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Journal articles on the topic 'Socio Political history of India'
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1
Swami G., Narayana. "SOCIAL CONDITION OF HOLY PLACE IN WEST INDIA: ACCUMULATION FROM SIGNATURE (C. 11TH TO THIRTEENTH CENTURY CE)." CURRENT RESEARCH JOURNAL OF HISTORY 02, no. 05 (May 30, 2021): 23–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/history-crjh-02-05-07.
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The sanctuary means one's convictions. Its primary highlights have likewise stood out for one. George Michell, Stella Kramrisch, Krishna Deva and some different researchers have examined the 'which means and structures', expressive, strict and otherworldly meaning of the sanctuary. We additionally discover the sanctuary being referenced regarding a comprehension of early Indian political, monetary and socio-strict exercises in north and south India. Furthermore, the sanctuary is additionally known to have been related with social exhibitions like dramatization and so on Luckily, in such manner we have various epigraphic records from west India, especially from Rajasthan and Gujarat, which point out the social part of the sanctuary during the c. 11th to thirteenth century CE. The current article looks to consider this part of the sanctuary.
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Subramony, Dr R. "Role of Sufi Saints in North –Western India." IJOHMN (International Journal online of Humanities) 5, no. 1 (February 14, 2019): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijohmn.v5i1.113.
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The eighteenth century in Indian History is characterized as an epoch of political anarchy and social chaos that spread unchecked in the wake of the collapse of the Mughal empire. But disintegration of the imperial center and its administrative institutions did not produce any profound effect on the pre-existing pluralistic socio-cultural structure, which was distinguished by widespread Hindu-Muslim unity and culture syncretism in northern India.
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Rashkovskii, E., and E. Nikiforova. "Hinduism: from Tribal Beliefs to World Religion." World Economy and International Relations, no. 5 (2015): 104–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-5-104-112.
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The paper presents an analytical review of the conference held in the All-Russian State Library for Foreign Literature (November, 2014). It deals with deep historical and socio-cultural roots of the present-day religious dynamics of India, including its main political implications. The wide methodological principle of correlation between India’s socio-cultural background and the current state of affairs in Hinduism is denoted as Indo-logics. The paper also deals with bilateral processes of internal consolidation of Hinduism within the Republic of India as well as of the gradual transformation process of Hinduism into one of the biggest religions on international scale. Both sides of these phenomena are analyzed in connection with ambivalent processes of the Indian inner modernization during the 19th-21st centuries, and also with general global socio-economic and intellectual trends of the current history, including mass migrations, the expansion of mass media, deep crisis of the present-day semi-industrial modes of school and university education, etc. The article draws special attention to problems of Indian subaltern strata in the present-day Indian religious dynamics, including the “neo-Buddhist renaissance” and Christian conversions among Indian “untouchables”.
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KASTURI, MALAVIKA. "Gurusand Gifting:Dana, themathreform campaign, and competing visions of Hindusangathanin twentieth-century India." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 1 (January 2018): 99–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000671.
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AbstractFrom the early twentieth century, Hindu socio-religious and political bodies debated the use thatmaths(monastic establishments) made of their wealth, amassed in large part throughdana(socio religious gifts). From the early nineteenth century, Anglo Hindu law on inheritance, and thereafter the Religious and Charitable Endowments Acts, had enabled the autonomy ofmathsby classifying them as private religious corporations, not charitable endowments. This article suggests that themathreform campaign between 1920 and 1940 in north India was impelled by the preoccupations of heterogeneous Hindu political and socio-religious organizations withdanaand its potential to fund cultural and political projects regenerating an imagined Hindu socio-religious community. Specifically, the Hindu Mahasabha yokeddanato its Hindusangathan(unity) campaign to strategically craft an integrated ‘Hindu public’ transcendingsampraday(religious traditions) to protect its interests from ‘external enemies’. My discussion probes how the Hindu Mahasabha and its ‘reformist’ allies urged the conversion ofmathsinto public charitable trusts, or endowments accountable to an ephemeral ‘Hindu public’ and the regulation of their expenditure. Monastic orders,guru-based associations like the Bharat Dharma Mahamandala, and the majority of orthodox Hindus successfully opposed this campaign, defending the interests ofmathsandsampradaybefore and after independence. In so doing, they challenged Hindusangathanby articulating alternative visions of the socio-religious publics and communities to be revitalized through philanthropy. Through this discussion, the article charts the uneasy relationship between monasticism and an emerging Hindu nationalist cultural and political consciousness that remained fractured and internally contested.
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Rahmath, Ayshath Shamah, Raihanah Mohd Mydin, and Ruzy Suliza Hashim. "Archetypal Motherhood and the National Agenda: The Case of the Indian Muslim Women." Space and Culture, India 7, no. 4 (March 29, 2020): 12–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v7i4.590.
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The grand narratives of Mother India posit women’s emancipation as the central concern, insisting on her public participation in the educational and economic sectors. The relegation of the archetypal motherhood to the national periphery is strictly rooted in the Hindu traditional culture. The schisms of caste, class, and religion in contemporary society are normalised whilst the gendered undercurrents of domestic violence, chauvinism and religious sensibilities are ignored. Such polished idealisms are, in fact, far from the living reality of most women and girls across all spheres in the country. By reviewing notable texts from past and present, this research problematises the position of Muslim women in India, specifically during the nationalistic discourse and post-independent era. The national freedom struggle movement assured a democratic constitution, which primed Mother India as the figurative Indian woman encrypting ideologies from socio-religious discourses. The grand narratives often become instrumental in politicising the vested interest of the hegemonic class. The struggles of Muslim women were foregrounded not only in the gendered disparity of the religious domain but also in the socio-cultural disparities which excluded them from the domain of Indian womanhood. Mainstream history, literature and even women development organisations deliberately typified Muslim women along with the religious discourse. Briefly, in this paper, we infer that Muslim women were rendered invisible in the limelight of the archetypal Mother India, denying their social, political, cultural and literary participation. They were thus subjected to constitutional othering by the mainstream socio-political entities (who subjected them) at the onset of nationalism, which continues to exist in post-colonial discourses where women are expected to constantly negotiate their religious identity over their national identity.
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Vanina, Eugenia. "The Ardhakathanaka by Banarasi Das: a Socio-cultural Study." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 5, no. 2 (July 1995): 211–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300015352.
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Any researcher into the pre-modern history of India inevitably faces the problem of source material, and the creative genius of medieval Indians furnishes us with a wide range of sources; innumerable files of original documents, multi-volumed chronicles, bulky treatises, etc. A great number of travelogues enables us to view medieval India through the eyes of visitors from all parts of the globe. The source to be analysed in this article will hardly stand comparison with the above-mentioned materials. It is a biography of an insignificant man, a family history of modest middle-class people unconnected with court intrigues and political battles. And the title of the book is anything but serious. Ardhakathanaka means “Half a Tale”. The author, a Jain merchant named Banarasi Das, completed it in 1641, being fifty-five at that time; the ideal life span of the great Jain sages was believed to be one hundred and ten years. Thus Banarasi, who harboured no ambitions to equal the great sages, titled his autobiography “Haifa Tale”, displaying a somewhat bitter humour (he died shortly after completing the book).
