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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Socio Political history of India'
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Singh, Ujjwal Kumar. "Political prisoners in India, 1920-1977." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1996. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/29435/.
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This is a study of the politics of 'political prisonerhood' in colonial and independent India. Prison going and the struggles inside the prison had, with the nationalist culture of jail going in the early part of the twentieth century become an integral part of the protest against the colonial state. Imprisonment in its multifarious forms also became the major bulwark of the colonial state's strategy for harnessing recalcitrant subjects. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the process by which the notion of 'political' became a festering issue in the contest between the colonial state and the subject population and later between the state in independent India and the various 'rebel' groups, and also the manner in which the ruling classes assumed the sole responsibility of defining the 'political'. We have confined our study to the peaks of nationalist resistance against the colonial state and popular struggles against the dominant classes in independent India. Through this exploration of the notion of political prisonerhood we also attempt to understand the permanence and ruptures in the forms of repression and the nature of penal sanctions which the state deployed against its political opponents in colonial and independent India. In order to understand what constitutes 'political crime', and who were or were not recognized as 'political prisoners' at a particular historical moment, we have examined the role of the ideological discourses which informed penal regimes in colonial and independent India. The theoretical premises and conceptual tools in this study bear the influence of the Marxist studies on Indian politics and the Subaltern school's understanding of Indian history. The material for research has been drawn from various official and unofficial sources viz., archival records of the colonial government and the government of independent India, reports on prisons by various governmental committees, jail manuals, rules, regulations, laws, autobiographies, biographies, prison memoirs, prison diaries and interviews with erstwhile political prisoners.
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Dhar, Suranjita Nina. "Rabindranath Tagore's thoughts on education from a socio-political perspective." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1996. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/MQ37300.pdf.
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Azizalam, Shaista. "Sayyid Aḥmad Khān and the ʻUlamāʾ : a study in socio-political context." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61142.
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This study examines the relationship of Sir Sayyid Ahmad $ underline{ rm Kh}$an with the Indian $ sp{ rm c}$ulama'. As part of his reform movement, and in particular through his journal Tahzibu'l-Akhlaq, Sir Sayyid launched a severe attack on the $ sp{ rm c}$ulama'. He held the $ sp{ rm c}$ulama' directly responsible for leading the community to the verge of disintegration. For their part, the $ sp{ rm c}$ulama' thinspace's opposition to Sir Sayyid seems to have been inspired not so much by the theological ideas of Sir Sayyid as by the $ sp{ rm c}$ulama' thinspace's perception that Sir Sayyid's ideas, criticism and his reform movement in general were a challenge to their position and role in society.The $ sp{ rm c}$ulama' thinspace's opposition was venomous but, for a variety of reasons, it did not prove strong enough to deal a mortal blow to the reform movement of Sir Sayyid.
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Zaman, Faridah. "Futurity and the political thought of north Indian Muslims, c.1900-1925." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708787.
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Das, Ritanjan. "History, ideology and negotiation : the politics of policy transition in West Bengal, India." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/614/.
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The thesis offers an examination of a distinct chapter in the era of economic reforms in India - the case of the state of West Bengal - and narrates the politics of an economic policy transition spearheaded by the Left Front coalition government that ruled the state from 1977 to 2011. In 1991, the Government of India began to pursue a far more liberal policy of economic development, with emphasis being placed on non-agricultural growth, the role of the private sector, and the merits of foreign direct investment (FDI). This caused serious political challenges for the Communist Party of India - Marxist (CPIM), the main party in the Left Front. Historically, the CPIM was committed to pro-poor policies focused on the countryside and had spoken out strongly against privatisation and FDI; however it could not ignore the stagnating industrial economy of the state, and was thus compelled to court private investment and take advantage of the liberalised policy environment. The nature of this dichotomy – one that characterised the political economy of West Bengal over the last two decades – is studied in this research as a set of why-how questions. Firstly, why did the CPIM/Left Front take upon itself the task of engineering a transition from an erstwhile landreform and agriculture based growth model to a pro-market development agenda post-1991? And secondly, how was such a choice justified to/negotiated with the various stakeholders (the rank and file of the CPIM itself, other coalition member parties, trade unions, the industrial class, etc.) while sustaining the party’s traditional rhetoric and partisan character? In examining the second part, the thesis also ventures into the recent cases of huge opposition to land acquisition for industrial plants at Singur and Nandigram, and demonstrates how the mandate of the top brass of party leadership in Calcutta was being implemented, translated or contested at the local levels. On the whole, this thesis attempts a reappraisal of the politicaleconomic history of the Left Front regime and particularly that of its majority partner, the CPIM, over the last two decades. It also places the case in a broader Indian context and contributes to wider debates on the changing nature of federalism in India and the politics of economic reforms
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Seif-Amirhosseini, Zahra. "Socio-political change and development in Iran : Reza Sah and the Shi`i hierocracy." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2105/.
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The thesis offers an analysis of the Reza Sah period in terms of the balance between religion and politics and their societal and institutional power, the discussion of which is located within a historical framework. The relationship between religion and politics and their related effect on the 'legitimacy' of the structure of domination are considered within Weber's tripartite typology of domination. Whilst acknowledging the overall implications of the feasibility of adopting a Weberian framework and criticisms concerning the lack of accuracy of Weber's study of Islam, the thesis proposes that it is nevertheless possible to use a Weberian perspective in the study of Iranian Shi'ism. The changes introduced in the period are examined through an analysis of institutional changes deemed necessary for the process of modernization and secularization. An adequate understanding of this period is proposed to be critically dependent upon an understanding of the nature of the secularization process in Iran. This thesis is therefore concerned with two interconnected themes, one theoretical and the other historical. The theoretical theme, namely, the nature of the secularization process, arguably forms the core of the thesis in terms of its applicability to the period under study. It is the centrality of the secularization process which necessitates the analysis of a subsidiary argument concerning the limitations arising from Western (including Weberian) understanding of secularization, in particular with regard to Iran during the stated period. The historical theme - the analysis of the events between 1921 and 1941 - is considered for its own importance as a period of structural and institutional change and as a testing ground for the secularization thesis.
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Dhattiwala, Raheel. "Hindu-Muslim violence in Gujarat, 2002 : political logic, spatial configuration, and communal cooperation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669731.
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This thesis uses a mixed methods approach to investigate the different levels of Hindu-Muslim violence in Gujarat (western India) in 2002 when at least a thousand Muslims were killed. An original dataset of killings is compiled to analyse macrospatial variation in the violence across towns and rural areas of Gujarat. Data collected from 21 months of ethnographic fieldwork in Ahmedabad city is used to investigate microspatial variation across three neighbourhoods with varying levels of violence.Macrospatial analysis discusses the link between political authority and its capacity to instigate ethnic violence as a response to electoral calculations and identifies the mechanisms by which violence against Muslims was orchestrated by the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Ethnographic findings demonstrate the importance of ecological strategies adopted by attackers and targets during the course of attack and urge a re-examination of the intuitive association of spatial proximity with greater interethnic contact. Findings also reveal methods of enforcement used by legitimate and illegitimate institutions of a peaceful slum neighbourhood in resolving commitment problems of cooperation. Finally, the thesis examines the aftermath of the violence, more specifically a political phenomenon of Muslims of Gujarat supporting the BJP nine years after the brutal violence.Methodologically, the main contribution of this thesis is in bridging the quantitative and ethnographic traditions in the sociology of ethnic violence to make possible the linking, and disentangling, of macrolevel risk factors associated with violence from microlevel factors. Findings of the thesis hopefully provide a better understanding of ethnic violence in multi-ethnic democracies and a roadmap of policy-making for India as it continues to struggle with ethnic strife.
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Vadan, Paul. "Ephesos after Alexander: Socio-Political transformations in Western Asia Minor during the early Hellenistic period." Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=103651.
