Relevant bibliographies by topics / Socio Political history of India

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Socio Political history of India'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Socio Political history of India"

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Swami G., Narayana. "SOCIAL CONDITION OF HOLY PLACE IN WEST INDIA: ACCUMULATION FROM SIGNATURE (C. 11TH TO THIRTEENTH CENTURY CE)." CURRENT RESEARCH JOURNAL OF HISTORY 02, no. 05 (May 30, 2021): 23–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/history-crjh-02-05-07.

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The sanctuary means one's convictions. Its primary highlights have likewise stood out for one. George Michell, Stella Kramrisch, Krishna Deva and some different researchers have examined the 'which means and structures', expressive, strict and otherworldly meaning of the sanctuary. We additionally discover the sanctuary being referenced regarding a comprehension of early Indian political, monetary and socio-strict exercises in north and south India. Furthermore, the sanctuary is additionally known to have been related with social exhibitions like dramatization and so on Luckily, in such manner we have various epigraphic records from west India, especially from Rajasthan and Gujarat, which point out the social part of the sanctuary during the c. 11th to thirteenth century CE. The current article looks to consider this part of the sanctuary.
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Subramony, Dr R. "Role of Sufi Saints in North –Western India." IJOHMN (International Journal online of Humanities) 5, no. 1 (February 14, 2019): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijohmn.v5i1.113.

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The eighteenth century in Indian History is characterized as an epoch of political anarchy and social chaos that spread unchecked in the wake of the collapse of the Mughal empire. But disintegration of the imperial center and its administrative institutions did not produce any profound effect on the pre-existing pluralistic socio-cultural structure, which was distinguished by widespread Hindu-Muslim unity and culture syncretism in northern India.
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Rashkovskii, E., and E. Nikiforova. "Hinduism: from Tribal Beliefs to World Religion." World Economy and International Relations, no. 5 (2015): 104–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-5-104-112.

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The paper presents an analytical review of the conference held in the All-Russian State Library for Foreign Literature (November, 2014). It deals with deep historical and socio-cultural roots of the present-day religious dynamics of India, including its main political implications. The wide methodological principle of correlation between India’s socio-cultural background and the current state of affairs in Hinduism is denoted as Indo-logics. The paper also deals with bilateral processes of internal consolidation of Hinduism within the Republic of India as well as of the gradual transformation process of Hinduism into one of the biggest religions on international scale. Both sides of these phenomena are analyzed in connection with ambivalent processes of the Indian inner modernization during the 19th-21st centuries, and also with general global socio-economic and intellectual trends of the current history, including mass migrations, the expansion of mass media, deep crisis of the present-day semi-industrial modes of school and university education, etc. The article draws special attention to problems of Indian subaltern strata in the present-day Indian religious dynamics, including the “neo-Buddhist renaissance” and Christian conversions among Indian “untouchables”.
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KASTURI, MALAVIKA. "Gurusand Gifting:Dana, themathreform campaign, and competing visions of Hindusangathanin twentieth-century India." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 1 (January 2018): 99–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000671.

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AbstractFrom the early twentieth century, Hindu socio-religious and political bodies debated the use thatmaths(monastic establishments) made of their wealth, amassed in large part throughdana(socio religious gifts). From the early nineteenth century, Anglo Hindu law on inheritance, and thereafter the Religious and Charitable Endowments Acts, had enabled the autonomy ofmathsby classifying them as private religious corporations, not charitable endowments. This article suggests that themathreform campaign between 1920 and 1940 in north India was impelled by the preoccupations of heterogeneous Hindu political and socio-religious organizations withdanaand its potential to fund cultural and political projects regenerating an imagined Hindu socio-religious community. Specifically, the Hindu Mahasabha yokeddanato its Hindusangathan(unity) campaign to strategically craft an integrated ‘Hindu public’ transcendingsampraday(religious traditions) to protect its interests from ‘external enemies’. My discussion probes how the Hindu Mahasabha and its ‘reformist’ allies urged the conversion ofmathsinto public charitable trusts, or endowments accountable to an ephemeral ‘Hindu public’ and the regulation of their expenditure. Monastic orders,guru-based associations like the Bharat Dharma Mahamandala, and the majority of orthodox Hindus successfully opposed this campaign, defending the interests ofmathsandsampradaybefore and after independence. In so doing, they challenged Hindusangathanby articulating alternative visions of the socio-religious publics and communities to be revitalized through philanthropy. Through this discussion, the article charts the uneasy relationship between monasticism and an emerging Hindu nationalist cultural and political consciousness that remained fractured and internally contested.
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Rahmath, Ayshath Shamah, Raihanah Mohd Mydin, and Ruzy Suliza Hashim. "Archetypal Motherhood and the National Agenda: The Case of the Indian Muslim Women." Space and Culture, India 7, no. 4 (March 29, 2020): 12–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v7i4.590.

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The grand narratives of Mother India posit women’s emancipation as the central concern, insisting on her public participation in the educational and economic sectors. The relegation of the archetypal motherhood to the national periphery is strictly rooted in the Hindu traditional culture. The schisms of caste, class, and religion in contemporary society are normalised whilst the gendered undercurrents of domestic violence, chauvinism and religious sensibilities are ignored. Such polished idealisms are, in fact, far from the living reality of most women and girls across all spheres in the country. By reviewing notable texts from past and present, this research problematises the position of Muslim women in India, specifically during the nationalistic discourse and post-independent era. The national freedom struggle movement assured a democratic constitution, which primed Mother India as the figurative Indian woman encrypting ideologies from socio-religious discourses. The grand narratives often become instrumental in politicising the vested interest of the hegemonic class. The struggles of Muslim women were foregrounded not only in the gendered disparity of the religious domain but also in the socio-cultural disparities which excluded them from the domain of Indian womanhood. Mainstream history, literature and even women development organisations deliberately typified Muslim women along with the religious discourse. Briefly, in this paper, we infer that Muslim women were rendered invisible in the limelight of the archetypal Mother India, denying their social, political, cultural and literary participation. They were thus subjected to constitutional othering by the mainstream socio-political entities (who subjected them) at the onset of nationalism, which continues to exist in post-colonial discourses where women are expected to constantly negotiate their religious identity over their national identity.
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Vanina, Eugenia. "The Ardhakathanaka by Banarasi Das: a Socio-cultural Study." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 5, no. 2 (July 1995): 211–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300015352.

