIER, 1850–1910." Historical Journal 59, no. 1 (February 9, 2016): 175–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1500014x.
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ABSTRACTSeeking to challenge the totalizing theory of an ‘ethnographic state’, this article examines a mid-nineteenth-century paradigm shift that impacted the colonial study of borderland populations along India's North-West Frontier. While the establishment of metropolitan ethnographic societies in the 1870s facilitated the rise of socio-cultural evolutionism, colonial agents also utilized folklore and proverb studies to represent the borderland societies as dynamic cultural entities reactive to British encroachment. Four case-studies, moreover, demonstrate that a variety of motivations compelled colonial agents to produce ethnographic material. These factors included personal scholarly ambition, political activism, and a commitment to transregional ‘scientific’ data collection projects. This study complicates the relationship between knowledge production and state power by reasserting the significance of personality as an operative force in the formation of colonial discourse.
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Vainshtein, G. "Euroscepticism: New Factor of European Politics." World Economy and International Relations, no. 8 (2015): 40–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-8-40-48.
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The phenomenon of Euroscepticism, not long ago a marginal part of the European political landscape, increasingly moves forward to the political foreground. This article explores the meaning of the notion of Euroscepticism, analyzes current peculiarities of this phenomenon, its scale and main sources, as well as differentiation of anti-integrationist political actors. While the very phenomenon existed in European politics throughout the implementation of the European project, a new characteristic of the socio-political situation in the EU is the ongoing broadening of this phenomenon's scale, the growth of its electoral support and the radicalization of its articulation forms. The strengthening of critical public attitudes towards realities of the European integration which is a feature of the contemporary socio-political climate in Europe not only has weakened the traditional pro-integrationist consensus of the political establishment, but has also led to a substantial reinforcement of more or less radical opponents of the European project within the European party-political space. This development seems to be an indicator of the European political mainstream “qualitative renewal”. Though the current growth of electoral support for Eurosceptic parties is to a great extent induced by the global financial and economic crisis, economic factor is not the main driving force of the Euroscepticism. At present, a wide range of diverse political and cultural factors increasingly determine commitment of European citizens to the EU. In some cases, these factors are crucial to the development of Euroscepticism. This fact is of significant importance, with regard to assessing the prospects for the given phenomenon, since political and socio-cultural motives of public Euroscepticism build much more sustainable basis for the Eurosceptical trend than economic ones. Issues relating to the prospects of Euroscepticism are of particular relevance, in connection with high performance of Eurosceptic politicians at the 2014 European Parliament elections. The elections result is not only strengthening of the "soft Eurosceptics'" positions, but also a sensational electoral “breakthrough” of “hard Eurosceptics” (Europhobes). While ability of Eurosceptics' direct influence on the decision-making process in the EP seems insignificant, much more important is their capacity to influence the agenda of the mainstream pro-European parties both in Europe and at home. Ultimately, the rise of the Euroscepticism makes the future of the European project more uncertain. Today (and probably, in the foreseeable future), the real purpose of European political elites may only be countering the trends of national sovereignty restoration, and maintenance of an integration process at its current level rather than its extension.
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Shefer, Tamara. "Activist performance and performative activism towards intersectional gender and sexual justice in contemporary South Africa." International Sociology 34, no. 4 (June 27, 2019): 418–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580919851430.
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Democratic South Africa post-1994 boasts an impressive constitutional and legal commitment to human rights, including the enshrinement of sexual and gender rights. Notwithstanding, a growing body of work documents continued widespread homophobia, heterosexism and violence against gender and sexual non-conforming people that intersect with other inequalities. However, there is also a rich terrain of resistance to intersectional gender and sexual injustices evidenced by proliferating decolonial, feminist and queer activism and art. Located in the South African post-apartheid and postcolonial context, this article draws on the last few years of decolonial, feminist and queer engagements, focusing in on two current examples of activist performance and performative activism. The article explores the socio-political possibilities of interventions which transgress, disturb, disrupt and queer contemporary rigid and re/calcifying gender and sexual normativities for the larger decolonial, feminist and queer sexual and gender rights and justice project, as well as for critical scholarship directed at such goals.