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Kumar, Deepak. "The ‘culture’ of science and colonial culture, India 1820–1920." British Journal for the History of Science 29, no. 2 (June 1996): 195–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087400034221.
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The culture of science is deeply influenced and conditioned by the socio-political realities of both time and locale. Pre-colonial India, for example, was no tabula rasa. It had a vigorous tradition in at least the realms of mathematics, astronomy and medicine. But gradual colonization made a big dent. It brought forth a massive cultural collision which influenced profoundly the cognitive and material existence of both the colonizer and the colonized.
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Mehmood, Wajid, Syed Ali Shah, and Muhammad Shoaib Malik. "Ulema and the Freedom Struggle for Pakistan." Global Political Review 1, no. 1 (November 30, 2016): 44–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2016(i-i).05.
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In the freedom struggle in British India, Ulama had played a significant role. Ranging from the socio-cultural guidance of the Muslims to leading them politically, they played their role actively in every sphere of life. Starting their active political role in British India in 1803, Ulama continued their struggle till 1947. Darul Uloom-i-Deoband, apparently a religious seminary, was built for the revitalization of Muslim society in India. The Ulama were the pioneers, who initiated the very idea of freedom from the imperial power. The tenderness, dynamism, and catholicity which was created in this movement, in fact, was due to the unending and countless struggle of the Ulama. It is an undeniable fact that the independence movement and the history of the Indo-Pak subcontinent are so mixed-up with the history of Ulama and religious personalities that it is now difficult to separate one from another
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Kooria, Mahmood. "Politics, Economy and Islam in ‘Dutch Ponnāni’, Malabar Coast." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 62, no. 1 (December 10, 2019): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341473.
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AbstractPonnāni was a port in southwestern India that resisted the Portuguese incursions in the sixteenth century through the active involvement of religious, mercantile and military elites. In the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Ponnāni was the only place where the Dutch East India Company had commercial access into the kingdom of the Zamorins of Calicut. When the Dutch gained prominence in the coastal belt, this port town became the main centre for their commercial, diplomatic, and political transactions. But as a religious centre it began to recede into oblivion in the larger Indian Ocean and Islamic scholarly networks. The present article examines this dual process and suggests important reasons for the transformations. It argues that the port town became crucial for diplomatic and economic interests of the Dutch East India Company and the Zamorins, whereas its Muslim population became more parochial as they engaged with themselves than with the larger socio-political and scholarly networks.
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BENBABAALI, DALEL. "Caste Dominance and Territory in South India: Understanding Kammas’ socio-spatial mobility." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 6 (July 6, 2018): 1938–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000755.
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AbstractThis article argues that taking territory into account is essential to understand the change in the scale and nature of caste dominance in contemporary India. The demonstration is based on an analysis of the socio-spatial trajectories of the Kammas—a dominant caste from Coastal Andhra, where they continue to own most of the land, even though they have migrated in large numbers towards the interior and southern regions of the Indian peninsula, both to newly irrigated areas and to the cities. The key positions they occupy in the politics and economy of Andhra Pradesh confer upon them a hegemonic character. However, this hegemony is threatened by the growing resistance of Dalits to caste and class oppression, while Kamma cultural domination, long contested in Telangana, is now challenged by the formation of the new state.
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Raut, Santosh I. "Liberating India: Contextualising Nationalism, Democracy and Dr Ambedkar." Journal of Social Inclusion Studies 5, no. 2 (December 2019): 172–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2394481119900065.
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Dr B. R. Ambedkar (1891–1956) is the principal architect of the Indian constitution and one of the most visionary leaders of India. He remains to this day a symbol of humanity. He is the father of Indian Democracy and a nation builder who shaped modern India. But his notion of nationalism and democracy envisioning an egalitarian society has rarely received adequate academic attention. His views on religion, how it affects socio-political behaviour, and what needs to be done to build an egalitarian society are unique. Such reflections in terms of nationalism and freedom of the people are of great significance in contemporary time in India and the world in general. This article attempts to analyse Ambedkar’s vision of nation and democracy. It also seeks to study how caste system is the major barrier to creating a true nation and a harmonious society. What role does religion play in society and politics? Can socio-spiritual values inspire to break down the barriers of caste differences to form an egalitarian society? History bears witness to instances where great minds empowered with deep contemplation on meeting with the suffering of the people (which in itself is both a prerequisite and an inseparable element of social reform and liberation), resulting in radical shifts in perception. Ambedkar is one such genius whose compassionate engagement and deep imagination envisioned the establishment of an ideal society based on non-discrimination and love.
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Gommans, Jos. "Trade and Civilization around the Bay of Bengal, c. 1650–1800." Itinerario 19, no. 3 (November 1995): 82–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300021331.
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About seven years ago the journalItinerarioissued a special volume on theAncien Régimein India and Indonesia that carried the papers presented at the third Cambridge-Leiden-Delhi-Yogyakarta conference. The aim of the conference was a comparative one in which state-formation, trading net-works and socio-political aspects of Islam were the major topics. Thumbing through the pages of this issue (while preparing this essay) I had the impression that the results of the conference went beyond its initial comparative goals. Directly or indirectly, several papers stressed that during the early-modern phase India and Indonesia were still part of a cultural continuum that was only gradually broken up by the ongoing process of European expansion during the nineteenth century. It appeared that even after the earlier course of so-called ‘Indianisation’ – a designation that unjustly conveys an Indian ‘otherness’ – India and the Archipelago shared many characteristics, especially in terms of their political and religious orientation. More importantly, these shared traits were shaped by highly mobile groups of traders, pilgrims and courtiers who criss-crossed the Bay of Bengal, traversing both the lands above and below the winds.
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Smith, Monica. ""Indianization" from the Indian Point of View: Trade and Cultural Contacts with Southeast Asia in the Early First Millennium C.E." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 42, no. 1 (1999): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520991445588.
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AbstractThe idea that Indian "influence" was responsible for the socio-political development of early Southeast Asia is now largely discredited, but the question of the actual impact of early trade between India and Southeast Asia remains. Prior to the fourth century C.E., Indian trade activities with Southeast Asia appear to have been relatively infrequent, when assessed through the number of items of Indian origin recovered, and the incentives for such trade from the Indian point of view. After the fourth century, the adoption of subcontinental traditions - religious iconography, Sanskrit terminology, coinage, and terms identifying leaders - is seen throughout the area of Southeast Asia, from Bangladesh to Cambodia, Malaysia and Thailand as well as the larger Indonesian islands. Subcontinental traditions became attractive at this time because of the advent of strong political entities in the Indian subcontinent, notably the Guptas, which produced coherent models of political, social and religious organization. Although such models were also available from neighboring China, apprehension about Chinese expansion led the rulers of emergent chiefdoms in Southeast Asia to prefer the adoption of Indian political and religious iconography.