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Any researcher into the pre-modern history of India inevitably faces the problem of source material, and the creative genius of medieval Indians furnishes us with a wide range of sources; innumerable files of original documents, multi-volumed chronicles, bulky treatises, etc. A great number of travelogues enables us to view medieval India through the eyes of visitors from all parts of the globe. The source to be analysed in this article will hardly stand comparison with the above-mentioned materials. It is a biography of an insignificant man, a family history of modest middle-class people unconnected with court intrigues and political battles. And the title of the book is anything but serious. Ardhakathanaka means “Half a Tale”. The author, a Jain merchant named Banarasi Das, completed it in 1641, being fifty-five at that time; the ideal life span of the great Jain sages was believed to be one hundred and ten years. Thus Banarasi, who harboured no ambitions to equal the great sages, titled his autobiography “Haifa Tale”, displaying a somewhat bitter humour (he died shortly after completing the book).
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Kumar, Deepak. "The ‘culture’ of science and colonial culture, India 1820–1920." British Journal for the History of Science 29, no. 2 (June 1996): 195–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087400034221.

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The culture of science is deeply influenced and conditioned by the socio-political realities of both time and locale. Pre-colonial India, for example, was no tabula rasa. It had a vigorous tradition in at least the realms of mathematics, astronomy and medicine. But gradual colonization made a big dent. It brought forth a massive cultural collision which influenced profoundly the cognitive and material existence of both the colonizer and the colonized.
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Mehmood, Wajid, Syed Ali Shah, and Muhammad Shoaib Malik. "Ulema and the Freedom Struggle for Pakistan." Global Political Review 1, no. 1 (November 30, 2016): 44–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2016(i-i).05.

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In the freedom struggle in British India, Ulama had played a significant role. Ranging from the socio-cultural guidance of the Muslims to leading them politically, they played their role actively in every sphere of life. Starting their active political role in British India in 1803, Ulama continued their struggle till 1947. Darul Uloom-i-Deoband, apparently a religious seminary, was built for the revitalization of Muslim society in India. The Ulama were the pioneers, who initiated the very idea of freedom from the imperial power. The tenderness, dynamism, and catholicity which was created in this movement, in fact, was due to the unending and countless struggle of the Ulama. It is an undeniable fact that the independence movement and the history of the Indo-Pak subcontinent are so mixed-up with the history of Ulama and religious personalities that it is now difficult to separate one from another
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Kooria, Mahmood. "Politics, Economy and Islam in ‘Dutch Ponnāni’, Malabar Coast." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 62, no. 1 (December 10, 2019): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341473.

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AbstractPonnāni was a port in southwestern India that resisted the Portuguese incursions in the sixteenth century through the active involvement of religious, mercantile and military elites. In the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Ponnāni was the only place where the Dutch East India Company had commercial access into the kingdom of the Zamorins of Calicut. When the Dutch gained prominence in the coastal belt, this port town became the main centre for their commercial, diplomatic, and political transactions. But as a religious centre it began to recede into oblivion in the larger Indian Ocean and Islamic scholarly networks. The present article examines this dual process and suggests important reasons for the transformations. It argues that the port town became crucial for diplomatic and economic interests of the Dutch East India Company and the Zamorins, whereas its Muslim population became more parochial as they engaged with themselves than with the larger socio-political and scholarly networks.
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BENBABAALI, DALEL. "Caste Dominance and Territory in South India: Understanding Kammas’ socio-spatial mobility." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 6 (July 6, 2018): 1938–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000755.

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AbstractThis article argues that taking territory into account is essential to understand the change in the scale and nature of caste dominance in contemporary India. The demonstration is based on an analysis of the socio-spatial trajectories of the Kammas—a dominant caste from Coastal Andhra, where they continue to own most of the land, even though they have migrated in large numbers towards the interior and southern regions of the Indian peninsula, both to newly irrigated areas and to the cities. The key positions they occupy in the politics and economy of Andhra Pradesh confer upon them a hegemonic character. However, this hegemony is threatened by the growing resistance of Dalits to caste and class oppression, while Kamma cultural domination, long contested in Telangana, is now challenged by the formation of the new state.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Socio Political history of India"

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Singh, Ujjwal Kumar. "Political prisoners in India, 1920-1977." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1996. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/29435/.

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This is a study of the politics of 'political prisonerhood' in colonial and independent India. Prison going and the struggles inside the prison had, with the nationalist culture of jail going in the early part of the twentieth century become an integral part of the protest against the colonial state. Imprisonment in its multifarious forms also became the major bulwark of the colonial state's strategy for harnessing recalcitrant subjects. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the process by which the notion of 'political' became a festering issue in the contest between the colonial state and the subject population and later between the state in independent India and the various 'rebel' groups, and also the manner in which the ruling classes assumed the sole responsibility of defining the 'political'. We have confined our study to the peaks of nationalist resistance against the colonial state and popular struggles against the dominant classes in independent India. Through this exploration of the notion of political prisonerhood we also attempt to understand the permanence and ruptures in the forms of repression and the nature of penal sanctions which the state deployed against its political opponents in colonial and independent India. In order to understand what constitutes 'political crime', and who were or were not recognized as 'political prisoners' at a particular historical moment, we have examined the role of the ideological discourses which informed penal regimes in colonial and independent India. The theoretical premises and conceptual tools in this study bear the influence of the Marxist studies on Indian politics and the Subaltern school's understanding of Indian history. The material for research has been drawn from various official and unofficial sources viz., archival records of the colonial government and the government of independent India, reports on prisons by various governmental committees, jail manuals, rules, regulations, laws, autobiographies, biographies, prison memoirs, prison diaries and interviews with erstwhile political prisoners.
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Dhar, Suranjita Nina. "Rabindranath Tagore's thoughts on education from a socio-political perspective." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1996. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/MQ37300.pdf.