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Mutibwa, Daniel H. "Advocate, Copycatting or Simply Pragmatic: Reconceptualising Contemporary 'Marginal' Journalism(s)." Journal of Media Innovations 2, no. 1 (March 9, 2015): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/jmi.v2i1.860.
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Journalism(s) at the margins have often been perceived to focus exclusively on public service obligations.The motivation for this lies in the inability and/or unwillingness of mainstream public service and commercialmedia to provide a range of civic programming that caters to the needs and interests of diverse groupsin society. This research, however, shows that evolving socio-political and socio-economic circumstanceshave had a considerable impact on contemporary marginal journalism(s). Whilst a commitment to publicservicegoals remains perceptible, this article makes two key arguments. First, the changing conditionsin which journalists at the margins operate increasingly compel them to embrace mechanised journalisticroutines associated with mainstream media, thereby compromising their public-service function. Secondand following on from the first point, marginal journalism(s) have devised innovative media strategies tocope with the evolving circumstances in a manner reminiscent of the concept of the “third sector”. Thisevidence – based on data gathered through ethnographic research at three selected case study organisations- provides us with an enhanced understanding of current trends in this field. The article highlightsthese developments and in doing so, makes a contribution to the development of a conceptual frameworkof contemporary marginal journalism(s).
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Soldaat, Leza J. "More Than a Teacher: Understanding the Teacher-Learner Relationship in a Public High-School in South Africa." Journal of Educational and Developmental Psychology 9, no. 1 (April 26, 2019): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jedp.v9n1p77.
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Teaching is considered a caring occupation due to the nature of the interaction between teachers and learners (Hocschild, 1983). Care giving can be a demanding task, however, emotional labour invested in the occupation – with regards to their relationships with learners – contributes to job satisfaction, commitment and be emotionally rewarding. The proximity or distance of these relationships are dependent on five emotional geographies, namely socio-cultural, moral, professional, physical, and political relatability (Hargreaves, 2001). This paper draws on a case study of teachers at a former Model C high-school in South Africa to examine the formation and development of relationships formed between the teacher and learner. The article suggests that teachers adopt three additional roles outside that of teaching. These roles, the coach, counsellor, and parental figure, foster emotional understanding (Denzin, 1984) between the teacher and learners, which creates a positive classroom climate. These roles are deemed necessary for the fulfilment of successful relationships with learners. However, there are challenges which teachers face when attempting to develop these bonds with learners, which include a negative classroom climate, socio-cultural distance, and sexual harassment – faced by women teachers.
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Mutandwa, Hudson, and Tawanda Zinyama. "An Analysis of the Potential Use of Public-Private Partnerships in Water Infrastructural Development in Zimbabwe: The Case of Harare City Council." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 5, no. 1 (April 1, 2015): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v5i1.7366.
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The study was carried out to analyse the potential use of Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) in water infrastructural development in Harare City Council, Zimbabwe. PPPs play a pivotal role in water infrastructural development if fully implemented. Zimbabwe’s rate of uptake is low. There are preconditions that are necessary for successful implementation of PPPs inter alia political will (commitment) legal, institutional and political frameworks. Key informant interviews and documentary search were employed to gather data. The study established that Zimbabwe does not have the preconditions necessary for successful implementation of PPPs and this confirms the thesis. The main challenges include lack of legal and institutional framework, lack of political will, unconducive socio-economic environment. Zimbabwe’s water infrastructure is ramshackle. This is compounded by lack of fiscal space on the part of government to rehabilitate the infrastructure. PPPs could be a viable alternative to infrastructural development with the right environmental conditions. The study recommends that the government should quickly enact a PPP legal framework that enables the establishment of a PPP unit within the Ministry of Finance and this should be followed by an Act of Parliament which should institutionalize PPPs. The Government should promote a conducive investment climate.
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Nouman, Hani. "Between Majority and Minority: A Model for Understanding and Promoting Culturally Competent Policy Practice in Multicultural Societies." British Journal of Social Work 50, no. 2 (December 10, 2019): 506–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjsw/bcz144.