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The present study deals with the socio-political transformations in the city of Ephesos in the early Hellenistic period. It shows that during the tumultuous months after the death of Alexander the Great, the Ephesian community sought to re-establish internal and regional stability by appealing to the Macedonian Successors for support. This was achieved at the meeting of Ephesos in the summer of 322 BC, as attested by a detailed epigraphic study of a series of local inscriptions (I. Ephes. 1430-1437). The meeting addressed issues over Ionian democracy and privileges, as well as Macedonian hegemonia, in conformity with the precedents set by Alexander. Its successful conclusion saw Ephesos emerge as the leading and representative member of the Ionian koinon.La présente étude a comme sujet les transformations sociopolitiques dans la cite d'Ephesos dans la haute période hellénistique. Elle montre que pendant les mois tumultueux après la mort d'Alexandre le Grand, la communauté d'Éphèse a cherché à rétablir la stabilité interne et régionale en appelant aux Successeurs Macédoniens. Ce but a été atteint lors de la réunion a Ephese pendant l'été de 322 av-JC, comme il est atteste par un étude épigraphique détaillé d'une une série des inscriptions locales (I. Ephes. 1430-1437). La réunion a abordé des questions concernant la démocratie et privilèges Ioniennes, aussi que la hegemonia Macédonienne, en conformité avec les précédents mis pas Alexandre. Son succès a vu émerger Ephese en tant que membre dirigeant et représentant du koinon Ionienne.
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Meddings, John P. "Family, followers and friends : the socio-political dynamics of the Anglo-Norman aristocracy, 1100-1204." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1998. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/505/.
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Three groups are examined: the family, followers and friends. The structure,functions and tensions of these groups are described and their dynamics analysed in the fields of decision making and conflict resolution. The approach offers a dialectic between Latin and French sources, historical and literary, and social science theories. This opens up new avenues for analysis and allows a holistic description of medieval politics and society. The family comprised parents and their children. Within this small unit affection was very strong; outside, it quickly declined. Although uncles and nephews had political links there was considerably less emotional attachment between them than between parent-child and sibling relationships. Three types of follower are examined: household retainers, enfeoffed tenants and 'neighbours'. Household knights had the strongest emotional bonds to their lord and were seen as the most loyal. Tenants who performed homage were called `men'; 'vassal' is shown to mean 'good follower'. An aristocrat exercised considerable control within his lands and beyond them he maintained some power. In these areas people may have obeyed his will without having any direct link with him. Such people were often called 'neighbours'. Informal influences such as love and fear are shown to have more force than the formal bonds created through homage and oaths. Concepts of 'treason' and 'defiance' are also examined. Five types of friendship are identified: friendship as courtesy, formal friendship, emotional friendship, company and companionship. Calling someone 'friend' was a sign of politeness. Political agreements, often termed covenants, created formal bonds of friendship. A new methodology for investigating emotional friendship is proposed. Groups with a strong identity were called companies. Companionship was a close bond, usually between two men, that combined elements of formal and emotional friendship. This description of the socio-political dynamics of the aristocracy offers an alternative to earlier models and greatly enhances our understanding of Anglo-Norman politics and society.
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Dlamini, Lomakhosi G. "Socio-economic and political constraints on constitutional reform in Swaziland." University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_4327_1197279930.
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This study looked at socio-economic and political constraints on constitutional reform in Swaziland, an independent state with a fully autonomous government that falls under the Monarch who is Head of State. Swaziland maintains strong economic and trading links with South Africa and also maintains such ties with other states, especially in the Southern African Development Community region. Up untill 1973, the country's constitution was Westminister based. This was evoked and replaced with a system designed to facilitate the practice of both western and traditional styles of government. This system incorporated the system known as Tinkhundla and provides for the people to elect candidates to be their parliamentary representatives for specific constituencies.
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Rodríguez, Alvaro Joseph. "Political bargaining and the Punjab crisis : the Punjab Accord of 1985." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28273.
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Since the early 1980's, the Punjab state of India has been in turmoil as a result of a separatist movement that developed among elements of the Sikh community. Political tensions not only characterized the relationship between the Punjab and New Delhi/ but also between Sikhs and Hindus and among different segments within the Sikh community itself. The most important attempt to end the conflict in the state has been the Rajiv Gandhi-Sant Longowal Accord signed on July 24, 1985. However, the Accord failed and by mid-1987 the Punjab was once again racked by political violence. This thesis focuses on the events that led to the signing of the Accord and the forces that caused its demise. Bargaining theory provides the general theoretical framework against which the data are analyzed.
This thesis highlights the fact that political bargains in Third World weakly-institutionalized states are often the result of particular configurations of political power which are short lived.
The corollary of this is that once the configuration of political forces changes, the chances of success for the previously reached political bargain are weakened. In the particular case of the Punjab Accord, there was a change, beginning in late 1985, in the relative political power of the participants in the bargain. Also, the terms of the bargained Accord unleashed forces on both sides which undermined its implementation. Third World leaders should draw two major lessons from this. First, they should be careful not to have exaggerated perceptions of their power since this may be counterproductive in the future if they cannot deliver what they have promised. Second, these leaders should attempt to consult all interests with a stake in the bargained settlement as a way to prevent opposition to it.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Kimura, Birgitta K. "An archaeological investigation into the history and socio-political organization of Konso, Southern Ethiopia." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2004. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0008344.
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Atal, Maha Rafi. "When companies rule : corporate political authority in India, Kenya and South Africa." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/289776.
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This thesis examines the role of corporations as political authorities, focusing on corporate land acquisition and corporate provision of services and infrastructure. It considers these activities as "Company Rule," a political project to secure corporate control of territory and population, shaping power relations between corporations and the people they govern. The thesis asks what motivates companies to rule, and whether Company Rule can achieve political legitimacy. The thesis makes four main contributions. First, it develops a framework for analysing the political agency of corporations, informed by international relations theory, management science, and economic history, including empirical analysis of three historical cases of Company Rule: the British East India Company, the British South Africa Company, and the New Lanark mill town. Second, the thesis applies the framework to three contemporary case studies: the Reliance oil refinery and township in India, the Del Monte pineapple plantation and estate in Kenya, and the Lonmin platinum mine and surrounding settlements in South Africa. It finds that company actors are motivated by one or more of three key factors: utopian visions of the society their governance can deliver, a desire to counter resistance to business operations from labour, community groups or other stakeholders, and internal bureaucratic power struggles which take governance policies as a site of conflict. Third, the thesis finds that the balance of these motives varies across time and space. The policy context in which companies operate influences the particular ideological motives expressed in Company Rule. In highlighting the significance of policies that postcolonial governments have taken on the regulation of land, the thesis situates Company Rule in wider discussions of the role of territory and the social construction of space in the creation of political authority. Fourth, the thesis finds that any legitimacy Company Rule achieves relies not only on the material quality of company-provided services and infrastructure, but significantly on their normative content. Workers, communities and regulators respond to the ideological motives expressed in company governance, and it is their acceptance or rejection of these motives that determines the legitimacy of Company Rule.
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Melaku, Misganaw Tadesse. "Social and political history of Wollo Province in Ethiopia: 1769-1916." University of the Western Cape, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7290.
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Philosophiae Doctor - PhDWollo, formerly referred to as ―Bete Amhara,‖ refers to a region of Amharic-speaking Christians. It was one of the oldest provinces of Ethiopia; located in the north-eastern part of Ethiopia at the cross- roads of the Red Sea, Gulf of Aden, Sudan, and central and Southern Ethiopia. Its geostrategic central position has made it a historical focal point of historical dynamics in Ethiopia. Due to its geostrategic position, many writers of the medieval period referred to Wollo as the ―center and the heartland of the Abyssinian Empire. On account of these, major historical battles among political, social, and religious forces occurred in this region leaving their own mark on it and the nature of the Ethiopian state. Before the sixteenth century, Wollo had been a center of history, political administration, religion, and religious education. As a result, numerous historical events have taken place in this province. Due to such factors, it was part of the historically dominant regions in Ethiopia. However, after the sixteenth century we see a decline in the position of Wollo. A province which was part of the center, afterwards the sixteenth century, had been downgraded to the periphery following its domination by Islam and Oromo, which were two subjects of marginalization in Ethiopian historiography. Thereafter, the province was relegated from the country‘s political ground and historical narration due to ethnic, religious, and political backgrounds. In the earliest recordings of the historically dominant groups of Ethiopia, Wollo was not properly represented as it was regarded as a Muslim and Oromo province. In much of the recently recorded literature on the subaltern groups in the post-1991 period, the internal events of Wollo have been ignored. Therefore, both in the past and recently, the socio-political history of Wollo province has never been given due regard. Despite the fact that Wollo bears elements of both the historically dominant and historical subaltern of Ethiopia, it has not been provided proper representation by the narrative of the historically dominant groups, as it is not given proper place in the emergent history of the subaltern in Post-1991 Ethiopia. This paradox of Wollo belonging to both but not given due attention and representation is the corridor leading to explore the dark sides of Ethiopian historiography. Thus, this study attempts to examine why, how and in what way Wollo has been neglected from the country‘s political ground and historical narration. It will also try to reconstruct the social and political history of the province in the period under study.