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Dubey, Shikha, and Ajay Dwivedi. "Socio- Economic Empowerment of Women in Global Era: With Special Reference to India." Management Insight - The Journal of Incisive Analysers 16, no. 02 (December 25, 2020): 23–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.21844/mijia.16.2.4.
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Purpose: India has the distinction of developing one of the world's longest continuing cultures, which has continuously adapted to the evolving political and socio-economic material and unique events of its history. It is often presumed that, by an unquestionable lack of work or elevated jobs, women will bear the cost of economic liberalization. but the theory of trade shows that women, particularly in emerging economies can contribute a lot due to trade liberalization and increase in foreign trade, women have proven to be a remarkable cohesive unit of the community, which in the stage of rapid societal changes has demonstrated great resilience and adaptability. Design/ methodology/ approach: This research is qualitative in nature and based on both primary and secondary data both. Research objective and implications: The research's primary emphasis is to explore the impact of globalization in raising the socio-economic status of women and to highlight the positive as well as the negative impact of globalization on women’s livelihood. This paper will be helpful for various policymakers, researchers, government bodies, and various stakeholders of the society to know the contribution of microfinance in rebooting the Indian economy by poverty alleviation.
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Mishra, K. C. "Learning from The Mahabharata For an Anew Contemporary Political Understanding." Journal of Public Management Research 6, no. 2 (October 14, 2020): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpmr.v6i2.17823.
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The Indian Spiritual Epic, the Mahabharata, is a precise write up of Indian mythology of yesteryears and the way social life was led by the top Statesmen who were at the helm of all societal affairs. The Indian Holy Scripture, the Bhagavad Gita, the socio-philosophical- literature of the Indian Socio-Cultural Milieu, also find special place within the Mahabharata in the format ‘Special Dialogue’, otherwise can be quoted as Spiritual Discourse. This literary work originally composed in Sanskrit, the Mother of all Indian Languages, sometime between 400 BC and 400 AD is set in a legendary era thought to relate to the period of Indian culture and history approximately during the tenth century BC.
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Mareeva, J. A. "«Strategic triangle» Russia- India-China in international relations (theory and historical practice)." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 5(26) (October 28, 2012): 240–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2012-5-26-240-249.
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In article reconstructed the history of nomination and the fate of the idea of a «strategic triangle» of the three Eurasian giants - Russia, India and China (RIC); the foundations of the foreign policy and economic partnership of the three countries; examined the stages of the transformation of the idea of bringing them closer together in the geopolitical the project in the socio-political periodicals and scientific literature; the thesis about the prospects of institutional design RICK.
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Strbac, Cedomir. "India and USA: Meeting of the worlds at the time of globalisation." Medjunarodni problemi 57, no. 3 (2005): 264–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0503264s.
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In the whole history of modern times India-USA relations were not much developed. It was a relationship of distant worlds and civilizations. After analyzing the basic features of the socio-political and economic situation in the present India, and its international position, the author indicates that from the end of the last century the relations between India and USA are characterized by a specific discovering of each other, approaching to each other and a significant development of mutual cooperation. Within the newly created post-cold world constellation and a new vision of international relations, both countries have found good reasons and substantial basis for potentially productive mutuality.
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Momen Sarker, Md Abdul, and Md Mominur Rahman. "Intermingling of History and Politics in The God of Small Things." Advances in Language and Literary Studies 9, no. 4 (August 31, 2018): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.9n.4p.138.
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Suzanna Arundhati Roy is a post-modern sub-continental writer famous for her first novel The God of Small Things. This novel tells us the story of Ammu who is the mother of Rahel and Estha. Through the story of Ammu, the novel depicts the socio-political condition of Kerala from the late 1960s and early 1990s. The novel is about Indian culture and Hinduism is the main religion of India. One of the protagonists of this novel, Velutha, is from a low-caste community representing the dalit caste. Apart from those, between the late 1960s and early 1990s, a lot of movements took place in the history of Kerala. The Naxalites Movement is imperative amid them. Kerala is the place where communism was established for the first time in the history of the world through democratic election. Some vital issues of feminism have been brought into focus through the portrayal of the character, Ammu. In a word, this paper tends to show how Arundhati Roy has successfully manifested the multifarious as well as simultaneous influences of politics in the context of history and how those affected the lives of the marginalized. Overall, it would minutely show how historical incidents and political ups and downs go hand in hand during the political upheavals of a state.
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Manuraj, Siyar. "SOCIO-ECONOMIC SIGNIFICANCE OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ORDER KNOWN AS CONSTITUTION [SCHEDULED CASTES] ORDER 1950 IN THE LIFE OF DALITS IN KERALA." International Journal of Advanced Research 8, no. 11 (November 30, 2020): 74–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/11979.
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Untouchables, depressed class people, Chandalas or politically known as Dalits and officially recognized as Scheduled Castes in India are historically placed in different religions. They share a common history of oppression, economic deprivations and denial of human rights. Though they belong to different religions, their common cultural ancestry is an undeniable reality. The Presidential Order known as Constitution [Scheduled Castes] order 1950 limits the Scheduled Caste Status only to such untouchable people who profess Hinduism, Sikhism or Buddhism. The order excludes Dalit Muslim and Dalit Christian from the ambit of Scheduled caste status. The article problematizes the historical and political contexts in which the exclusion of certain castes happened and the contemporary historical realities that necessitate the inclusion of Dailit Christians and Dalit Muslims into the Scheduled Caste List and how the denial aborts political and cultural unity of Dalits across different religions.
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Koskimaki, Leah, and Carol Upadhya. "Introduction: Reconsidering the Region in India." Journal of South Asian Development 12, no. 2 (July 26, 2017): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973174117712826.
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In this introduction to a special issue on ‘Reconsidering the Region in India’, we aim to develop a synthetic and theoretically nuanced account of the multifarious ways in which the idea of region has been imbricated in diverse spatial, political, cultural and socio-economic configurations. We draw from various bodies of anthropological, geographic and historical literature to elaborate on three themes that we believe are central to understanding contemporary processes of region-making in India: trans-regional mobilities and connections; the actors who produce and perform regional imaginaries; and changing regional politics of development.
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Chatterjee, Nandini. "Mahzar-namas in the Mughal and British Empires: The Uses of an Indo-Islamic Legal Form." Comparative Studies in Society and History 58, no. 2 (March 29, 2016): 379–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417516000116.