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Abstract The engagement of social workers in policy-shaping processes reflects the commitment of the social work profession to promoting equality and social justice. Whilst in many countries engagement is a professional requirement, one cannot ignore the fact that it is essentially a political activity inextricably linked to the socio-political context in which it occurs. Cultural competence for engagement in shaping policy processes is necessary to promote effective engagement of social workers in policy practice in cross-cultural political situations. Notwithstanding the focus of the literature on cultural competence in the past decade, it centres mainly on the intercultural encounter between social workers and clients and on the therapeutic context, with emphasis on the practitioner belonging to the dominant Western culture whilst the client belongs to the less dominant ‘other’ in society. This article attempts to fill the gap by developing a theoretical culturally competent policy practice model to examine different dimensions of cultural competence required for the engagement of social workers from different ethnic groups in the policy arena. In addition, the article presents the significant implications of the model for policy, practice and research.
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Falina, Maria. "Narrating democracy in interwar Yugoslavia: From state creation to its collapse." Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 196–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419835750.
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This article examines the narratives of democracy in interwar Yugoslavia. It starts with the premise that the commitment to democracy in the immediate post-war period was deep and sincere as it was seen as an answer to domestic and international political challenges. The article focuses on how democracy was understood and narrated, and maintains that virtually every political actor engaged with the idea and/or practice of democracy, thereby making it a subject of an important debate. Thus, democracy was at the time as significant a concept and theme as was nationalism, which usually receives more attention in historical analysis. Such issues as national self-determination, the establishment of the state, and the symbolic place of Yugoslavia among well-established European nations impacted the way democracy was debated. At the same time, local political actors used claims to possess better expertise in democracy to back up specific ideological and national projects. Finally, socio-economic issues emerged in the later half of the period to complement the national considerations. A significant difference in the narratives of democracy as understood primarily in political terms and the narrative of democracy that emphasizes its social and economic dimension emerged towards the late 1930s.
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RENAUD, TERENCE. "HUMAN RIGHTS AS RADICAL ANTHROPOLOGY: PROTESTANT THEOLOGY AND ECUMENISM IN THE TRANSWAR ERA." Historical Journal 60, no. 2 (November 24, 2016): 493–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x16000303.
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AbstractFrom the 1920s through the 1940s, European and Anglo-American Protestants perceived a crisis of humanity. While trying to determine religion's role in a secular age, church leaders redefined the human being as a theological person in community with others and in partnership with God. This new anthropology contributed to a personalist conception of human rights that rivalled Catholic and secular conceptions. Alongside such innovations in post-liberal theology, ecumenical Protestants organized a series of meetings to unite the world churches. Their conference at Oxford in July 1937 led to the creation of the World Council of Churches. Thus, Protestants of the transwar era supplied the two main ingredients of any human rights regime: a universalist commitment to defending individual human beings regardless of race, nationality, or class and a global institutional framework for enacting that commitment. Through the story of Protestant thinkers and activists, this article recasts the history of human rights as part of a larger history of critical reappraisals of humanity. Understanding why human rights came into prominence at various twentieth-century moments may require abandoning ‘rights talk’ for human talk, or, a comparative history of radical anthropologies and their relationship to broader socio-economic, political, and cultural crises.
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Roets, Griet, Laura Van Beveren, Yuval Saar-Heiman, Heidi Degerickx, Caroline Vandekinderen, Michal Krumer-Nevo, Kris Rutten, and Rudi Roose. "Developing a Poverty-Aware Pedagogy: From Paradigm to Reflexive Practice in Post-Academic Social Work Education." British Journal of Social Work 50, no. 5 (June 18, 2020): 1495–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjsw/bcaa043.
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Abstract Social work scholars have argued that poverty reminds us of the necessary commitment to educate professional social workers. Being inspired by a conceptual framework that captures how poverty-awareness can be the subject of teaching in social work programmes, this article offers a qualitative analysis of the reflections being made by a cohort of students about their learning process in a post-academic course. Five common themes are discussed: (i) from recognising micro-aggressions to tackling macro-aggressions; (ii) poverty is an instance of social injustice and requires collective indignation; (iii) notions of commitment and solidarity are ambiguous; (iv) poverty is an instance of social inequality rather than merely social exclusion; and (v) from being heroic agents to social change ‘from within’. Based on these findings, we raise the lessons learned for social work educators. First, they should invite students to reinvigorate the social justice aspirations of social work practices and take a stance in relation to their environment and the wider historical and socio-political circumstances. Secondly, a poverty-aware pedagogy requires collective and long-lasting supervision at the frontline individual, organisational and societal/social policy level. Collective critical reflection and supervision might open up avenues to collectively challenge and change socially unjust rhetoric and practice.