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Turnbull, Christine Hazel. "The Viceroyalty of Lord Reading, 1921-1926 : with particular reference to the political and constitutional progress of India." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.280517.
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Gewald, Jan Bart. "Towards redemption : a socio-political history of the Herero of Namibia between 1890 and 1923 /." Leiden : Research school CNWS, School of Asian, African, and Amerindian studies, 1996. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36984126b.
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Pal, Deep. "India-China Relationship Since 1988 -- Ensuring Economics trumps Politics." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1586663.
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The Sino-Indian relationship marked by mutual mistrust for the last six decades has seen definitive changes since the late 1980s. Though considerable issues remain unresolved, the two have begun establishing mechanisms to establish a certain level of trust that began with the visit of Indian prime minister Rajiv Gandhi to Beijing in 1988. The paper analyzes recent literature on this relationship and finds them predicting two outcomes primarily - either one where India admits Chinese supremacy and kowtows to it, or one that foresees increased clashes between the two. Neither outcome takes into account the complex association that the two nations are building guided by a series of frameworks, mechanisms and agreements. This paper posits that in the evolutionary arc of interstate relations, Sino-Indian relations have not reached a point where only one of the two options - cooperation and competition, will be chosen. This paper argues that economic interests of the two rising powers is behind the present behavior where the two are courting each other but at the same time, preparing for the other's rise. Both countries consider their economic identity to be primary and do not want to be distracted from the key national goal of economic development. They are particularly careful that their disagreements with each other do not come in the way of this goal. The paper analyzes the various frameworks and suggests that they are created with this end in consideration. Both India and China aim to continue collaboration in economic matters bilaterally or in international issues of mutual interest even when they don't see eye to eye on disputes left over from history. It is likely that competition will at times get the better of cooperation, driven by factors like strategic influence in the neighborhood, finding newer providers of energy as well as markets for their goods and services. But periodic flare-ups notwithstanding, in the absence of serious provocations, the two countries will avoid clashes that can escalate. The paper also analyzes certain black-swan events that might disturb the balancing act. Incidents like the death of the Dalai Lama creating a vacuum within the Tibetan leadership is one such scenario; a terrorist attack on India planned and executed form Pakistan like the one in Mumbai in 2008 is another. However, the presence of multiple bilateral platforms will continue to automatically insulate alternate channels of communication even in these situations. In conclusion, the paper suggests that as they grow, India and China will continue to engage each other at several levels, competing and cooperation, deterring and reassuring each other at once.
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Priyadarshi, Praveen Kumar. "Political determinants of municipal capacity : a study of urban reforms in Ahmedabad and Kanpur, India." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3782/.
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This thesis asks why major urban reforms in India between 2005 and 2015 were more successfully implemented in some cities than in others. It undertakes a study of the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM), launched in 2005 by the Indian government, which aimed to implement governance reforms and urban infrastructure renewal across 65 Indian cities, but finished with only modest success. The implementation outcome of the mission also varied across cities. This thesis focuses on the differential implementation outcomes of the reforms in two Indian cities, Ahmedabad and Kanpur, and identifies historically constituted political capacity - located in municipal organization at the city level - as the key determinant of divergent trajectories in the JNNURM implementation. The study adapts John Kingdon‟s framework of „policy windows‟ to explore the formation of municipal capacities and municipal organisations in the two cities. The research identifies two historical „windows‟ that were crucial in the shaping of municipal organizations in Ahmedabad and Kanpur: the first episode was the colonial formation of municipal organisations; the second episode was the period of neoliberalisation. Following Kingdon, in each window, the problem, the policy and the politics have been identified and spelled out. The process of “coupling” between the problem and the policy has then been analysed by looking at the nature of politics and the principal political actors. The analysis demonstrates that while in Ahmedabad, the coupling was achieved during the two historical episodes, the problem and the policy remained unattached in the case of Kanpur. This variation led to two different architectures of municipal organisations in the two cities, resulting in different levels of municipal capacities at the time of the inauguration of the JNNURM. The thesis concludes that the specific histories of urban governance systems matter, and a policy insensitive to this, is likely to fail.
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Selva, Shanmuga Priya [Verfasser]. "Socio-political Realities of India in select Novels of Manohar Malgonkar, Khushwant Singh and Rohinton Mistry : Eine Studie / Shanmuga Priya Selva." München : GRIN Verlag, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1220833150/34.
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Selva, Shanmuga Priya [Verfasser]. "Socio-political Realities of India in select Novels of Manohar Malgonkar, Khushwant Singh and Rohinton Mistry : A study / Shanmuga Priya Selva." München : GRIN Verlag, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1227582005/34.
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Quartermain, Thomas Nile Dawbeny Eubanks. "Socio-political identity in Chosŏn Korea during the Japanese and Manchu invasions 1567-1637 : barbarians at the gates." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b42e15e6-7cee-4c89-b391-1cd21a2490eb.
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This thesis explores social and political identities in Choson Korea between the years 1567 and 1637, particularly during the Imjin War (1592-1598) and the Manchu Invasions (1627 and 1636-1637). During the Imjin War, the Japanese caused widespread destruction over the entire Korean peninsula and the Ming army entered the country. The Later Jin briefly invaded in 1627 and launched a large scale invasion in 1636. The Manchus overran Choson's feeble defenses and forced Choson to become a vassal state of the Qing Empire. Scholars are at odds over the form of socio-political identity during this period of foreign invasion. Some claim these wars created the 'Korean nation' for the first time, while others contend that no such socio-political concepts could have existed before the twentieth century. However, researchers often use the same philosophical approaches and merely select aspects of certain theorists' frameworks that best support their arguments. Both the theories and historian's methodologies are limited in their explanation of socio-political identity of the premodern Korean past and even more so for the time of the Imjin and Manchu Invasions. My research attempts to solve these theoretical problems by creating a 'fusion of horizons' between past and modern concepts of socio-political identity in order to explore the political and cultural environments of the Choson people before and during the wars (bildung). This is achieved firstly by relying on official government histories and individually written diaries that, together, create a more complete picture of former socio-political identity. Secondly, I propose understanding Choson by looking at the definitions of the king, state, people, culture, history, and foreign world using their own definitions from their own times.
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Hartley, G. F. "Mission christianity and the social gospel in Langa : a socio-political and cultural history, ca.1927-1960." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/7855.
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Bibliography: leaves 338-349.This study aims to contribute to the socio-political and cultural history of Langa during the years ca. 1927-1960 by exploring the critical religious influences, perceptions and ideologies that deeply shaped the longitudinal development of the local black township of Cape Town,South Africa. It is the contention of the thesis that religious factors and considerations were of fundamental significance to the marked processes of historical change that Langa underwent during this period, from being one of the most peaceful, cohesive and ""politically backward"" urban Mrican communities since its official opening in 1927, to becoming a place of militancy, violence and social polarisation by the time of the March 1960 uprisings against apartheid. In particular, the thesis seeks to trace the formative role of a combination of conservative and liberal modes of mission Christianity. Often loosely described as the ""Social Gospel"", this powerfully shaped the historical development and character of Langa – both positively and negatively, constructively and divisively, subtly and overtly - during a period of increasingly harsh and oppressive segregationist legislation in South Africa. It is argued that the variety of Christian forms of religious consciousness and ideological perceptions operated in a range of contradictory ways to effect historical patterns of social legitimation and solidarity on the one hand, and processes of liberation and dislocation on the other. Especially during the late 1920s, 1930s and early 1940s, it is claimed that the more conventional forms of a predominantly mission Christianity functioned to define a strikingly conservative, integrated and petty bourgeois-orientated township. The strength and influence of the ""respectable"" churches, the staunch, churchgoing petty bourgeoisie and their respective Christian-based cultural, educational and civic organisations, proved crucial in this regard in collusion with the municipal and township authorities. At the same time, it is held that the progressive strands of the Social Gospel, in particular, contributed towards the early shaping of an important dissenting tradition of protest in the township. In addition, the diverse influences of Social Christianity served to reinforce structural trends of class, religious and cultural differentiation and provoked more radical, even militant and antithetical, socio-religious and political responses. Amongst semi-urbanised, rural and migrant working-class elements in Langa, in particular, such processes had become especially evident by the late 1940s and into the 1950s. In this work, each chapter is geared historically towards examining these contradictory functions of the combination of conservative and progressive forms of Christianity, according to particular domains of social activity - the spheres of institutional religion, education and culture, and politics, respectively_ Thus, in a parallel fashion, the chapters address the themes of the Social Gospel's pervasive rise, mediation and consequent decline, together with the related questions of social integration, class differentiation and political liberation, towards assessing the historical role of religion in each distinctive social sphere in relation to the fundamental transition in Langa. The study concludes that Langa's socio-political and cultural history can be more effectively interpreted on the basis of this critical assessment of the Social Gospel's ambiguous impact during the inter-war and early apartheid years. Such an approach allows for conceptual constructs such as petty bourgeois identity, social group divisions, ideological expression and social change to be more fully explored. As such, this local study seeks to make a contribution to the growing body of scholarship that recognises the vital historical role of religion particularly Christianity, in the shaping of South African communities in the twentieth century.