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AbstractThis paper looks at a Persian-language documentary form called the mahzar-nama that was widely used in India between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries to narrate, represent, and record antecedents, entitlements, and injuries with a view to securing legal rights and redressing legal wrongs. Mahzars were a known documentary form in Islamic law and used by qazis (Islamic judges) in many other parts of the world, but in India they took a number of distinctive forms. The specific form of Indian mahzar-namas that I focus on here was, broadly speaking, a legal document of testimony, narrated in the first person, in a form standardized by predominantly non-Muslim scribes, endorsed in writing by the author's fellow community members and/or professional or social contacts, and notarized by a qazi's seal. This specific legal form was part of a much broader genre of declarative texts that were also known as mahzars in India. I examine the legal mahzar-namas together with the other kinds of mahzars, and situate them in relation to Indo-Islamic jurisprudential texts and Persian-language formularies. What emerges is a distinctive Indo-Islamic legal culture in contact with the wider Islamic and Persianate worlds of jurisprudence and documentary culture, but responsive to the unique socio-political formations of early modern India. I also reflect on the meanings of law, including Islamic law, for South Asians and trace the evolution of that understanding across the historical transition to colonialism.
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Ravi, P., and M. Venkatachalapathy. "A BRIEF STUDY OF TRADE GUILDS IN ANDHRA FROM 1300 AD TO 1600 AD." International Journal of Applied Research in Social Sciences 1, no. 3 (June 21, 2020): 78–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.51594/ijarss.v1i3.22.
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The period between to 13th century AD and 16th century AD is very crucial in the political history of South India general and especially in the history of Andhrapradesh. Because the first part of the 14th century (1323 AD) witnessed the Muslim invasions which cast for the rise of revolts by the federated of the chief Kakatiyas to liberated Andhradesa from the Muslim leaders when the Andhra region caught in political disturbances. It impact on the socio-economic spheres of the period, the conditions of trade and commerce became a setback. After freed the Andhradesa from the Muslim conquers, the socio-economic conditions became slowly as use well. Naturally the trade and commerce especially internal & external trade with foreign countries slowly gained economic profits the trade and merchant guilds were also moved towards in progress. So the present paper is focussed on a brief study of trade guilds in Andhra (1300 AD to 1600 AD) is discussed briefly.
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Saha, Santosh. "Sudhir Kakar and the Socio-Psychological Explanation of Hindu-Muslim Communal Riots in India." Australian Journal of Politics & History 55, no. 4 (December 2009): 565–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2009.01534.x.
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Poonacha, Veena. "Scripting Women’s Studies: Neera Desai on Feminism, Feminist Movements and Struggles." Indian Journal of Gender Studies 25, no. 2 (May 20, 2018): 281–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971521518765529.
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Neera Desai’s pioneering effort to introduce women’s studies into the university system was born out of her commitment to women’s equality. She visualized women’s studies as a movement within the academia to challenge the theoretical rationale for oppressive socio-economic and political institutions and structures. Seeking to excavate the intellectual and ideological moorings of this remarkable woman, this paper reviews her last major work, titled, Feminism as Experience: Thoughts and Narratives (2006). The exploration reveals not only her academic interest in the study of movements, but also her intimate connect with the groundswells of feminist politics in India for over six decades. Against this rich and varied history of twentieth century Indian women’s movement in Western India, Neera Desai, presents the oral histories of women, who were in the forefront of the struggle. This paper, then examines her earlier work, entitled The Social Construction of Feminist Consciousness: A Study of Ideology and Self Awareness among Women Leader (1992) to uncover the changing frames of her research.
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Rund, Arild Engelsen. "Land and Power: The Marxist Conquest of Rural Bengal." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 2 (May 1994): 357–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012440.
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The Indian state of West Bengal is governed and politically dominated by the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M) for short) which has been in Government there since 1977 as the largest constituent party to the ruling Left Front. The CPI(M)'s position in West Bengal is unique both in India and in the world in the sense that it is the only Communist party to be popularly elected and reelected to power for such a long period. Today it draws most of its electoral support from the rural areas where the party is supported by peasants of practically all socio-economic sections. It is to an interesting period in the history of Communism in Bengal that this article will turn, namely to the creation of a particular alliance of Marxists and peasants in the restlessness in that state in the late 1960s and the virtual elimination of non-Marxist forces in large areas.
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Ramaswamy, Vijaya. "Vishwakarma Craftsmen in Early Medieval Peninsular India." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 47, no. 4 (2004): 548–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520042467154.
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AbstractThis article situates Vishwakarma craftsmen in the socio-economic milieu of early medieval Peninsular India. It seeks to analyse the dynamics of social change among craft groups with particular reference to the smiths, masons and carpenters constituting the Vishwakarma community. This is attempted by locating the dynamics of social change within the processes of temple building and urbanism in the Chola-Pallava period. The essay looks afresh at concepts like caste, guild and community in the speci fic context of technological and economic changes and craft mobility. In so doing the article cuts across conceptual categories in the light of empirical evidence. The study is based on epigraphic evidence, essentially from the Tamil country. Le présent article situe les artisans Vishwakarma dans le milieu socio-économique au début de la période médiévale de l'Inde péninsulaire. Il cherche à analyser la dynamique du changement social parmi les groupes d'artisans plus particulièrement les forgerons, maçons et menuisiers / ébénistes, bref ceux qui constituent la communauté Vishwakarma. Ce travail est effectué en situant la dynamique de l'évolution sociale au sein des divers processus de la construction des temples durant la période Chola-Pallava. L'article propose un nouveau regard sur les concepts tels que caste, association/corps de métier et communauté dans le contexte des progrès technologiques et économiques ainsi que la mobilité de l'artisanat. Cet essai va à l'encontre des catégories conceptuelles à la lumière des preuves empiriques. L'étude est basée sur des preuves épigraphiques du pays de Tamil Nadu.
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FRASCH, TILMAN. "Urban growth in India AD 600–1200: a comment." Urban History 31, no. 1 (May 2004): 118–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926804001816.
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The article tries to identify the factors that led to urban growth in India in the period we style ‘early medieval India’, viz the centuries between the decline of the Gupta empire and the rise of the Islamic sultanates in northern India. In doing so, the author obviously responds to the seminal work of R.S. Sharma, without, however, even mentioning it. Sharma is one of the most influential advocates of the school of ‘Indian feudalism’, and he linked the decline of cities in India during the period under review to the decline of long-distance trade (caused especially by the decline of Roman trade with India) on the one hand and the feudal transformation of agrarian relations on the other. The economic crisis (the emphasis on which easily identifies Sharma as a staunch Marxist) went along with a socio-religious crisis, during which people expected the fourth age of Hinduism, the age of Kali, to draw to a close. Thakur does not deny the importance of economic factors completely, but tries to weigh them against other factors, which he styles ‘technological and ecological’ and ‘institutional and political’. His conclusion in this respect is somewhat inconclusive as ‘no single factor initiated urban growth’, though in a surprising move, he adds that three phases can be made out which are characterized by agrarian expansion (AD 600–750), emergence of empires (750–1000 – this phase is obviously related to the institutional and political factors) and finally the predominance of trade (1000–1200). In what sense this development is based on ‘mechanisms’ (as alluded to in the title), remains completely open.
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Biswas, Titas. "Pedagogical Curricula and Educational Media: The Malignancy of Saffronised Otherisation in India." Zoon Politikon 11 (2020): 146–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543408xzop.20.006.13008.