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Mastrotheodoros, Stefanos, Olga Kornienko, Adriana Umaña-Taylor, and Frosso Motti-Stefanidi. "Developmental Interplay between Ethnic, National, and Personal Identity in Immigrant Adolescents." Journal of Youth and Adolescence 50, no. 6 (April 17, 2021): 1126–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10964-021-01434-y.
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AbstractDeveloping a personal identity is a core developmental task for all adolescents. Immigrant adolescents need to integrate the meaning that their belonging to their ethnic group and the receiving nation has for them into their personal identity. The purpose of this study was to examine the longitudinal interplay between personal, ethnic, and national identities of a middle school sample of immigrant youth (N = 765, Mage = 12.7 years, SD = 0.6 at T1; 46% girls) enroled in Greek schools. Data were collected in three waves with repeated measures. To test the link between these identities, two trivariate Cross-Lagged Panel Models were ran, one examining identity exploration and the other examining identity commitment. The results revealed robust within time positive links between ethnic, national and personal identities for both exploration and commitment at all three time-points. There was some evidence that ethnic and national identities were negatively linked longitudinally, and limited support for longitudinal associations between these domains and personal identity. Follow-up analyses suggest that these processes may be specific to second generation youth and that findings may differ by ethnic background. Finally, the findings that emerged are discussed with attention to the socio-political climate in the receiving nation.
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Ahmad, Akhlaq, Farhan Navid Yousaf, and Muhammad Bilal. "The Protest, Transformation of the Public Sphere and Notions of Femininity; Women Experiences in Pakistan." sjesr 3, no. 1 (April 19, 2020): 20–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/sjesr-vol3-iss1-2020(20-26).
Full textAbstract:
This research analyzes women’s participation in a sit-in organized by a mainstream political party, Pakistan Awami Tehreek (PAT) in the capital territory of Pakistan. This sit-in continued for 86 days. Taking theoretical insights from Jurgen Habermas and Max Weber, this study looks at women’s experiences during the sit-in. The research discusses how the women transformed this ‘political sit-in’ into the public sphere and created alternative discursive space/s to looked into/evaluate their social, cultural, economic and political conditions and voiced their narratives into the present masculine/ patriarchal political structure of Pakistan. Interpretivist’ epistemology was a guiding methodological application for this research. The data come from 10 women participants. The thematic analysis helps the interpretation. Findings reveal that women exercised their agency as their religious duty, which in turn enabled them to develop their feminine social capital. Women transformed political sit-in into a distinct political space and challenged the traditional notions of Pakistani femininity. They lived in an open space for 86 days without their families, mostly taking decisions at their own, chanting anti-government slogans, having clashes with police, getting married and giving birth. Media facilitated projection, visibility and public support. Women’ commitment to the change disrupted dominant stereotypes about women, their role and voice in Pakistan. Charismatic leadership instrumentalized religious teachings for persuading participants and the advancement of the political agenda of socio-political change in Pakistan.
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Natukunda-Togboa, Edith R. "From Discussion to Fist-fighting: Was Strategic Maneuvering Derailed during the Debate on the Presidential Age Limit Bill in Uganda?" English Linguistics Research 8, no. 2 (April 23, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/elr.v8n2p1.
Full textAbstract:
Of recent, due its impact on political events and socio-political processes like general elections and peace building, parliamentary discourse has become the object of research in Africa. In Uganda, in particular, at different times in the country’s history, it has been at the heart of fomenting conflict, but also key in fostering peace. It is of historic importance that we analyse how the controlled institutionalized parliamentary discourse during the presidential age limit debates degenerated to fist fighting and chair hurling in the Uganda Parliament. Using the pragma-dialectical, the rhetorical and linguistic approaches this study seeks to check the arguer’s commitment to pursuing a reasonable argumentation as s/he tries to discursively resolve the difference of opinion which is usually at the heart of parliamentary debates. Through a review of the atmosphere surrounding the presidential age limit debate and the two critical sessions of the relevant parliamentary discussions, the author tries to establish whether this discursive resolving of differences of opinion was achieved or whether there are factors that contributed to derailing the discursive strategic maneuvering.