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Southard, Nicole. "The Socio-Political and Economic Causes of Natural Disasters." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1720.
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To effectively prevent and mitigate the outbreak of natural disasters is a more pressing issue in the twenty-first century than ever before. The frequency and cost of natural disasters is rising globally, most especially in developing countries where the most severe effects of climate change are felt. However, while climate change is indeed a strong force impacting the severity of contemporary catastrophes, it is not directly responsible for the exorbitant cost of the damage and suffering incurred from natural disasters -- both financially and in terms of human life. Rather, the true root causes of natural disasters lie within the power systems at play in any given society when these regions come into contact with a hazard event. Historic processes of isolation, oppression, and exploitation, combined with contemporary international power systems, interact in complex ways to affect different socioeconomic classes distinctly. The result is to create vulnerability and scarcity among the most defenseless communities. These processes affect a society’s ideological orientation and their cultural norms, empowering some while isolating others. When the resulting dynamic socio-political pressures and root causes come into contact with a natural hazard, a disaster is likely to follow due to the high vulnerability of certain groups and their inability to adapt as conditions change. In this light, the following discussion exposes the anthropogenic roots of natural disasters by conducting a detailed case analysis of natural disasters in Haiti, Ethiopia, and Nepal.
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Syaroni, Mizan. "The Majlisul Islamil Ala Indonesia (MIAI) : its socio-religious and political activities (1937-1943)." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21270.
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This thesis investigates the activities of the Majlisul Islamil A`la Indonesia (MIAI), an Islamic federative organization of pre-independent Indonesia, elaborating in particular on the federation's socio-religious and political stance. Operating for only six years (1937--1943), the MIAI represented Muslim groups, as a counterpart to the "secularists," within the nationalist movement during both the final years of Dutch rule and the early stages of the Japanese occupation. The MIAI was established for the specific purpose of unifying the Islamic organizations---political and non-political, traditionalist and modernist alike---while at the same time reviving Muslim political and socio-religious strength after the decline of the Sarekat Islam, which had for almost fifteen years dominated the nationalist scene.The mission of the MIAI was seen by Muslims as a response to the threat posed by external forces. It reacted in particular against Dutch policies considered discriminatory by Muslims concerning matters involving Islamic belief and practice, such as marriage and education. The federation also took a strong stand regarding Christian polemic aimed at Islam and took part in Indonesian Muslim response. That the establishment of the MIAI was favored by most Islamic organizations attested to the strong sentiment among Indonesian Muslims for a common front, regardless of their differences on socio-religious and political issues. Together with the GAPI (Gabungan Partai Politik Indonesia or the Federation of Indonesian Political Parties) and the PVPN (Persatuan Vakbonden Pegawai Negeri, or the Association of Government Employees), the MIAI took part in demanding political reform on behalf of Muslim groups. Indeed, notwithstanding its short life span, the MIAI was a pioneer for national unity in general and Indonesian Muslim unity in particular.
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Aykota, Cansu. "Painting the steps : a socio-legal analysis of the freedom of the press in Turkey." Thesis, Brunel University, 2016. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/13657.
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Over recent years, censorship of the press in Turkey has been under international scrutiny, having been examined on the basis of recent political developments such as the Justice and Development Party’s democratisation promises with the incentive of the EU accession process and the role of the press in Turkey’s democratisation. This research aims to widen the terms of reference by providing a unifying framework for the problems posed by political, historical, and legal agents to press freedom, and analysing their interrelation throughout the history of modern Turkey. It seeks to identify the hindrances encountered by the press, which has its roots in the deep-seated State ideology and institutional framework that prioritises state security over individual rights and freedoms. This thesis therefore sets forth the inextricable link between the political history of Turkey and the current application of the law, and presents an in-depth analysis of Turkish political history in relation to press freedom, legal scholarship, and case-law as evidence to demonstrate this. The analysis of the obstacles to establishing stronger legal protection for the press that would not be affected by political change, is based on doctrinal and socio-legal analysis that investigates the flaws in the Turkish Constitution, Turkish Penal Code and Turkish Anti-Terror Law and questions the judicial approach to the implementation of the right to free expression of the press. The thesis specifies the loopholes in Turkish legislation that allow insufficient legal protection for freedom of the press and the inefficiency of the judiciary to realise the press’s right to free expression. The thesis recommends practical amendments to clarify broadly drawn legal provisions. A reduction in judicial bureaucracy to eliminate political influences on the judiciary. Judicial training for the internalisation of the right to free expression of the press as a human right . All of which would help overcome institutional hindrances based on the perception of a critical press as a threat to state security and national interest.
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Stewart, Mark James. "'The greatest benefit they ever received from us': British India and the origins of the Great Game, 1757--1805." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27047.
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This thesis traces the origins of the Great Game, a geopolitical conflict between the British and Russian Empires in Central Asia to the intellectual and constitutional construction of 'British India' after the Battle of Plassey in 1757. Using a diverse range of ideas and facets of British and Indian society it will examine how the East India Company, the Mughal Empire and the domestic British state all contributed to the development of the Great Game in the middle of the nineteenth century. By examining how British politicians and scholars interpreted the nature of British sovereignty and government in Bengal, it will demonstrate that once the East India Company had secured territorial domain in India, its employees set about interpreting many of the political, legal and religious ideas and traditions of Indian society in a way that made them more governable for Britons. This exercise in intellectual imperialism, in turn, had many unforeseen consequences, one of which was a propensity to expand the British Indian state into the rest of the subcontinent. This paper uses a variety of primary sources and the rich historiography of British India from recent decades to examine and evaluate this interesting and important episode.
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Rohrbach, Katja. "Closing the gates on democracy? : private urban governance & its socio-political consequenses om suburban Buenos Aires." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/525/.
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The underlying argument within this thesis is that cities are a reflection of transformations in society which manifest themselves in spatial structures and these spatial configurations vice versa influence society. The enclosure of residential neighbourhoods is accordingly understood as a spatial expression of social processes, which itself influences society and urban civic processes. This empirical research investigates social contacts, political engagement and civic concerns and links these processes to the following urban forms of residence: high income closed neighbourhoods; high income open neighbourhoods; middle income open neighbourhoods and low income open neighbourhoods, all situated within the suburban municipality of San Isidro/Buenos Aires. The criteria of analysis were residents’ social contacts, their social and political engagement, their opinions about local government and local politics, and their values given to the public realm, collective goods and other issues of common interest. This thesis mainly draws on two areas of literature: Firstly, interdisciplinary literature about gated communities and focusing on their implications for society, including social, legal, political and institutional perspectives. Secondly, literature from within sociology, social psychology and political theory, which comprise debates about the consequences of the privatisation of public space; contact and conflict and its impact on civic concerns; and the implications of the spread of private urban governance. The core argument is that as civic concerns are influenced by lived experiences with others, the urban forms people inhabit have social and political implications for society. The main finding of this research is that private urban governance in the form of closed neighbourhoods, significantly impacts residents' relationships with their municipal administration and residents' opinions about local government and local politics. An increase in gated communities will thus, in the long run, have substantial consequences for urban civic processes and urban democracy more broadly.
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Paterson, Craig. "Prohibition & resistance: a socio-political exploration of the changing dynamics of the southern African cannabis trade, c. 1850 - the present." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002403.