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Saffronisation, a neologism that is derived from the saffron robes worn in particular by holy Hindu men, is used to denote the conflation of linguistic, semiotic and political actions taken by the far-right Hindu nationalist brotherhood in India to mechanically alter Indian history so that it resonates with the rest of the Hindu nationalist propaganda and policymaking. The process of Saffronisation, when coupled with westernised pedagogical curricula, has been inculcated within and beyond the periphery of educational institutions since the early twentieth century. While education in India has remained a concentrated resource in the hands of the communities that constitute the upper castes within the social hierarchy, the exclusivity of available academic resources and intellectual capital in the hands of a selected few has come off as the result of intersectional crises that collectively act as a bridge in connecting class and caste politics. This paper explores the impact of Saffronisation as a socio-political movement on educational institutions, the changes that have been made in textbooks in the recent times and in a holistic sense, attempts to analyse the effects of a neo-Fascist governance on schooling and how it affects students hailing from backgrounds that have been marginalised for generations. It is also an exploration of the role of the saffron propaganda in enabling otherisation of non-Hindu identities in higher education institutions.
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Kunwar, Laxman Singh. "Cross-border migration process of Nepalese people to India." Nepal Population Journal 18, no. 17 (December 31, 2018): 81–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/npj.v18i17.26380.
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There is unique historical, socio-economic and political relationship between Nepal and India. Nepal and India has open boarder and there is long history of people’s migration from one country to another by crossing the border. There is no need of any formal document documents (passport, visa) for people of both country in cross border migration process Therefore, this study is confined to analyze the factors associated with cross border migration process of Nepalese people to India. In total, 809 households were randomly selected from studied VDC Daijee of Kanchanpur district. Structured questionnaires were designed to collect the information. In study Daijee VDC of Kanchanpur, out of 809 households, 426 households were cross border migrants households (current and returned). Ancestor’s participation, information provided by friends, self-decision of migrants themselves and moving alone by crossing border were reported as main contributors in cross border migration process.
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KJOSAVIK, DARLEY JOSE, and N. SHANMUGARATNAM. "Property Rights Dynamics and Indigenous Communities in Highland Kerala, South India: An Institutional-Historical Perspective." Modern Asian Studies 41, no. 6 (January 11, 2007): 1183–260. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x06002617.
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Indigenous communities find themselves at the losing end of socio-economic changes taking place in diverse contexts of development. Changes in property rights to land and related resources such as forests and water have universally had adverse effects on their livelihoods, which are almost absolutely dependent on these resources and the ecosystems to which they belong. The historical processes behind these changes have their political, economic and cultural specificities. A deep understanding of transitions in property rights in the traditional habitations of indigenous communities is crucial in capturing these specificities and the socio-economic consequences of the changes. Property rights could be described as the set of economic and social relations that define the position of each individual with respect to the utilization of a resource (Furubotn and Pejovich 1972).
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Akram, Dr Muhammad, and Dr Ayesha Qurrat ul Ain. "The Impact of the Partition of India on the Study of Hinduism in the Urdu Language." ĪQĀN 2, no. 04 (June 30, 2020): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.36755/iqan.v2i04.147.
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Religion, language, and race have been among the most crucial factors behind the formation of various national and communal identities in modern South Asian history. Just like the political division of British India, the complex interplay of these factors also culminated in a bifurcation of linguistic boundaries along the religious lines according to which Urdu became associated with Islam and Muslims. In contrast, Hindi became increasingly connected to the Hindu culture. These historical developments also affected the extent and nature of the academic materials on Hinduism in the Urdu language, which the present paper examines. The paper takes stock of different relevant materials. Then, it discusses how the changed socio-political realities quantitatively and qualitatively affected the works on Hinduism in the Urdu language as the majority of the Hindu scholars lost enthusiasm to write on their religion in Urdu considering its increased perception of being a Muslim language. Muslims in Pakistan, on the other hand, lost opportunities of everyday interaction with Hindus and easy access to the original Hindi and Sanskrit sources resulting in a considerable decline in Hindu studies on their part. Thus, the overall production of literature on Hinduism in the Urdu language declined sharply. By implication, the paper hints at how decisively socio-political and historical contexts bear on the pursuit of the academic study of religion.
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Shafieioun, Saeid. "Some Critical Remarks on the Migration of Iranian Poets to India in the Safavid Era." Journal of Persianate Studies 11, no. 2 (January 28, 2019): 155–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341327.
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AbstractMany scholars still firmly believe that the Safavid period was one of hostility towards poets and men of letters. Numerous learned men fled Iran to India, for both religious and ideological reasons, which in turn affected both the quality and quantity of Persian literature from this era. There is evidence that corroborates this line of argument, but there are other socio-political, religious and cultural factors that must also be addressed in relation to this historical phenomenon. Drawing on original sources, this paper aims to analyze this historical ambiguity.
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Siddiqui, Arshi, and Ismail Siddiqui. "Usage of Urdu as the Language of Elitism among the Muslims of the Northern and the Deccan parts of India: A Socio-Cultural Review." Middle Eastern Journal of Research in Education and Social Sciences 1, no. 2 (November 3, 2020): 107–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.47631/mejress.v1i2.28.
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Purpose: The paper examines how Urdu evolved from the language of the rulers to the lingua franca of Muslims in the modern times. The paper attempts to highlight how Urdu is still being used as an identity marker for Muslims with respect to the other communities and is a source of ascendancy, an achieved elitist status within the Muslims of the North and Deccan. Approach/Methodology/Design: Socio-cultural analysis. Findings: The usage of Urdu as a political instrument by the Muslim League and the cultural influence the language has exerted on the Muslim community led to its usage as a source of elitism within the community in the modern times. The analysis indicates that there is harking back to the highly Persianised, nastaliq form of Urdu, which was manifested in its literature in the twentieth century as the pure, hegemonic and the aspired language, true to the identity of the community. The language was characterized by its emergence as a monolithic, distinctive medium, overcoming the different varieties and registers during the British rule through the Hindi-Urdu controversy. Practical Implications: This review study situates Urdu in a socio-cultural context, reflecting the historical status of the language in India. Originality/value: Urdu has been recognized as a language of a particular community i.e. Muslims in the Indian subcontinent, especially those in the Northern and the Deccan parts of the independent India. This review article, through the use of literature review and content analysis, shows that Urdu is used as a language by Muslims in a way that denotes their high status within the community, due to a variety of factors embedded in the socio-cultural history of the community in the Indian subcontinent.
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Chakrabarty, Bidyut. "Jawaharlal Nehru and Planning, 1938–41: India at the Crossroads." Modern Asian Studies 26, no. 2 (May 1992): 275–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00009781.