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Azizalam, Shaista. "Sayyid Aḥmad Khān and the ʻUlamāʾ : a study in socio-political context." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61142.

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This study examines the relationship of Sir Sayyid Ahmad $ underline{ rm Kh}$an with the Indian $ sp{ rm c}$ulama'. As part of his reform movement, and in particular through his journal Tahzibu'l-Akhlaq, Sir Sayyid launched a severe attack on the $ sp{ rm c}$ulama'. He held the $ sp{ rm c}$ulama' directly responsible for leading the community to the verge of disintegration. For their part, the $ sp{ rm c}$ulama' thinspace's opposition to Sir Sayyid seems to have been inspired not so much by the theological ideas of Sir Sayyid as by the $ sp{ rm c}$ulama' thinspace's perception that Sir Sayyid's ideas, criticism and his reform movement in general were a challenge to their position and role in society.
The $ sp{ rm c}$ulama' thinspace's opposition was venomous but, for a variety of reasons, it did not prove strong enough to deal a mortal blow to the reform movement of Sir Sayyid.
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Zaman, Faridah. "Futurity and the political thought of north Indian Muslims, c.1900-1925." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708787.

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Das, Ritanjan. "History, ideology and negotiation : the politics of policy transition in West Bengal, India." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/614/.

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The thesis offers an examination of a distinct chapter in the era of economic reforms in India - the case of the state of West Bengal - and narrates the politics of an economic policy transition spearheaded by the Left Front coalition government that ruled the state from 1977 to 2011. In 1991, the Government of India began to pursue a far more liberal policy of economic development, with emphasis being placed on non-agricultural growth, the role of the private sector, and the merits of foreign direct investment (FDI). This caused serious political challenges for the Communist Party of India - Marxist (CPIM), the main party in the Left Front. Historically, the CPIM was committed to pro-poor policies focused on the countryside and had spoken out strongly against privatisation and FDI; however it could not ignore the stagnating industrial economy of the state, and was thus compelled to court private investment and take advantage of the liberalised policy environment. The nature of this dichotomy – one that characterised the political economy of West Bengal over the last two decades – is studied in this research as a set of why-how questions. Firstly, why did the CPIM/Left Front take upon itself the task of engineering a transition from an erstwhile landreform and agriculture based growth model to a pro-market development agenda post-1991? And secondly, how was such a choice justified to/negotiated with the various stakeholders (the rank and file of the CPIM itself, other coalition member parties, trade unions, the industrial class, etc.) while sustaining the party’s traditional rhetoric and partisan character? In examining the second part, the thesis also ventures into the recent cases of huge opposition to land acquisition for industrial plants at Singur and Nandigram, and demonstrates how the mandate of the top brass of party leadership in Calcutta was being implemented, translated or contested at the local levels. On the whole, this thesis attempts a reappraisal of the politicaleconomic history of the Left Front regime and particularly that of its majority partner, the CPIM, over the last two decades. It also places the case in a broader Indian context and contributes to wider debates on the changing nature of federalism in India and the politics of economic reforms
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Seif-Amirhosseini, Zahra. "Socio-political change and development in Iran : Reza Sah and the Shi`i hierocracy." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2105/.

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The thesis offers an analysis of the Reza Sah period in terms of the balance between religion and politics and their societal and institutional power, the discussion of which is located within a historical framework. The relationship between religion and politics and their related effect on the 'legitimacy' of the structure of domination are considered within Weber's tripartite typology of domination. Whilst acknowledging the overall implications of the feasibility of adopting a Weberian framework and criticisms concerning the lack of accuracy of Weber's study of Islam, the thesis proposes that it is nevertheless possible to use a Weberian perspective in the study of Iranian Shi'ism. The changes introduced in the period are examined through an analysis of institutional changes deemed necessary for the process of modernization and secularization. An adequate understanding of this period is proposed to be critically dependent upon an understanding of the nature of the secularization process in Iran. This thesis is therefore concerned with two interconnected themes, one theoretical and the other historical. The theoretical theme, namely, the nature of the secularization process, arguably forms the core of the thesis in terms of its applicability to the period under study. It is the centrality of the secularization process which necessitates the analysis of a subsidiary argument concerning the limitations arising from Western (including Weberian) understanding of secularization, in particular with regard to Iran during the stated period. The historical theme - the analysis of the events between 1921 and 1941 - is considered for its own importance as a period of structural and institutional change and as a testing ground for the secularization thesis.
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Dhattiwala, Raheel. "Hindu-Muslim violence in Gujarat, 2002 : political logic, spatial configuration, and communal cooperation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669731.