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Looking primarily at the social and political trends in South Africa over the course of the last century and a half, this thesis explores how these trends have contributed to the establishment of the southern Africa cannabis complex. Through an examination of the influence which the colonial paradigm based on Social Darwinian thinking had on the understanding of the cannabis plant in southern Africa, it is argued that cannabis prohibition and apartheid laws rested on the same ideological foundation. This thesis goes on to argue that the dynamics of cannabis production and trade can be understood in terms of the interplay between the two themes of ‘prohibition’ and ‘resistance’. Prohibition is not only understood to refer to cannabis laws, but also to the proscription of inter-racial contact and segregation dictated by the apartheid regime. Resistance, then, refers to both resistance to apartheid and resistance to cannabis laws in this thesis. Including discussions on the hippie movement and development of the world trade, the anti-apartheid movement, the successful implementation of import substitution strategies in Europe and North America from the 1980’s, and South Africa’s incorporation into the global trade, this thesis illustrates how the apartheid system (and its collapse) influenced the region’s cannabis trade.
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Ray, Rabindra. "The Naxalites and their ideology : a study in the sociology of knowledge." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670404.
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Houghteling, James L. "Rabindranath Tagore, John Dewey, and the Unity of Mind and Culture." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/905.
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What role does education play in a democratic society? How can the right sort of education help foster a free, responsible, and caring citizenry? How can education begin to reconcile and incorporate intellectually complicated and seemingly opposite ideas and theories, such as idealism and pragmatism, localism and globalism, thought and action? In my thesis, I aim to reveal, and perhaps begin to answer, these larger ideas pertaining to the role of education in society. Moreover, I address these questions through the lens of Rabindranath Tagore and John Dewey, two thinkers and practitioners at the turn of the twentieth century who sought to use education to find solutions to problems facing their respective local communities, but also the global community.
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Townson, M. R. "Solidarity and power in German : language as political action : a contribution to the socio-cultural history of the German language." Thesis, Aston University, 1991. http://publications.aston.ac.uk/10273/.
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Germany's latest attempt at unification raises again the question of German nationhood and nationality. The present study examines the links between the development of the German language and the political history of Germany, principally in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. By examining the role of language in the establishment and exercise of political power and in the creation of national and group solidarity in Germany, the study both provides insights into the nature of language as political action and contributes to the socio-cultural history of the German language. The language-theoretical hypothesis on which the study is based sees language as a central factor in political action, and opposes the notion that language is a reflection of underlying political 'realities' which exist independently of language. Language is viewed as language-in-text which performs identifiable functions. Following Leech, five functions are distinguished, two of which (the regulative and the phatic) are regarded as central to political processes. The phatic function is tested against the role of the German language as a creator and symbol of national identity, with particular attention being paid to concepts of the 'purity' of the language. The regulative function (under which a persuasive function is also subsumed) is illustrated using the examples of German fascist discourse and selected cases from German history post-1945. In addition, the interactions are examined between language change and socio-economic change by postulating that language change is both a condition and consequence of socio-economic change, in that socio-economic change both requires and conditions changes in the communicative environment. Finally, three politocolinguistic case studies from the eight and ninth decades of the twentieth century are introduced in order to demonstrate specific ways in which language has been deployed in an attempt to create political realities, thus verifying the initial hypothesis of the centrality of language to the political process.
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Malone, Chad Allen. "A Socio-Historical Analysis of U.S. State Terrorism from 1948 to 2008." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1216592463.
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Jan, Ammar Ali. "A study of communist thought in colonial India, 1919-1951." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/271423.
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Despite having roots in 19th century Europe, Marxism had a deep impact on the trajectory of political ideas in the non-European world in the twentieth century. In particular, anti-colonial thinkers engaged productively with Marx’s ideas as part of their struggle against Empire. Yet, little attention has been paid to the displacements and innovations in political thought as a result of this encounter between anti-colonialism and Marxism. This dissertation aims to fill this gap by studying the history of Indian communism, focusing on the first three decades of the communist movement (1921-1950). I claim that this is an ideal time period to interrogate the formation of political ideas in India, since they presented themselves with particular intensity in the midst of an unfolding anti-colonial struggle, and arguably, the birth of the Indian political. The entry of communist ideas into the charged political environment of the 1920s had an impact on the ideological debates within the Indian polity, as well as stamping Indian communism with its own specific historicity. Through a tracing of debates among communist leaders, as well as their non-communist interlocutors, this work seeks to provide a novel lens to consider the relationship between ideas and their historical actualization, or between the universal and its instantiation in the particular. Moreover, the dissertation argues that the radically different socio-political and historical landscapes of Western Europe and colonial India necessitated a confrontation with the stagist view of history dominant in the history of Western Marxism, prompting novel theoretical work on the issue of political temporality. Consequently, the relationship between necessity and volition, central to enlightenment thought, was radically transformed in the colonial world, particularly in terms of its entanglement with the problem of subjective violence. Engagement with such questions not only impacted Indian political thought, but transformed global communism itself, putting into question the concept of an “originary site” for political ideas. Thus, this work intervenes in debates in three distinct registers: Global Intellectual History, Marxist theory and Indian political thought.
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Osman, Newal. "Partition and Punjab politics, 1937-55." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608215.
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Isik, Ozgur Emre. "Theory And Practice: Socio-political And Philosophical Dynamics In The Evolution Of The Grid-plan In Ancient Greek Cities." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609643/index.pdf.
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Social, political and philosophical dynamics which supposedly played an important role in the formation of the grid-plan in ancient Greek cities are explored in this thesis. In this respect, the thesis aims to expose the socio-political and philosophical matrix of Greek society in which the grid was implemented with an emphasis on the concepts of equality, rationality and geometric harmony. Having formulated a theoretical framework, it concentrates on several cases from different regions and contexts in the Mediterranean in order to confirm this framework. The thesis investigates the nature of the Greek grid-plan within three main partsfirst the grid-plans of non-Greek cultures with which ancient Greeks had close contacts
second the relationship between the grid-plan and political power in Greek poleis with special attention to the formation of &
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ideals in society
third the physical expressions of the philosophical concepts of perfection, mathematical regularity and geometrical equality in the cosmos on urban pattern.
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Ishaq, Muhammad. "Socio-political impacts of the contemporary religious movements in AJK Pakistan : an empirical study on competing visions of an ideal Islamic society." Thesis, University of Gloucestershire, 2016. http://eprints.glos.ac.uk/5717/.
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The aim of this study was to explore the emergence of the three main religious movements in AJK Pakistan and empirically investigate how they utilise social and public spaces to achieve their vision for this society. These groups are recognized as Islamic revivalist movements; therefore, the study aims to explore and understand how religiously motivated values function as social visions to shape or transform a society. As AJK society is largely based on the biraderi or caste system, it is important to explore how the above mentioned religious groups, reconcile their religious ideals to address a socially-segregated society. The role of religion, or more specifically, Islam and Islamic activism, is examined by applying sociological methods; the socio-religious and socio-political activities of the Islamic movements are analysed within the paradigms of the Social Movement theory. The study focusses on three main research questions, (i) the emergence of the Islamic movements, (ii) how they utilise or mobilise resources and (iii) how the movements disseminate their values and message into society. Aside from contemporary India and Pakistan, Kashmir has its own very long history of religion, politics, and independence as a kingdom. It consists of a Buddhist kingdom, a Brahman caste structured society, and a Sufi-oriented Muslim state, while the image of post-colonial Kashmir is totally different, which is divided, governed by foreign rules, and holds differing religious and secular ideologies. There are many active Islamic movements who are working in the name of revivalism, or reform, and who aim to bring changes to the society to make an ideal Islamic society according to their own perceived visions. The focus of this study was upon the three social-religious movements that are seeking to bring changes to the AJK society. Jamat-e-Islami (JI) is a well-known Islamic revivalist movement in the subcontinent; which has more than six chapters in six South-Asian countries. The movement uses many strategies to achieve its social, political and religious goals. In AJK, it is actively using different networks, such as education, health, welfare and politics. Minhaj-ul-Qur’an (MQ) is a comparatively new movement, however, the strategies and methods it deploys are quite like those of the JI Movement, but differ in its application of ideology, vision and rhetoric. Khanqah-e-Fatihiya, or Hadhrat Sahib of Gulhar Sharif (GS), is an apolitical movement that has evolved from within AJK. This movement represents the popular Sufi forms of Islam prevalent within AJK society. However, over the last 30 years, its substantial changes demonstrate elements of an internal revival within the AJK tasawwuf sects, which also emphasise ‘economic and religious emancipation’. The study highlights how these movements adopt different tactics to promote their ideologies through a variety of means, hence, how socio-religious and socio-political strategies are operating in a society which is mainly based on the caste system. As an exploratory, qualitative and ethnographic study, the research is based on three case studies centred on the above mentioned Islamic movements. The study concluded that all three movements had different goals and focus in AJK, for example, JI uses a state-centric approach, MQ mainly concentrates on society, whereas, the Sufi tariqa is an individual-centric movement. All three movements utilise an individual movement structure and apply differing methods to convey their message, in AJK.