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The modern state is interventionist, and planning is an effective means to ascertain its control over the entire social process. As an operational tool, planning seems formidable to structure the role of the state in accordance with its ideological underpinning. Therefore, not only is planning as an instrument tuned to economic regeneration, it is inextricably tied to the regime's political preference as well. The aim here is not to argue for a deterministic network between planning and the ideological slant of the regime and its leadership and viceversa, but to show the complex interdependence which entails, at the same time, an interplay of various pulls and pressures in a rapidly changing social fabric. Colonial India provides us with a political system embedded in both the age-old and primordial value system and various other cultural influences which, inter alia reflected the system's absorption of alien value preferences. This obviously was not a smooth process, for India which drew on loyalties based on primordial ties strove to absorb new stimuli which had their roots in a completely different socio-political and economic environment; the result being tension among those presiding over the destiny of the country which had its reflection in the political discourse of the day. By concentrating on planning which, among other things, strove to transform India from a traditional to a modern society, the paper seeks to explain the difficulty facing the Congress stalwarts, Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Chandra Bose in particular, despite their confidence in planning as the only instrument to rejuvenate India after the British withdrawal.
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Haaften, Lourens van. "Management science and nation building: The sociotechnical imaginary behind the making of the Indian Institute of Management in Ahmedabad." Indian Economic & Social History Review 58, no. 3 (June 13, 2021): 333–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00194646211020308.
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The start of management education in India in the early 1960s has been dominantly described from the perspective of ‘Americanisation’, characterised by isomorphism and mimicry. Existing scholarship has avoided the question of how management education and knowledge were reconciled and naturalised with India’s specific socio-economic contexts. This article addresses the issue and provides a situated account of this complex history by delving into the establishment of the Indian Institute of Management Ahmedabad, one of India’s first and most prominent management schools. Using the concept of sociotechnical imaginary developed by Jasanoff and Kim, the analysis describes how the development of management education and research was aligned with the objective of nation building. The article shows that the project to start management education did not take off before the capitalist connotations, associated with business education, were subtly removed and a narrative was created that put management education in the context of India’s wider development trajectory. Under influence of a changing political atmosphere in the late 1960s, a particular imaginary on the role of management knowledge and education unfolded in the development of the institute, giving the field in India a distinct character in the early 1970s.
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Gallo, Ester. "A broken chain? Colonial history, middle-class Indian migrants and intergenerational ambivalence." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 60, no. 1-2 (December 7, 2018): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715218815728.
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The article explores ambivalence among middle-class Indian migrants who return to India after their retirement. It discusses intergenerational ambivalence from the dual perspectives of the relation between older migrants and their parents, and that linking the former to their migrant children today. Older migrants’ transnationalism is an important yet under-researched topic. It offers insights into the temporal dimension of ambivalence: how family contradictions accompany and change throughout the life course, and how they orient migrants’ understandings of the past, present, and future. Central to the analysis is the relation between migrant intergenerational ambivalence and the historical development of the Malayali middle class at home and in the diaspora. Moving beyond studies on ambivalence that mainly focus on Euro-American societies, it explores the phenomenon in postcolonial locations. The article discusses the extent to which colonial forms of socio-geographical mobility shape older migrants’ ambivalence across generations, vis-á-vis broader middle-class expectations around educational/professional attainment, reproductive choices, and care provision. It suggests that a temporal perspective on ambivalence is useful to highlight how transnational family ambivalence is shaped not only by present-day uncertainties but also by political and cultural history. It also enhances our understanding of how dispersed families negotiate ambivalence in the long term, and the cumulative effects of these negotiations in the production of novel care arrangements in the present.
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Guyot-Réchard, Bérénice. "When Legions Thunder Past: The Second World War and India’s Northeastern Frontier." War in History 25, no. 3 (July 25, 2017): 328–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344516679041.
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Between 1942 and 1945, the Patkai mountains of Assam and Manipur became India’s front line against Japan. This article charts the concatenation of political, cultural, and socio-economic transformations that the Second World War caused in a region that colonial authorities had tried to cordon off. The conflict had push-and-pull effects on the Patkai, intensifying direct state penetration yet reviving long-standing transregional ties with Tibet, China, and Southeast Asia. When ‘national’ borders appeared with Burma and India’s independence two years later, the effect was jarring. As such, the war was a watershed in the postcolonial evolution of northeastern India and northwestern Burma.
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SEN, ATREYEE. "Torture and Laughter: Naxal insurgency, custodial violence, and inmate resistance in a women's correctional facility in 1970s Calcutta." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 3 (May 2018): 917–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000142.
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AbstractThis article explores the politics of surveillance, suppression, and resistance within a women's correctional facility in 1970s Calcutta, a city in eastern India. I highlight the excessively violent treatment of women political prisoners, who were captured and tortured for their active participation in a Maoist guerrilla (Naxal) movement. I argue that the state officials who formed the lowest rung of the government's machinery to supress the movement—the police, prison guards, and wardens—partially usurped these carceral worlds during conditions of social unrest to create small regimes of de facto sovereignty over prison publics. During that critical period in the history of political uprising in the region, the central government coercively implemented a series of ‘constitutional actions’ in the name of internal security threats and withdrew civil liberties from Indian citizens. Political opponents were captured and imprisoned, and prisons became a space for licensed excess. I show how women political prisoners cooperated and conspired with women convicts (the latter having nurtured their own coping skills and structures to deal with persecution and negligence while in the detention system) to develop multiple forms of resistance to the extra-legal use of authority in prison, especially in the context of a volatile socio-political environment in the city.
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Abdullah, Taufik, and Adri Lapian. "Report on the Third Cambridge-Delhi-Leiden-Yogyakarta Conference: ‘The Ancien Regime in India and Indonesia’, Yogyakarta, 21–25 September, 1986." Itinerario 12, no. 1 (March 1988): vii—xviii. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300023329.
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If in the First Conference, which was held in New Delhi in January 1985, the main theme of the papers was focussed on social development in the first half of the twentieth century, while that of the Second Conference held in Leiden in September 1985 shifted to the nineteenth century, particularly on various aspects such as bureaucratic tradition, population changes, and cottage industries, the central theme of the Third Conference concentrated on historical dynamics in pre- and early colonial India and Indonesia. State formation, socio-political aspects of Islam, and early-colonial policies were the major topics discussed at the Conference.
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Hetherwick Kumwenda, Colby. "Ignoring the North: Redressing a Serious Flaw in Liberation Theology from the Context of Malawi." Feminist Theology 27, no. 1 (September 2018): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0966735018794486.
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Narratives of discrimination due to gender differentiations, educational background, cultural systems and/or political alignments are not new phenomena in human history. The concepts themselves are as old as the applications within the systems. In order to grasp the cruciality of the tendency, this article discusses the realities of discrimination among the people of northern Malawi using the Dalit experiences in India. Its emphasis is on how the Northerners of Malawi are politically and socio-economically sidelined in the entire system of governance. The article draws the conclusion that theology can in some ways help to minimize the situation when tolerance and accommodation in God’s design can be put into practice in order to promote harmony and togetherness. If this can be enhanced, the ignored North can feel part of Malawi and by doing so, they can reconstruct their lost humanity and dignity.
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Roy, Dibyadyuti. "From Non-places to Places: Transforming Partition Rehabilitation Camps Through the Gendered Quotidian." Millennial Asia 9, no. 1 (April 2018): 19–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0976399617753752.