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This thesis uses a mixed methods approach to investigate the different levels of Hindu-Muslim violence in Gujarat (western India) in 2002 when at least a thousand Muslims were killed. An original dataset of killings is compiled to analyse macrospatial variation in the violence across towns and rural areas of Gujarat. Data collected from 21 months of ethnographic fieldwork in Ahmedabad city is used to investigate microspatial variation across three neighbourhoods with varying levels of violence.Macrospatial analysis discusses the link between political authority and its capacity to instigate ethnic violence as a response to electoral calculations and identifies the mechanisms by which violence against Muslims was orchestrated by the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Ethnographic findings demonstrate the importance of ecological strategies adopted by attackers and targets during the course of attack and urge a re-examination of the intuitive association of spatial proximity with greater interethnic contact. Findings also reveal methods of enforcement used by legitimate and illegitimate institutions of a peaceful slum neighbourhood in resolving commitment problems of cooperation. Finally, the thesis examines the aftermath of the violence, more specifically a political phenomenon of Muslims of Gujarat supporting the BJP nine years after the brutal violence.Methodologically, the main contribution of this thesis is in bridging the quantitative and ethnographic traditions in the sociology of ethnic violence to make possible the linking, and disentangling, of macrolevel risk factors associated with violence from microlevel factors. Findings of the thesis hopefully provide a better understanding of ethnic violence in multi-ethnic democracies and a roadmap of policy-making for India as it continues to struggle with ethnic strife.
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Vadan, Paul. "Ephesos after Alexander: Socio-Political transformations in Western Asia Minor during the early Hellenistic period." Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=103651.

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The present study deals with the socio-political transformations in the city of Ephesos in the early Hellenistic period. It shows that during the tumultuous months after the death of Alexander the Great, the Ephesian community sought to re-establish internal and regional stability by appealing to the Macedonian Successors for support. This was achieved at the meeting of Ephesos in the summer of 322 BC, as attested by a detailed epigraphic study of a series of local inscriptions (I. Ephes. 1430-1437). The meeting addressed issues over Ionian democracy and privileges, as well as Macedonian hegemonia, in conformity with the precedents set by Alexander. Its successful conclusion saw Ephesos emerge as the leading and representative member of the Ionian koinon.
La présente étude a comme sujet les transformations sociopolitiques dans la cite d'Ephesos dans la haute période hellénistique. Elle montre que pendant les mois tumultueux après la mort d'Alexandre le Grand, la communauté d'Éphèse a cherché à rétablir la stabilité interne et régionale en appelant aux Successeurs Macédoniens. Ce but a été atteint lors de la réunion a Ephese pendant l'été de 322 av-JC, comme il est atteste par un étude épigraphique détaillé d'une une série des inscriptions locales (I. Ephes. 1430-1437). La réunion a abordé des questions concernant la démocratie et privilèges Ioniennes, aussi que la hegemonia Macédonienne, en conformité avec les précédents mis pas Alexandre. Son succès a vu émerger Ephese en tant que membre dirigeant et représentant du koinon Ionienne.
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Meddings, John P. "Family, followers and friends : the socio-political dynamics of the Anglo-Norman aristocracy, 1100-1204." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1998. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/505/.

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Three groups are examined: the family, followers and friends. The structure,functions and tensions of these groups are described and their dynamics analysed in the fields of decision making and conflict resolution. The approach offers a dialectic between Latin and French sources, historical and literary, and social science theories. This opens up new avenues for analysis and allows a holistic description of medieval politics and society. The family comprised parents and their children. Within this small unit affection was very strong; outside, it quickly declined. Although uncles and nephews had political links there was considerably less emotional attachment between them than between parent-child and sibling relationships. Three types of follower are examined: household retainers, enfeoffed tenants and 'neighbours'. Household knights had the strongest emotional bonds to their lord and were seen as the most loyal. Tenants who performed homage were called `men'; 'vassal' is shown to mean 'good follower'. An aristocrat exercised considerable control within his lands and beyond them he maintained some power. In these areas people may have obeyed his will without having any direct link with him. Such people were often called 'neighbours'. Informal influences such as love and fear are shown to have more force than the formal bonds created through homage and oaths. Concepts of 'treason' and 'defiance' are also examined. Five types of friendship are identified: friendship as courtesy, formal friendship, emotional friendship, company and companionship. Calling someone 'friend' was a sign of politeness. Political agreements, often termed covenants, created formal bonds of friendship. A new methodology for investigating emotional friendship is proposed. Groups with a strong identity were called companies. Companionship was a close bond, usually between two men, that combined elements of formal and emotional friendship. This description of the socio-political dynamics of the aristocracy offers an alternative to earlier models and greatly enhances our understanding of Anglo-Norman politics and society.
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Dlamini, Lomakhosi G. "Socio-economic and political constraints on constitutional reform in Swaziland." University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_4327_1197279930.

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This study looked at socio-economic and political constraints on constitutional reform in Swaziland, an independent state with a fully autonomous government that falls under the Monarch who is Head of State. Swaziland maintains strong economic and trading links with South Africa and also maintains such ties with other states, especially in the Southern African Development Community region. Up untill 1973, the country's constitution was Westminister based. This was evoked and replaced with a system designed to facilitate the practice of both western and traditional styles of government. This system incorporated the system known as Tinkhundla and provides for the people to elect candidates to be their parliamentary representatives for specific constituencies.

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Books on the topic "Socio Political history of India"

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Socio-economic, political & cultural history of South India. Delhi: Independent Pub. Co., 2000.

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Asopa, Jai Narayan. A socio-political and economic study, northern India. Jaipur: Prateeksha Publications, 1990.

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Asopa, Jai Narayan. A socio-political and economic study, northern India. Jaipur: Prateeksha Publications, 1990.

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De, Ranjit Kumar. Socio-political movements in India: A historical study of Tripura. New Delhi: Mittal Publiacations, 1998.

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De, Ranjit Kumar. Socio-political movements in India: A historical study of Tripura. New Delhi, India: Mittal Publications, 1998.

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Bala, Poonam. Imperialism and medicine in Bengal: A socio-historical perspective. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1991.

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Towards a theology of universality: John Wesley's socio-economic, political & moral insights on British class & Indian caste distinctions. New Delhi: Christian World Imprints, 2015.

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Khilnani, N. M. Socio-political dimensions of modern India. New Delhi: M.D. Publications, 1993.