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Trifu, Ioan. "Prefectural Governors in Post-War Japan : A Socio-Historical Approach." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO20009.
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Le gouverneur japonais (chiji) est l’exécutif en chef du département, la plus grande division administrative au Japon. Conçue pendant l'ère Meiji comme l'un des principaux outils du contrôle central sur le Japon local, cette fonction a été radicalement modifiée après l'introduction de l'élection au suffrage universel direct comme nouveau mode de désignation par les forces d’Occupation dans la période de l'après-guerre. A la connexion entre le niveau national et local, et légitimé par le suffrage populaire, le gouverneur est doté de larges pouvoirs dans le système de gouvernement local japonais. Ces conditions ont permis de renforcer le leadership politique d’un gouverneur muni d'une forte autorité sur le département, tout en étant en contact direct avec le gouvernement central, en tant qu’exécutif en chef de la plus haute division locale du Japon. De nombreuses caractéristiques de la fonction (le succès électoral des bureaucrates et la relation particulière avec les partis politiques notamment) sont toutefois les résultats d’un phénomène de « dépendance au sentier » (path-dependence), peu à peu remodelées sous l’effet des frictions produites par les réformes décentralisatrices de la période de l'Occupation dans un cadre encore largement centralisateur.Sur la base de travaux de recherche à la fois quantitatifs et qualitatifs, cette étude analyse la transformation de la fonction de gouverneur au cours de l'après-guerre d'une position bureaucratique à une charge politique, ses évolutions et les conséquences de celles-ci sur la politique japonaise au niveau local et nationalThe Japanese governor (chiji) is the executive head of the prefecture, the largest administrative division in Japan. Conceived during the Meiji as one of the main tools of the central control on local Japan, this position was been radically modified after the introduction of direct election by the Allied Occupation authority in the post-war period. At the connection between the national and local level, and legitimized by public election, the governor is endowed with substantial powers in the Japanese local government system. These conditions have strengthened the capacity of local leadership of the governor provided with a strong authority over the prefecture. Numerous characteristics of the position, the success of bureaucrats and the particular relation with political parties notably, are however path-dependent elements, gradually reshaped by the frictions produced by the reforms of the Occupation period. Based on both quantitative and qualitative research works, this study analyses the transformation of the post-war governorship from a bureaucratic position to a political office, its evolution and its consequences on Japanese politics at both local and national level
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Bedi, Tarini. "Ethnonationalism and the politics of identity : the cases of Punjab and Assam." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28244.
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This analysis addresses the relationship between pre-political cultural identity and political outcomes. It posits that the political mobilization of sub-national groups cannot be understood without an examination of the cultural processes of identity formation. The analysis engages cultural discourse and its organization as an explanatory factor in the examination of the variation in ethnic political outcomes. Hence, important questions about ethnonational conflict can be answered by engaging the levels at which identity is constructed and reshaped through cultural discourse. It shifts the arena of analysis from the state to the ethnic groups themselves. The two empirical cases analyzed are that of Sikh nationalism in Punjab and 'ethnic' Assamese nationalism in Assam.
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Akala, Jethron [Verfasser], Mikael [Akademischer Betreuer] Hård, and Dieter [Akademischer Betreuer] Schott. "In the Technological Footprints of Urbanity: A Socio-political History of Water and Sanitation in Nairobi, 1899-2015 / Jethron Akala ; Mikael Hård, Dieter Schott." Darmstadt : Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Darmstadt, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1182537480/34.
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Gibb, Richard. "Grace and global justice : the socio-political mission of the church in an age of globalization, with special reference to Jürgen Moltmann, Stanley Hauerwas, and Oliver O'Donovan." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13590.
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This thesis seeks to explore two fundamental theological questions: first, what does it mean for the Christian community to conceive of itself as a community defined by the covenant of grace; and second, what are the implications of this distinctiveness for its socio-political mission in an age of globalization. The project is interdisciplinary in its approach, and seeks to integrate biblical and theological inquiry together with the specific opportunities and challenges found in a globalized world. Our way of organizing this thesis is attuned to the demands of argument and method of research employed. Divided into three parts, the thesis derives from a critical examination of a theology of grace and its ramifications for the mission of the church in addressing contemporary issues. Part 1 commences by surveying broadly Reformational theological scholarship from the turn of the twentieth century, and explores how this thesis will make a distinctive contribution to scholarly discussion of the church's socio-political mission through focusing on the central doctrine of grace. Part 2 constitutes a comparative analysis of three leading contemporary theologians evaluating to what extent a theology of grace is evident in their theological political theories. Part 3 is where we seek to apply our theological investigation with the phenomenon of globalization, and engage with international political theory through concentrating on the concepts of power and justice in an interdependent world. The conclusion reached in this thesis is that the doctrine of grace, by virtue of its theocentric and trinitarian emphasis on revelation, reconciliation, election, and creation, directs the Christian community in an age of globalization to be an agent of God's justice in the socio-political arena through demonstrating servant-leadership to contribute in enabling the world's poorest and weakest citizens to share in the benefits brought by a globalized world.
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Wilson, Daphne May. "The African adult education movement in the Western Cape from 1945 to 1967 in the context of its socio-economic and political background." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/20146.
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Bibliography: pages 310-325.At the end of World War II, volunteers from the University of Cape Town began literacy and post-literacy evening classes for African adults near the Blouvlei squatter settlement in Retreat. From this small beginning a significant voluntary adult education movement developed until, at the peak of its expansion, there were night schools located at fourteen different sites in the Cape Peninsula from Sea Point to Simonstown. The thesis studies the twenty-three year lifespan of this movement which provided tuition at both primary and secondary level and from 1950 called itself the "Cape Non-European Night Schools Association" (CNENSA). The history of the organisation deals chronologically with three distinct periods: (1) 1945-1948, the opening phase, when in the aftermath of a Commission of Enquiry into adult education, volunteer groups undertaking adult night classes were encouraged and were granted small subsidies; (2) 1949-1957, a period of continuing and rapid expansion; (3) 1958-1967, the years in which the government reduced, restricted and finally eliminated all the CNENSA's schools. While the movement is studied with regard to its educational programme, choice of subjects, curricula, text-books and general organisation, much of the central interest derives from an examination of its origin and operation in relation to the political and socio-economic developments in the country. The study is thus concerned with the causes of African poverty and illiteracy and the continuous backdrop of major external events during the existence of the Association. In the inter-relatedness of the two historical themes thus pursued, the participants in the education movement, both teachers and pupils, are seen to reflect the wider society, and the study in its broad survey refers to many events of profound historical significance; these include the setting up of Bantu Education and the other pillars of apartheid, the development of major protest organisations and trade unions, the staging of the Civil Disobedience Campaign and the Congress of the People, the events at Sharpeville and in Langa in 1960 and the eventual emergence of underground movements and armed resistance. There is a strong focus on the motives and attitudes of both the learners and teachers in the movement and on their perceptions of their times and of each other. In this respect an interesting liberal-radical continuum is seen running right through the history of the Association. In the concluding chapters, to question the evidence from an alternative viewpoint before final evaluations are made, the work of the CNENSA is examined in the light of a Paulo Freirian perspective.
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Alirezanezhad-Gohardani, Farhad. "Tragedy of confusion : the political economy of truth in the modern history of Iran :a novel framework for the analysis of the enigma of socio-economic underdevelopment in the modern history of Iran." Thesis, Durham University, 2014. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/10923/.