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The political partition of India in 1947 into a truncated India and the dominion of Pakistan witnessed a wave of forced migration, hitherto unseen in human history. The alteration of a singular national space into two separate nation-states based on religious identities forced the movement of almost twelve million people, in search of a new homeland. Although this exodus was experienced differently based on socio-economic backgrounds—unfortunately in ways akin to any violent transition—women formed the most susceptible ground to the rigours of the Partition. Gross and barbarous acts of violence perpetuated against women were derived from a hypermasculinized nationalist ideology: one that perceived women’s bodies as sites where national and religious identities needed to be forcibly inscribed. Partition historiography, however, has frequently privileged only the political circumstances and elided the traumatic human micro-histories, which dominated and continue to impinge on postcolonial subjectivities. This article explores a key facet of Partition history, which has often been relegated to the footnotes of both political and social narratives: transitory rehabilitation camps established primarily for the recovery of female refugees. Through an analysis of non-fictional testimonies and selected Partition fiction, I demonstrate how the transformation of these refugee rehabilitation camps—from transitory non-places into referential spatial locations or places—was facilitated through the quotidian performances of the female Partition Refugee.
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OSELLA, FILIPPO. "Charity and Philanthropy in South Asia: An introduction." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 1 (January 2018): 4–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000725.
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There are no reliable figures to help us measure the volume of charitable donations in South Asia but, according to the 2014 World Giving Index, Sri Lanka is ranked ninth in the world for the charitable efforts of its citizens, while other South Asian countries figure in the top 75 out of 135 countries surveyed. According to the same index, India comes first in the world for the overall number of people donating money to charities and volunteering for social causes; Pakistan is ranked sixth for the number of charitable donations; India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh are within the top ten countries for the number of people who have ‘helped a stranger’ in the 12 months prior to the survey. According to a 2001 survey by the Sampradaan Centre for Indian Philanthropy, among members of the A–C socio-economic classes, 96 per cent of respondents donated annually an average of Rs 1,420. The total amount donated was Rs 16.16 billion. Two surveys conducted in West Bengal and Sri Lanka suggest that South Asians across the social spectrum contribute readily to charity.
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Besky, Sarah. "The Plantation's Outsides: The Work of Settlement in Kalimpong, India." Comparative Studies in Society and History 63, no. 2 (March 25, 2021): 433–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417521000104.
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AbstractWhile the colonial and contemporary economy of Bengal's Himalayan foothills is most often associated with the tea plantations of Darjeeling and the Dooars, the small farms of nearby Kalimpong were also a key space in which colonial agents and missionaries worked to “settle” the mountainous terrain. Focused on Kalimpong, this article traces the trajectory of one technology of settlement, agricultural extension, from the late 1880s to the early 1940s. It highlights agricultural extension's racialized and gendered politics, as well as its implication in a long-term project that merged material (i.e., food) provision with social reproduction (i.e., childrearing, kin-making). Agricultural extension created a patchwork of relatively biodiverse small farms that historical and contemporary accounts describe as a “green belt”: a socio-ecological outside to the plantation monocultures that dominate the hills. British governors attempted to use non-plantation space for multiple ends. In this sense, their work might be termed “biopolitical,” in that it was geared toward supporting and amplifying the life chances of certain human bodies and certain botanical species. Through a series of experiments, colonial agents made calculated choices about which of these forms of life should be made to flourish, and which might be allowed to perish. Importantly, settlement, as a set of intertwined projects, did not unfold in a coherent or deliberately sequential manner. Settlement was, and continues to be, a sedimentary process.
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Okyir, Nana Tawiah. "Toward a Progressive Realisation of Socio-economic Rights in Ghana: A Socio-legal Analysis." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 25, no. 1 (February 2017): 91–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ajicl.2017.0183.
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This article argues for the strengthening and entrenchment of socio-economic rights provisions in Ghana's jurisprudence. The purpose of this entrenchment is to engender judicial activism in promoting more creative pathways for enforcing socio-economic rights in Ghana. The article traces the development of socio-economic rights in Ghana's jurisprudence, especially the influence of the requirements of the international rights movement, particularly of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). The article delves into the constitutional history of Ghana and its impact on the evolution of rights in the country. Of particular historical emphasis is the emergence of socio-economic rights under the Directive Principles of State Policy in the 1979 Constitution. However, the significance of the socio-economic rights only became profound with the return to democratic rule under the 1992 Constitution, again under a distinct chapter on Directive Principles of State Policy. However, unlike its counterpart, the chapter on the Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms, which is directly enforceable, the Directive Principles of State Policy were not. It took the Supreme Court of Ghana a series of landmark decisions until finally, in 2008, it arrived at a presumption of justiciability in respect of all of the provisions in the 1992 Constitution. It is evident that prior to this, the Supreme Court was not willing to apply the same standards of adjudication and enforcement as it ordinarily applies in respect of rights under the chapter on Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms. Having surmounted the non-justiciability hurdle, what is left is for the courts to begin to vigorously pursue an agenda that puts socio-economic rights at the centre of Ghana's rights adjudication framework. The article draws on comparative experiences from India and South Africa to showcase the extent of judicial creativity in rights adjudication. In India, the courts have been able to work around provisions restricting the enforcement of Directive Principles by often connecting them to Fundamental Freedoms. In South Africa, there is no hierarchy between civil and political rights on the one hand and socio-economic rights on the other; for that reason, the courts give equal ventilation to both sets of rights. The article further analyses these examples in the light of ongoing constitutional reforms in Ghana. It argues that these reforms fall short of the activism required to propel socio-economic rights adjudication to the forefront in Ghana's jurisprudence. In this regard, the article proposes social movements as a viable tool for socio-economic rights advocacy by recounting its success in previous controversial issues in Ghana. The article also connects this to other important building blocks like building socio-economic rights into a national development blueprint. Overall, the article calls for an imaginative socio-economic rights enforcement approach that is predicated on legislation, judicial activism, social movements and a national development blueprint aimed at delivering a qualitative life for the Ghanaian.
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SEN, UDITI. "The Myths Refugees Live By: Memory and history in the making of Bengali refugee identity." Modern Asian Studies 48, no. 1 (May 9, 2013): 37–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000613.
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AbstractWithin the popular memory of the partition of India, the division of Bengal continues to evoke themes of political rupture, social tragedy, and nostalgia. The refugees or, more broadly speaking, Hindu migrants from East Bengal, are often the central agents of such narratives. This paper explores how the scholarship on East Bengali refugees portrays them either as hapless and passive victims of the regime of rehabilitation, which was designed to integrate refugees into the socio-economic fabric of India, or eulogizes them as heroic protagonists who successfully battled overwhelming adversity to wrest resettlement from a reluctant state. This split image of the Bengali refugee as both victim and victor obscures the complex nature of refugee agency. Through a case-study of the foundation and development of Bijoygarh colony, an illegal settlement of refugee-squatters on the outskirts of Calcutta, this paper will argue that refugee agency in post-partition West Bengal was inevitably moulded by social status and cultural capital. However, the collective memory of the establishment of squatters’ colonies systematically ignores the role of caste and class affiliations in fracturing the refugee experience. Instead, it retells the refugees’ quest for rehabilitation along the mythic trope of heroic and masculine struggle. This paper interrogates refugee reminiscences to illuminate their erasures and silences, delineating the mythic structure common to both popular and academic refugee histories and exploring its significance in constructing a specific cultural identity for Bengali refugees.