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The language of the gods in the world of men: Sanskrit, culture, and power in premodern India. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006.

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R, Gopalakrishnan. Socio-political framework in North-East India. New Delhi: Vikas Pub. House, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Socio Political history of India"

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Krishna, Daya. "Socio-Political Thought in Classical India." In A Companion to World Philosophies, 235–47. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781405164566.ch16.

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Omodeo, Pietro Daniel. "Socio-political History of Science: From Structures to Hegemonies." In Political Epistemology, 97–124. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-23120-0_5.

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Stewart, Robert J. "Religion, myths and beliefs: Their socio-political roles." In General History of the Caribbean, 559–606. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-73773-4_17.

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Washbrook, David. "The political economy of colonialism in India." In Routledge Handbook of the History of Colonialism in South Asia, 23–35. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429431012-4.

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Omodeo, Pietro D. "Socio-Political Coordinates of Early-Modern Mechanics: A Preliminary Discussion." In Boston Studies in the Philosophy and History of Science, 55–78. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90345-3_3.

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Sahoo, Dipsikha. "Socio-Economic and Political Causes of Urbanization in India During the British Period." In Urbanization in India During the British Period (1857–1947), 96–153. New York, NY : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429275142-3.

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Pathirana, Dhanusha Gihan, and Chandana Aluthge. "Discussion of Socio-Economic and Statistical Results." In A History of Underdevelopment and Political Economy of Inflation in Sri Lanka, 131–62. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5664-7_5.

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S. M., Sajid, and Khalid Mohammad Tabish. "Socio-Economic and Political Contextual Realities in India: Implications for Social Work Practice." In The Palgrave Handbook of Global Social Work Education, 311–23. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-39966-5_19.

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Luz, Nimrod. "Reconstructing the Urban Landscape of Mamluk Jerusalem: Spatial and Socio-political Implications." In The Mamluk Sultanate from the Perspective of Regional and World History, 123–48. Göttingen: V&R unipress, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.14220/9783737004114.123.

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Madan, Amman. "Did the Marathas rule India? Reflections on postmodernism, reality and school history textbooks." In Moral and Political Discourses in Philosophy of Education, 53–71. London: Routledge India, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429285493-7.

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Conference papers on the topic "Socio Political history of India"

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Tekeoğlu, Muammer. "Socio-Economic Transformation and Historicality." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c08.01947.

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Socio-economic transformations can be understood more clearly in the history of the broad period. Accordingly, we can speak of the rise and fall of civilizations. Numerous civilizations have formed in the world and many have disappeared. In this respect, the 21st century also undergoes important civilization transformations. In this century of technological change, the computer algorithm has reached a position that exceeds human intelligence for the first time. It is a serious danger for mankind that the control of political, social sovereignty are subject to a limited elite control, as well as significant differences in development between countries that have it and those who do not. It is envisaged that many areas of human endeavor will not be needed due to artificial intelligence tools and this will create a serious unemployment problem. This means that the freedoms of the individual and the individual will become insignificant. Therefore, there is a need for global co-operation that protects freedoms and regulates ethical norms in the 21st century. In particular, the proliferation of interdisciplinary studies is important, as social science studies tend to focus more on this field. So, in the future, either liberal freedoms will live or the dominance of computer algorithms called "dataism" will lead to a new "slavery" system. Within this context, it is hoped that Turkish Islamic civilization can create an alternative. This is because; in the past of this civilization there is an ideology that glorifies mankind. Especially with the leadership of Turkey it is possible to release this civilization from "twilight". The presentation includes titles for the breakthroughs to be made in this area.
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Alagöz, Mehmet, Selahattin Sarı, and Ahmet Ay. "The Developing Economical Power Uzbekistan with Macroeconomic Indicators." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c10.02184.

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Each country aims a prosperous life standard, and therefore follows socio-economical policies. The consequences of the policies determine their level of growth. There are many indications that show the level of their growth. In 1991, having declared its independence, Uzbekistan has undertaken the role of being a key country in Middle East with its rich cultural values, deep-rooted history, geopolitical location, and its economical potential. In addition, there have been several prominent factors which contribute country's level of growth such as cheap labor, high farming potential, and rich natural resources like oil and gas. In this study, the development of selected macro socio-economic values of Uzbekistan between 1991 and 2016 will be analyzed, and there will be economical and political suggestions for the future.
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Karagöz, Kadir, and Sibel Selim. "Analyzing the Determining Factors of Internal Migration in Turkey in terms of Regional Socio-economic Development Level." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c10.02144.

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Throughout history, mankind has been almost constantly involved in an immigration movement. Almost all countries on earth are affected by migration. People sometimes have to leave by their own will and sometimes forced to migrate as well. The factors that cause this situation are natural, economic, social and political. In Turkey, the migration gained pace especially since the 1950s. The causes of this phenomenon are increased mechanization in agriculture, rapid urbanization and civil service assignments. The purpose of this study is to examine the determining factors of internal immigration between the provinces of Turkey through development indicators in the period of 2008-2015 with count data regression analysis and artificial neural network. In addition, using count data analysis and artificial neural networks are used to determine the best estimation method for performing internal migration forecasting in Turkey.
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Raheja, Roshni. "Social Evaluations of Accented Englishes: An Indian Perspective." In GLOCAL Conference on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 2020. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/cala2020.1-1.