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This study entails a theoretical reading of the Iranian modern history and follows an interdisciplinary agenda at the intersection of philosophy, economics, and politics and intends to offer a novel framework for the analysis of socio-economic underdevelopment in Iran in the modern era. A brief review of Iranian modern history from the constitutional revolution, to the oil nationalization movement, the 1979 Islamic Revolution, and the recent Reformist and Green movements demonstrates that Iranian people travelled full circle. This historical experience of socio-economic underdevelopment revolving around the bitter question of “why are we backward?” and its manifestation in perpetual socio-political instability and violence is the subject matter of this study. Foucault’s conceived relation between the production of truth and production of wealth captures the essence of hypothesis offered in this study. Michel Foucault (1980: 93-4) maintains that “In the last analysis, we must produce truth as we must produce wealth, indeed we must produce truth in order to produce wealth in the first place”. Based on a hybrid methodology combining hermeneutics of understanding and hermeneutics of suspicion, this study proposes that the failure to produce wealth has had particular roots in the failure in the production of truth. At the heart of the proposed theoretical model is the following formula: The Iranian dasein’s confused preference structure culminates in the formation of unstable coalitions which in turn leads to institutional failure, creating a chaotic social order and a turbulent history as experienced by the Iranian nation in the modern era. The following set of interrelated propositions elaborate further on the core formula of the model: Each and every Iranian person and her subjectivity and preference structure is the site of three distinct warring regimes of truth and identity choice sets (identity markers) related to the ancient Persian empire (Persianism), Islam, and modernity. These three historical a priori and regimes of truth act as conditions of possibility for social interactions, and are unities in multiplicities. They, in their perpetual state of tension and conflict, constitute the mutually exclusive, contradictory, and confused dimensions of the prism of the Iranian dasein. The confused preference structure prevents Iranian people from organizing themselves in stable coalitions required for collective action to achieve the desired socio-economic change. The complex interplay between the state of inbetweenness and the state of belatedness makes it impossible to form stable coalitions in any areas of life, work, and language to achieve the desired social transformations, turning Iran into a country of unstable coalitions and alliances in macro, meso and micro levels. This in turn leads to failure in the construction of stable institutions (a social order based on rule of law or any other stable institutional structure becomes impossible) due to perpetual tension between alternative regimes of truth manifested in warring discursive formations, relations of power, and techniques of subjectification and their associated economies of affectivity. This in turn culminates in relations of power in all micro, meso, and macro levels to become discretionary, atomic, and unpredictable, producing perpetual tensions and social violence in almost all sites of social interactions, and generating small and large social earthquakes (crises, movements, and revolutions) as experienced by the Iranian people in their modern history. As such, the society oscillates between the chaotic states of socio-political anarchy emanating from irreconcilable differences between and within social assemblages and their affiliated hybrid forms of regimes of truth in the springs of freedom and repressive states of order in the winters of discontent. Each time, after the experience of chaos, the order is restored based on the emergence of a final arbiter (Iranian leviathan) as the evolved coping strategy for achieving conflict resolution. This highly volatile truth cycle produces the experience of socio-economic backwardness. The explanatory power of the theoretical framework offered in the study exploring the relation between the production of truth, trust and wealth is tested on three strong events of Iranian modern history: the Constitutional Revolution, the Oil-Nationalization Movement and the Islamic Revolution. The significant policy implications of the model are explored.
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Powell, Michael L. "Moving Ahead or Falling Behind?: A Rhetorical Analysis of the Historical and Socio-Political Implications of the No Child Left Behind Act." Ohio : Ohio University, 2006. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1162823685.
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Rice, Stian. "Rubber, Rice, Race, and Space: A Socio-Ecological Approach to the Remaking of Agricultural Space in East Sumatra." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1341750138.
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Lu, Xiaoyan. "A contemporary brand China : an investigation into the development of brand China in the context of global socio-political and cultural influences in the 21st century." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2009. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/165515/.
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Since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the cold war the global economy has begun to shift its centre of gravity towards the East. This, combined with the consolidation of the power of multi-national corporations and banks and the globalisation of markets at virtually all levels, has led to the emergence of massive new global players in terms of markets and production. Despite the fact that China, unlike the Soviet Union, maintained its political system, it has emerged as a major economic global power and is extending and consolidating it’s economic and political global influence into the 21st Century. Despite China’s economic influence which is acknowledged in its positive economic and political relations with its historical ideological enemies, the ubiquitous presence of Chinese made products and unprecedented domestic and international openness it remains dogged by broadly negative perceptions in the West. This study aims to address this problem through the application of the emerging theories of Nation Branding to envisage China as a brand and to investigate possibilities for the establishment of a competitive brand identity for China as a nation. Therefore, the research addresses the issue of how China can establish a contemporary nation brand and identifies the parameters for its sustainability and management in the 21st century. To this end the study has developed a working definition of the term ‘nation branding’ as a strategically managed process of applying branding techniques to nations in order to gain competitive advantages by improving the perceived image and promoting the principle values of a nation. The study underpins the application of this theoretical model with an investigation into the specificity of the historical context of advertising and branding in China in the 20th Century. The aims and objectives of the study are incorporated into the design brief for a contemporary logo for brand China and it is through the execution of the brief by the researcher as reflective practitioner in the role of art director and designer that the study consolidates the findings of the theoretical research through specific design problems. The study concludes with an evaluative reflection of the interactions between the theoretical and practical outcomes of the research in which it is proposed that addressing the highly specific design problems of brand identity development provides a focussed point of convergence for the extensive and complex issues involved in the conceptualisation of the nation as a brand. It is proposed that the study provides the conceptual tools for the development of China as a contemporary nation brand.
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Samad, Yunas. "South Asian Muslim politics, 1937-1958." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:20859dd8-f3cf-47d2-915b-6142d8a7cbe5.
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The object of this thesis is to explain why Pakistan which Muslim nationalist historians claim was created in the name of Islam failed to sustain a democratic political system. This question is explored by examining the politics of South Asian Muslims as a continuity from the colonial to the post-partition period, focusing on the tension between centripetal and centrifugal forces. The thesis begins by investigating the factors which helped politicize Muslim identity during the inter-war years. The interplay of nationalism, constitutional reforms and common identity based on confessional faith forged political identities which determined the course of subsequent events. Dyarchy set in motion processes which the Government of India Act of 1935 reinforced,- the emergence of political solidarities based on religion and region and alienation from nationalist politics. The Congress was able to neutralize the centrifugal developments among its Hindu constituency. It was not so successful among Muslims partly due to the impact of the Reforms and partly due to the activity of Hindu revivalists in the party. Simultaneously Muslim politics was moving away from the Congress, not towards the Muslim League but to the All-India Muslim Conference, around which most Muslims had gathered in opposition to the Nehru Report. However most regional and communitarian parties were not simply antagonistic to the Congress. They rejected centralist politics as a whole. This was amply demonstrated by the 1937 election results which underlined Jinnah's irrelevance to Muslim politics. Hence Muslims were in their political loyalties divided between strong currents focused on provincial interests and weak ones emphasizing sub-continental unity, national or Muslim. This configuration, the opposition between centrifugal and centripetal forces defined the basic parameters of Muslim politics. The second chapter describes how the political divisions between Muslims was partially overcome. The 1937 elections initiated a major political shift among the Muslim regional parties and caused great unease among the urban groupings. The Muslim regional partie's feared that the Congress Party's control over provincial ministries through a centralized structure and its rejection of the federal basis of the 1935 Act, would lead to their being roped into a Hindu-dominated unitary state. To fight this threat, an alternative political focus at the all-India level came to be considered necessary for the protection of their interests. The Muslim League's revival was indirectly facilitated by the Quit India Movement which temporarily removed the Congress from the arena of open politics and by the encouragement Jinnah received from the Raj. The League was able to gradually pull Muslim groups, particularly those in the Muslim-minority provinces, into its ranks through the use of anti-Congress propaganda. But among the urban masses of UP Jinnah was eclipsed by Mashriqi until the mid-1940s when the Khaksars became a spent force. This development combined with the increasing influence of the Pakistan slogan, vague yet immensely attractive, provided the ideological cutting edge of the League's agenda for Muslim unity. The ideological hegemony allowed the League to focus the forces of community consciousness as a battering ram to