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Hasiuk, Magdalena. "Quasi-biblijna historia." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 54, no. 2 (June 17, 2010): 131–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2010.54.2.8.
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L’Indiade, ou l’Inde de leurs rêves is the second drama of Hélène Cixous directed by Ariane Mnouchkine in the Théâtre du Soleil. The history of India — the achievement of independence in 1947 marked by the division of the country — became a metaphor of the separation experienced in the closest relationships between people. The performance rooted in the historical and socio-political realities also exhibited its universal dimension through references on many planes to the Bible, Mahabharata and Greek tragedies. The topic of separation was reinforced in a special manner by its contrast with the quality most characteristic for India, with variety and contrast, present in rhapsodic literate form which refers to Shakespearian chronicles, but also existing at the level of the story, the characters, the construction of the spectacle and theatrical creations. The performance, revealing the riches incorporated into the human being, inspired posing one of the most fundamental questions, what is man?
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Kujur, Roshni, and Sumit Kumar Minz. "Proliferation of Tribal Migrants and Repercussion: Case Study from the Tribal Areas of Sundargarh District, Odisha (India)." Current Research Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 4, no. 1 (June 25, 2021): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.12944/crjssh.4.1.04.
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The trends of migration introduce since human history, determined by their socio-economic conditions, culturally connection, political impediments and habitant circumstances. Migration is an inevitable element of human life, mostly believed to take place in search of a better livelihood, employment opportunities etc. But, a country like India, experiences different folds of human mobility due to its acute population, economic disparities and lack of employment opportunities. The study has structured the attitude of Tribal labour migrants of Sundargarh District, Odisha, a highly tribal populated region, a symbol of naturally attached to their land and forest. It has taken effort to trace down different driving factors leading to perpetual tribal migration from their ancestral land to different urban regions of the country. It has further analysed the socio-economic conditions at the place of their origin and destination to understand different nature and trends of migration among the rural tribals. This study has conducted intensive fieldwork in four selected blocks of Sundargarh district of Odisha, and primarily recorded to examine the socio-economic conditions of the tribals and their perception regarding migration. It also reveals some of the experiences of the respondents concerning their migration. The study finally finds that the migration among tribals is more a result of compulsion than a choice to have a better livelihood. Indeed, these poor tribals not only experience a tough life but also often prone to human rights violation in their new destination, just earn to tide over their distress situation, but no ways help to accumulate capital.
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Sleeboom-Faulkner, Margaret. "Regulatory brokerage: Competitive advantage and regulation in the field of regenerative medicine." Social Studies of Science 49, no. 3 (June 2019): 355–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306312719850628.
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This article concerns the roles of entrepreneurial scientists in the co-production of life science research and regulation. Regulatory brokerage, defined as a mode of strategic planning and as the negotiation of regulation based on comparative advantage and competition, is expressed in scientific activities that take advantage of regulatory difference. This article is based on social science research in Japan, Thailand, India and the UK. Using five cases related to Japan’s international activities in the field of regenerative medicine, I argue that, driven by competitive advantage, regulatory brokerage at lower levels of managerial organization and governance is emulated at higher levels. In addition, as regulatory brokerage affects the creation of regulation at national, bilateral and global levels, new regulation may be based on competition in regulatory advantage rather than on ethical and scientific values. I argue that regulatory brokerage as the basis for regulatory reform bypasses issues that need to be decided by a broader public. More space is needed for international and political debate about the socio-political consequences of the global diversity of regulation in the field of the life sciences.
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Kartodirdjo, Sartono. "X. The Modern Indonesian Intelligentsia as Protagonist of Political Modernization." Itinerario 10, no. 1 (March 1986): 197–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009050.
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Numerous writings on intellectuals as learned or professional middle class have been published since the sixties for the obvious reason that this social group played a central role in the struggle for independence from which they emerged as the new leaders or ralers of new nations. Furthermore, being protagonist of change the intelligentsia showed their pre-eminence in giving their society a modern shape. Those studies show clearly the striking similarities of the characteristics of the intelligentsia from various developing countries. Their emergence was closely related to the expansion of western education, their marginal socio-historical location created the propensity to protagonize modernization, their oppositional role was inherent in their being a counter-elite in the colonial power structure. More similarities or parallel development can be brought up in our comparative study between India and Indonesia by asking the following questions: (1) Within the frame-work of the colonial setting what kind of factors were at work in creating the intelligentsia; (2) To what extend did endogenous factors impede the mobility and dynamics of the intelligentsia; (3) Did the intelligentsia's social origin put constraints on their capacity to accommodate themselves to new situations; (4) In fulfilling their function as intellectuals did they succeed in playing their leadership role in the nationalist movement; (5) Which structural conduciveness was necessary in order to provide a leverage to antagonize the establishment; etc. What kind of political commitment one came across among the intelligentsia? Were new ideologies quite instrumental in endorsing the intelligentsia's political role? Did they succeed in realizing political modernization?
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Shah, Sayed Wiqar Ali. "The 1930 Civil Disobedience Movement in Peshawar Valley from the Pashtoon Perspective." Studies in History 29, no. 1 (February 2013): 87–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0257643013496690.
Full textAbstract:
Like other parts of India, the civil disobedience movement was also launched in North–West Frontier Province (Khyber–Pakhtoonkhwa), although initially with little success. The local Congress sought help from the Khudai Khidmatgars, the most popular socio-political organization of the province; 23 April 1930 saw the worst kind of massacre in Peshawar, followed by other parts of the Province. During the civil disobedience, the colonial administration tried all kinds of draconian methods to suppress the movement but in vain. The purpose of the present research is to investigate and analyze the civil disobedience and its impact in the Peshawar Valley, hitherto neglected by the scholars and thereby help provide a new and deeper understanding of the whole scenario. In a much broader context and in a wider perspective, however, the present study will encompass the following main issues: (a) Indian Muslims and the civil disobedience movement launched by Congress under Mahatma Gandhi; (b) the Frontier Congress and its failure in mobilization of people to support civil disobedience; (c) the altruistic leadership of Abdul Ghaffar Khan and the Khudai Khidmatgars’ tangible support within the masses; (d) the atrocities of the colonial administration and the predicament of the local population; (e) adherence to non-violence, a unique phenomenon for the Pashtoons; (f) the interplay of the religion and politics; (g) the complexity of the Khudai Khidmatgar–Congress relations; and, (h) the role of charismatic leadership. The present research will be focusing on these and other similar crucial issues previously undervalued.