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Research in the field of Language Attitudes and Social Perceptions has evidenced the associations between a speaker’s accent and a listener’s perceptions of various aspects of their identity – intelligence, socio-economic background, race, region of origin, friendliness, etc. This process of ‘profiling’ results in discrimination and issues faced in various social institutions where verbal communication is of great importance, such as education environments, or even during employee recruitment. This study uses a mixed-methods approach, employing a sequential explanatory design to investigate the social evaluation process of native and non-native accents on status and solidarity parameters by students from a multicultural university located in Pune, India. The findings are consistent with research in the field of language attitudes, demonstrating preference for Indian and Western accents as compared to other Asian accents. Semi-structured interviews revealed factors such as education, colonial history, globalization and media consumption to be key in influencing these evaluations. The themes are explored in the context of the World Englishes framework, and the socio-economic history of the English language in India.
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Nakil, Seemantini. "Traditional and modern systems for addressing wter scarcity in arid zones of India." In Post-Oil City Planning for Urban Green Deals Virtual Congress. ISOCARP, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/fesh7872.

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Water is essential for all socio-economic development and for maintaining a healthy ecosystem in the world. At present, reduction of water scarcity is prime goal of many countries and governments. Water scarcity is one of the most important concerns of present-day geographers as water is the central subject of all kinds of developmental activities. Rajasthan is the largest state in India covering an area of 34.22 million hectares, i.e.10.5 percent of the country’s geographical area, but sharing only 1.15 percent of its water resources. The state is predominantly agrarian as the livelihood of 70 percent of its people depends on agriculturebased activities. Most of the state (60-75%) is arid or semiarid. Waterways are a vital and productive resource to our environment. Rajasthan in India is characterized by very low mean annual rainfall (100-400 mm), high inter-annual variability in rainfall and stream flows, and poorquality soils and groundwater. Rajasthan has a rich history of use of traditional systems of water harvesting in almost all the districts of the state. These practices have often saved the droughtaffected regions from problems of water famine. The serious problems of water shortages in many parts of the country are being largely attributed to the discontinued use of traditional water harvesting practices. This paper discusses reasons of scarcity of water in arid zones and also explore various traditional & modern water systems to resolve the issue of water scarcity in arid parts of India.
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Ghosh, Aditi. "Representations of the Self and the Others in a Multilingual City: Hindi Speakers in Kolkata." In GLOCAL Conference on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 2019. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/cala2019.3-4.

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This study examines the attitudes and representations of a select group of Hindi mother tongue speakers residing in Kolkata. Hindi is one of the two official languages of India and Hindi mother tongue speakers are the numerically dominant language community in India, as per census. Further, due to historical, political and socio-cultural reasons, enormous importance is attached to the language, to the extent that there is a wide spread misrepresentation of the language as the national language of India. In this way, speakers of Hindi by no means form a minority in Indian contexts. However, as India is an extremely multilingual and diverse country, in many areas of the country other language speakers outnumber Hindi speakers, and in different states other languages have prestige, greater functional value and locally official status as well. Kolkata is one of such places, as the capital of West Bengal, a state where Bengali is the official language, and where Bengali is the most widely spoken mother tongue. Hindi mother tongue speakers, therefore, are not the dominant majority here, however, their language still carries the symbolic load of a representative language of India. In this context, this study examines the opinions and attitudes of a section of long term residents of Kolkata whose mother tongue is Hindi. The data used in this paper is derived from a large scale survey conducted in Kolkata which included 153 Hindi speakers. The objective of the study is to elicit, through a structured interview, their attitudes towards their own language and community, and towards the other languages and communities in Kolkata, and to examine how they represent and construct the various communities in their responses. The study adopts qualitative methods of analysis. The analysis shows that though there is largely an overt representation of harmony, there are indications of how the socio-cultural symbolic values attached to different languages are also extended to its speakers creating subtle social distances among language communities.
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Zlotnikova, Tatyana. "Power in Russia: Modus Vivendi and Artis Imago." In Russian Man and Power in the Context of Dramatic Changes in Today’s World, the 21st Russian scientific-practical conference (with international participation) (Yekaterinburg, April 12–13, 2019). Liberal Arts University – University for Humanities, Yekaterinburg, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.35853/ufh-rmp-2019-pc02.

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Contemporary Russian socio-cultural, cultural and philosophical, socio psychological, artistic and aesthetic practices actualize the Russian tradition of rejection, criticism, undisguised hatred and fear of power. Today, however, power has ceased to be a subject of one-dimensional denial or condemnation, becoming the subject of an interdisciplinary scientific discourse that integrates cultural studies, philosophy, social psychology, semiotics, art criticism and history (history of culture). The article provides theoretical substantiation and empirical support for the two facets of notions of power. The first facet is the unique, not only political, but also mental determinant of the problem of power in Russia, a kind of reflection of modus vivendi. The second facet is the artistic and image-based determinant of problem of power in Russia designated as artis imago. Theoretical grounds for solving these problems are found in F. Nietzsche’s perceptions of the binary “potentate-mass” opposition, G. Le Bon’s of the “leader”, K.-G. Jung’s of mechanisms of human motivation for power. The paper dwells on the “semiosis of power” in the focus of thoughts by A. F. Losev, P. A. Sorokin, R. Barthes. Based on S. Freud’s views of the unconscious and G. V. Plekhanov’s and J. Maritain’s views of the totalitarian power, we substantiate the concept of “the imperial unconscious”. The paper focuses on the importance of the freedom motif in art (D. Diderot and V. G. Belinsky as theorists, S. Y. Yursky as an art practitioner). Power as a subject of influence and object of analysis by Russian creators is studied on the material of perceptions and creative experience of A. S. Pushkin (in the context of works devoted to Russian “impostors” by numerous authors). Special attention is paid to the early twenty-first century television series on Soviet rulers (Stalin, Khrushchev, Brezhnev, Furtseva). The conclusion is made on the relevance of Pushkin’s remark about “living power” “hated by the rabble” for contemporary Russia.
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Taher, Muath Muhammad Basher, and Jorge Correia. "Reading Nablus’ urban print: towards an understanding of its morphology." In 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.6123.