breakdown the regional parties resistance. The Pakistan slogan spread from the urban areas and Muslim-minority provinces into the rural areas of the Muslim-majority provinces. But in Bengal the regionalist had taken over the party, in the Punjab Khizr continued to resist and in the NWFP and Sind the Muslim League was a peripheral influence. Hence by the mid-1940s the League was only able to achieve partial unity under the Pakistan banner. The third chapter deals with the brief moment of political unity achieved through the combined impact of mass nationalism and communal riots. After the constitutional deadlock following the breakdown of the Simla Conference the League was able to make major advances by positing a clear choice between their and the Congress's plans for India's future. Muslim nationalism now centred on the League capitalized on the political uncertainties caused by the negotiations and won over many adherents from the provincial parties. An important factor which widened the League's area of influence was the increased significance of economic nationalism. It opened channels of communication between the elites and the masses, drew in groups previously unaffected by the Muslim League and turned the agitation for Pakistan into a mass movement. These factors combined with the weakness of the Congress due to their incarceration during the war resulted in the widespread shift away from the regional parties to the Muslim League. Jinnah was able to achieve for a brief moment political unity and used this as the basis to extract the maximum constitutional concessions from the British and the Congress. However the centralization process was weak and its frailty was at the root of ideological confusion. The confusion was manifest in the changing definition of Pakistan in this crucial period. The problem was compounded by the League's lack of strong party structure to control and enforce discipline over the regional supporters. Jinnah's interventions in the provinces were the exception and not the rule and limited to disciplining local leaders. For expanding the party's influence he was completely dependent on the provincial leaders. The regionalist forces were not genuine converts to Muslim nationalism. They used the League as a stalking horse for their provincial interests. Jinnah accepted the Cabinet Mission Plan due to the strong pressures from the Muslim-majority provinces who were not interested in a separate homeland for Muslims and later he supported Suhrawardy's attempt to avoid partition of Bengal. Jinnah had to be responsive to these different currents within the party in order to avoid a revolt against his leadership. Besides the internal pressure, pro-Congress opposition was still strong in Sarhad and Sind and they used regional ethnicity as a counter against the League. However the opposition collapsed when the civil disobedience movement mounted by the League at this extremely tense moment triggered off the communal explosion which engulfed northern India and as a result the Congress accepted partition. The fourth chapter deals with the Muslim League's effort to consolidate its position in Pakistan through the construction of a strong state and the potent anti-centre backlash it produced. Pakistan came into existence through the contingent circumstances attending the transfer of power and the League's leadership was ill-prepared to establishing itself in Pakistan. The perceived threat from India and the internal opposition to the leadership convinced them that the country and they themselves could survive politically only if a strong centre was established. However the ethnic composition of the ruling group was a source of tension which bedeviled the centralizing process. The Muslim League leadership was mainly Muhajirs who had no social base in Pakistan. They along with the Punjabis also dominated the military and the bureaucracy. Hence the push for a unitary structure alienated others such as the Bengalis, who were not represented in the upper echelons of the state. The political instability was aggravated by the ruling group's efforts to establish a strong centre not on the basis of a broad consensus but through strong arm tactics. As a result internal and external opposition to the League leadership was suppressed in an authoritarian manner. Karachi used the state apparatus to crush the emerging opposition and interfered in the provinces attempting to put its supporters into power.
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Shāh, Sayyid Vaqār ʿAlī. "Muslim politics in the North-West Frontier Province, 1937-1947." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:25cf19fa-51ab-4020-8bf8-19c339b517f9.
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This dissertation examines Muslim politics in the North-West Frontier Province of India between 1937 and 1947. It first investigates the nature of modern politics in the Frontier Province and its relationship with all-India politics. The N-WFP was the only Muslim majority province which supported the INC in its struggle to represent an Indian nation against the British raj, rather than of joining other Muslims in the AIML. The N-WFP had its own peculiar type of society, distinct from the rest of India. In the Frontier Province, Islam wa? iaierwoven to such an extent with Pashtoon society that it formed an essential and integral part of it; and the Pashtoons 1 sense of separate ethnic identity, within the bounds and framework of Islam, become an acknowledged fact. In this Muslim majority province, there was no fear of Hindu domination, as was prevalent among Muslims in Hindu majority provinces. This was a principal reason for the initial failure of ML to acquire support in the FP. The study also explores the rise of the Khudai Khidmatgars and the reasons for the preference of majority of the N-WFP Muslims for Congress. It argues that the coming together of the KKs and the Congress gave the former popularity, and an ally in all-India politics and the latter a significant base of support in a Muslim majority province. It elucidates the changing political contexts of the period 1937-47 and shows how loyalties were contingent on these circumstances. It is therefore not just about Frontier politics, but, at a deeper level, about the nature of evolving political identities in the sub-continent. The thesis concludes with a discussion of the All-India National Congress 'desertion' of the Frontier people on the eve of partition, the dismissal of the provincial Congress ministry by Jinnah, and the deeply ambiguous positions of the KKs in the context of the new nation of Pakistan.
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Ellerkamp, Owen Dunton. "Purifying the Sacred: How Hindu Nationalism Reshapes Environmentalism in Contemporary India." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1528286104076725.
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Massalha, Manal. "In suspension : the denial of the rights of the city for Palestinians in Israel and its effects on their socio-economic, cultural and political formation : the case of Umm Al-Fahem." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3351/.
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This thesis is concerned with the absence of substantive, functioning Palestinian cities, and of Palestinian urbanisation and urbanism in Israel. Framed and guided by conceptions of the city and public space, their potentialities, the possibilities they allow, and the challenges they pose to the state, the thesis using Umm al-Fahem as a case study seeks to investigate the Palestinian city in Israel, its materiality, the semiotics of its public space and socio-spatiality, and to deconstruct the historical, structural, political and social forces that shape its (un)making. Employing mixed qualitative methods of ethnography, photography, archival research, historical, sociological and discourse analysis, the thesis questions and deconstructs the nominal status of the city of Umm al-Fahem, the first Palestinian village to earn the official status of a city in Israel. It considers how to conceptualise Palestinian cities inside Israel and aims to give answers to questions such as: what can be made of Palestinian cities inside Israel? What kind of spatial configurations and arrangements are being formed and why? What kind of socio-political and cultural order is being formed and why? How does the city respond under (post)colonial conditions? Can there be a functioning Palestinian city and a fulfilment of the right to the city under (post)colonial conditions? Umm al-Fahem, the subject and object of research, suggests that the process unfolding is one of absenting the Palestinian city, depriving Palestinian citizens of the right to the city, and producing domesticated, suspended, fragmented city and citizens. The production and mastery of space is used as a technology of control to achieve this, and forms part of a governmentality project whose underlying objective is the management of Palestinians.
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Mann, Philip A. G. "Achieving a mass-scale transition to clean cooking in India to improve public health." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:41ca7cfc-c3e2-43af-93ae-aab09f4e3178.
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This research provides policy-relevant insights into how a mass-scale, equitable transition to the use of Advanced Biomass (cook) Stoves (ABSs) can be achieved in India, with the aim of improving public health, especially for women and children. The research uses socio-technical systems to provide a characterisation of transition processes, and governance to explain issues of power influencing transition. A review of previous government cook-stove programmes in India and China highlights governance shortcomings in the former, in particular a lack of functional links between layers of administration and poor engagement with community institutions and cooks. Primary data from West Bengal and Karnataka highlighted sophisticated, skilful, flexible and culturally context specific cooking practices. Reasons for apparent low demand for improved stoves, characterised as lock-in, are found to include a combination of risk aversion and habits, lack of affordability, low awareness of the health consequences, as well as a mis-match between the normative priorities of policy makers – currently health- and those of cooks. It is found that the majority of polluting emissions within households - as well as greenhouse gases - from cooking derive from poorer households. A sectoral carbon offset strategy is proposed as a means of funding subsidies for ABSs and programme support measures. Several large corporations have invested significant sums in technology development, community outreach and dissemination, resulting in sales of over 600,000 ABSs. Reasons for their involvement appear mixed. Their market-based activities have generally not reached poor households and there are questions about their ability to build viable businesses in this highly dispersed and heterogeneous sector. A fundamental dichotomy is highlighted between large, centralised cooking programmes and the diverse, complex and changing reality of cooking activities, beliefs and behaviours on the ground. The research concludes that functional multi-level and multi-actor governance structures would be required to achieve a mass-scale transition to clean cooking using ABSs, with a lead role for the public sector. A key component of future success will involve building structures that ensure the agency of cooks and account for their socio-cultural cooking practices in the processes of technology and programme design and implementation.