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Nablus old center stands as a typical Arab city with a relevant geographical location. Successive historical periods distinguish its history - from Canaanite to Roman, Byzantine, Islamic, Crusader or Ottoman - till nowadays. This cultural diversity has layered chronological strata on its urban fabric. Therefore, diverse historical characteristics reflected in the city’s urban morphology have undergone continued physical and functional transformations, not only gradually by time and various socio-cultural, economic or political factors, but also radically by earthquakes and war destructions. Present-day Nablus’ physical image echoes a palimpsest of urban/social identities and an asset for a very sensitive collective memory. This paper examines the formation, evolution and constitution of the old city of Nablus by a retrospective analysis that searches the morphological momentum for each phase in articulation with a reflection around its historical meaning for the city. Methodologically, this study is conducted on both urban and architectural levels, surveying street hierarchy and plot distribution. This understanding will be extremely important for an accurate perception of this tissue in order to advocate for a concerned idea of the city’s reconstruction, following recent urban annihilations. At a time when urban rehabilitation pushes plans for quick and immediate results, reading Nablus’ urban morphology can work as the lacking tool for an instructed and operative regeneration.
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McCartney, Patrick. "Sustainably–Speaking Yoga: Comparing Sanskrit in the 2001 and 2011 Indian Censuses." In GLOCAL Conference on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 2019. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/cala2019.3-5.

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Sanskrit is considered by many devout Hindus and global consumers of yoga alike to be an inspirational, divine, ‘language of the gods’. For 2000 years, at least, this middle Indo-Aryan language has endured in a post-vernacular state, due, principally, to its symbolic capital as a liturgical language. This presentation focuses on my almost decade-long research into the theo-political implications of reviving Sanskrit, and includes an explication of data derived from fieldwork in ‘Sanskrit-speaking’ communities in India, as well as analyses of the language sections of the 2011 census; these were only released in July 2018. While the census data is unreliable, for many reasons, but due mainly to the fact that the results are self reported, the towns, villages, and districts most enamored by Sanskrit will be shown. The hegemony of the Brahminical orthodoxy quite often obfuscates the structural inequalities inherent in the hierarchical varṇa-jātī system of Hinduism. While the Indian constitution provides the opportunity for groups to speak, read/write, and to teach the language of their choice, even though Sanskrit is afforded status as a scheduled (i.e. recognised language that is offered various state-sponsored benefits) language, the imposition of Sanskrit learning on groups historically excluded from access to the Sanskrit episteme urges us to consider how the issue of linguistic human rights and glottophagy impact on less prestigious and unscheduled languages within India’s complex linguistic ecological area where the state imposes Sanskrit learning. The politics of representation are complicated by the intimate relationship between consumers of global yoga and Hindu supremacy. Global yogis become ensconced in a quite often ahistorical, Sanskrit-inspired thought-world. Through appeals to purity, tradition, affect, and authority, the unique way in which the Indian state reconfigures the logic of neoliberalism is to promote cultural ideals, like Sanskrit and yoga, as two pillars that can possibly create a better world via a moral and cultural renaissance. However, at the core of this political theology is the necessity to speak a ‘pure’ form of Sanskrit. Yet, the Sanskrit spoken today, even with its high and low registers, is, ultimately, various forms of hybrids influenced by the substratum first languages of the speakers. This leads us to appreciate that the socio-political components of reviving Sanskrit are certainly much more complicated than simply getting people to speak, for instance, a Sanskritised register of Hindi.
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Nita, Marius, and Sorela-Maria Pruteanu. "The Importance of Military Management in Pandemic Crises Management." In International Conference Innovative Business Management & Global Entrepreneurship. LUMEN Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/ibmage2020/12.

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The year 2020 began with the coronavirus pandemic, which led to one of the most tumultuous periods in recent history, sending the world economy into a crisis that is hard to estimate, with a steep drop in economic growth and a recession with grim prospects of a return to its original situation. We are talking about major social, economic and political challenges, with implications that will be very difficult to manage in terms of social life, health care, unemployment or economic development. The current context of the global crisis due to the coronavirus pandemic, the implicit transformations that have occurred in the management of public administration has required a change in the classical attitude towards crisis management and management, namely the adoption of a more complex and comprehensive one, which will give you a firm concern for the affected areas, by resorting, where necessary, to a military management to solve the crisis. Military leadership is a strong one, with special training, that makes it able to manage crisis situations, because we are talking about people who are used to making decisions in conditions of uncertainty and having insufficient information. The document presented is a study that examines the role played by the military environment in the context of the coronavirus pandemic, given that it has generated a complex chain of socio-economic effects, and the need to involve military capabilities is more than necessary, considering one of the mission of army is supporting the authorities during unexpected situations.
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Reports on the topic "Socio Political history of India"

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Tymoshyk, Mykola. LONDON MAGAZINE «LIBERATION WAY» AND ITS PLACE IN THE HISTORY OF UKRAINIAN JOURNALISM ABROAD. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11057.

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One of the leading Western Ukrainian diaspora journals – London «Liberation Way», founded in January 1949, has become the subject of the study for the first time in journalism. Archival documents and materials of the Ukrainian Publishing Union in London and the British National Library (British Library) were also observed. The peculiarities of the magazine’s formation and the specifics of the editorial policy, founders and publishers are clarified. A group of OUN members who survived Hitler’s concentration camps and ended up in Great Britain after the end of World War II initiated the foundation of the magazine. Until April 1951, including issue 42, the Board of Foreign Parts of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists were the publishers of the magazine. From 1951 to the beginning of 2000 it was a socio-political monthly of the Ukrainian Publishing Union. From the mid-60’s of the twentieth century – a socio-political and scientific-literary monthly. In analyzing the programmatic principles of the magazine, the most acute issues of the Ukrainian national liberation movement, which have long separated the forces of Ukrainian emigration and from which the founders and publishers of the magazine from the beginning had clearly defined positions, namely: ideology of Ukrainian nationalism, the idea of ​​unity of Ukraine and Ukrainians, internal inter-party struggle among Ukrainian emigrants have been singled out. The review and systematization of the thematic palette of the magazine’s publications makes it possible to distinguish the following main semantic accents: the formation of the nationalist movement in exile; historical Ukrainian themes; the situation in sub-Soviet Ukraine; the problem of the unity of Ukrainians in the Western diaspora; mission and tasks of Ukrainian emigration in the context of its responsibilities to the Motherland. It also particularizes the peculiarities of the formation of the author’s assets of the magazine and its place in the history of Ukrainian national journalism.
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Gupte, Jaideep, Sarath MG Babu, Debjani Ghosh, Eric Kasper, and Priyanka Mehra. Smart Cities and COVID-19: Implications for Data Ecosystems from Lessons Learned in India. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/sshap.2021.034.

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This brief distils best data practice recommendations through consideration of key issues involved in the use of technology for surveillance, fact-checking and coordinated control during crisis or emergency response in resource constrained urban contexts. We draw lessons from how data enabled technologies were used in urban COVID-19 response, as well as how standard implementation procedures were affected by the pandemic. Disease control is a long-standing consideration in building smart city architecture, while humanitarian actions are increasingly digitised. However, there are competing city visions being employed in COVID-19 response. This is symptomatic of a broader range of tech-based responses in other humanitarian contexts. These visions range from aspirations for technology driven, centralised and surveillance oriented urban regimes, to ‘frugal innovations’ by firms, consumers and city governments. Data ecosystems are not immune from gendered- and socio-political discrimination, and technology-based interventions can worsen existing inequalities, particularly in emergencies. Technology driven public health (PH) interventions thus raise concerns about 1) what types of technologies are appropriate, 2) whether they produce inclusive outcomes for economically and socially disadvantaged urban residents and 3) the balance between surveillance and control on one hand, and privacy and citizen autonomy on the other.
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Thompson, Stephen, Brigitte Rohwerder, and Clement Arockiasamy. Freedom of Religious Belief and People with Disabilities: A Case Study of People with Disabilities from Religious Minorities in Chennai, India. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2021.003.

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India has a unique and complex religious history, with faith and spirituality playing an important role in everyday life. Hinduism is the majority religion, and there are many minority religions. India also has a complicated class system and entrenched gender structures. Disability is another important identity. Many of these factors determine people’s experiences of social inclusion or exclusion. This paper explores how these intersecting identities influence the experience of inequality and marginalisation, with a particular focus on people with disabilities from minority religious backgrounds. A participatory qualitative methodology was employed in Chennai, to gather case studies that describe in-depth experiences of participants. Our findings show that many factors that make up a person’s identity intersect in India and impact how someone is included or excluded by society, with religious minority affiliation, caste, disability status, and gender all having the potential to add layers of marginalisation. These various identity factors, and how individuals and society react to them, impact on how people experience their social existence. Identity factors that form the basis for discrimination can be either visible or invisible, and discrimination may be explicit or implicit. Despite various legal and human rights frameworks at the national and international level that aim to prevent marginalisation, discrimination based on these factors is still prevalent in India. While some tokenistic interventions and schemes are in place to overcome marginalisation, such initiatives often only focus on one factor of identity, rather than considering intersecting factors. People with disabilities continue to experience exclusion in all aspects of their lives. Discrimination can exist both between, as well as within, religious communities, and is particularly prevalent in formal environments. Caste-based exclusion continues to be a major problem in India. The current socioeconomic environment and political climate can be seen to perpetuate marginalisation based on these factors. However, when people are included in society, regardless of belonging to a religious minority, having a disability, or being a certain caste, the impact on their life can be very positive.
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Tull, Kerina. Social Inclusion and Immunisation. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.025.

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The current COVID-19 epidemic is both a health and societal issue; therefore, groups historically excluded and marginalised in terms of healthcare will suffer if COVID-19 vaccines, tests, and treatments are to be delivered equitably. This rapid review is exploring the social and cultural challenges related to the roll-out, distribution, and access of COVID-19 vaccines, tests, and treatments. It highlights how these challenges impact certain marginalised groups. Case studies are taken from sub-Saharan Africa (the Democratic Republic of Congo, South Africa), with some focus on South East Asia (Indonesia, India) as they have different at-risk groups. Lessons on this issue can be learned from previous pandemics and vaccine roll-out in low- and mid-income countries (LMICs). Key points to highlight include successful COVID-19 vaccine roll-out will only be achieved by ensuring effective community engagement, building local vaccine acceptability and confidence, and overcoming cultural, socio-economic, and political barriers that lead to mistrust and hinder uptake of vaccines. However, the literature notes that a lot of lessons learned about roll-out involve communication - including that the government should under-promise what it can do and then over-deliver. Any campaign must aim to create trust, and involve local communities in planning processes.
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Maiangwa, Benjamin. Peace (Re)building Initiatives: Insights from Southern Kaduna, Nigeria. RESOLVE Network, September 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2021.22.lpbi.

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Violent conflicts and crime have reached new heights in Nigeria, as cases of kidnapping, armed banditry, and communal unrests continue to tear at the core of the ethnoreligious divides in the country. Southern Kaduna has witnessed a virulent spree of communal unrest in northern Nigeria over the last decade due to its polarized politics and power differentials between the various groups in the area, particularly the Christians and Muslims, who are almost evenly split. In response to their experiences of violence, the people of that region have also shown incredible resilience and grit in transforming their stress and suffering. This policy note focuses on the transformative practices of the Fulani and other ethnic communities in southern Kaduna in terms of how they problem-solve deep-seated socio-political rivalries and violent relations by working through their shared identity, history, and cultures of peace. The note explores how peace practitioners and donor agencies could consolidate local practices of sustaining peace as complementary or alternative resources to the state’s liberal system.
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