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Journal articles on the topic 'Sociology of economists'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Gibbons, Robert. "What is Economic Sociology and Should any Economists Care?" Journal of Economic Perspectives 19, no. 1 (February 1, 2005): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/0895330053147912.

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The introduction to the Symposium on Sociology and Economics highlights some of the prominent themes from economic sociology that are illustrated in the symposium papers and suggests which kinds of economists might find these themes interesting.

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2

Hasan, Zubair. "Academic sociology." ISRA International Journal of Islamic Finance 10, no. 1 (June 19, 2018): 6–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijif-11-2017-0044.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the causes and impact of predatory online publishing on Islamic economics and finance. Design/methodology/approach The method adopted involves a library literature scan to identify the origin and expansion of predatory publishing, as references listed in the paper show. The personal experience and observation of the author over the decades of teaching at various universities endorses the evidence. Findings The focus on “publish or perish” has led to division of Islamic scholars into conservative and modern economists, and it led to the overuse of mathematical and parametric modeling to the disadvantage of the discipline essentially imbued with unquantifiable ethical norms and values. Practical implications The study seeks to induce fruitful and purposive change in the research designs and direction of Islamic economics and finance. Originality/value This research initiates discussion on predatory publishing, an issue so far untouched in Islamic economics. It explores its impact on the discipline and suggests ways to curb the malady.

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3

Small, Mario L., and Devah Pager. "Sociological Perspectives on Racial Discrimination." Journal of Economic Perspectives 34, no. 2 (May 1, 2020): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.34.2.49.

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As in economics, racial discrimination has long been a focus of research in sociology. Yet the disciplines traditionally have differed in how they approach the topic. While some studies in recent years show signs of cross-disciplinary influence, exposing more economists to sociological perspectives on racial discrimination would benefit both fields. We offer six propositions from the sociology of racial discrimination that we believe economists should note. We argue that independent of taste and statistical discrimination, economists should study institutional discrimination; that institutional discrimination can take at least two forms, organizational and legal; that in both forms the decisions of a contemporary actor to discriminate can be immaterial; that institutional discrimination is a vehicle through which past discrimination has contemporary consequences; that minor forms of everyday interpersonal discrimination can be highly consequential; and that whether actors perceive they have experienced discrimination deserves attention in its own right.

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4

FONTAINE, PHILIPPE. "HARSANYI BEFORE ECONOMICS: AN INTRODUCTION." Economics and Philosophy 23, no. 3 (November 2007): 343–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266267107001526.

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Upon learning that John C. Harsanyi (1920–2000) was awarded the Bank of Sweden Prize in Economic Sciences in Memory of Alfred Nobel, in 1994, for his pioneering work in game theory, few economists probably questioned the appropriateness of that choice. The Budapest-born social scientist had already been recognized as a first-rank contributor to non-cooperative game theory for some time (see, e.g., Gul 1997). However, as many readers of this journal will be aware, Harsanyi first contributed to welfare economics, not game theory. More importantly, he was philosophically minded and accordingly has been “acknowledged as the most influential philosopher in economics” (Güth 1994: 252).1 This is of some significance since, before Harsanyi became acquainted with economics around 1950, his main interest was philosophy and, to a lesser extent, sociology and psychology. Rather than an economist with philosophical leanings, Harsanyi was actually a philosopher turned economist.

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5

Scott, Alan. "Prodigal offspring: Organizational sociology and organization studies." Current Sociology 68, no. 4 (March 10, 2020): 443–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392120907639.

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Academic disciplines are defined not primarily by their object but by their (theoretical and methodological) approach to that object, and by their claim to a monopoly over it. Even where that monopoly claim has been highly successful, it remains contestable. For example, economics, perhaps in this respect the most successful social science, finds its object – the economy – contested by political economists and economic sociologists. Whereas economics has successfully marginalized potential competitors, sociology has remained a broad church. Attempts to impose theoretical and methodological order on the discipline have met with resistance, and eventually failed. Moreover, sociology has never really reached consensus on what its object is; ‘society’, ‘social facts’, ‘social action’ were the classical options, with the list growing over time (social networks, rational action, actor networks, etc.). Thus, while we can speak of ‘heterodox economics’ there is insufficient orthodoxy to speak of ‘heterodox sociology’. This has an obverse side. Precisely because of the weakness of its monopolistic claims, sociology has been very productive in spawning new disciplinary fields, which, rather than remaining within sociology’s weak gravitational pull, successfully establish themselves as separate disciplines or ‘studies’. Criminology, industrial relations, urban studies and organization studies are the most obvious examples. In light of this, this article addresses two questions: (1) What happens to these new fields when they break free of the parent discipline, and to the parent discipline when they do? (2) If one effect on the ‘offspring’ is a loss of disciplinary orientation (as the rationale for this special issue suggests) what, if anything, has contemporary sociology to offer OS as a potential source of reorientation?

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Hechter, Michael. "Why Economists Should Pay Heed to Sociology." Review of Behavioral Economics 2, no. 1-2 (July 29, 2015): 89–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/105.00000020.

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7

Dex, Shirley. "The use of economists’ models in sociology." Ethnic and Racial Studies 8, no. 4 (October 1985): 516–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.1985.9993505.

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8

Kolev, Stefan. "Early Economic Sociology and Contextual Economics: The Weber-Wieser Connection." Journal of Contextual Economics 138, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/schm.138.1.1.

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Abstract This paper addresses the parallel emergence of economic sociology within the Younger Historical School and the Austrian School. It reconstructs biographically the relationship of two key economic sociologists: Max Weber (1864&#8211;1920) and Friedrich von Wieser (1851&#8211;1926). Reconstructing Weber&#8217;s interactions with the Austrian economists and the joint pursuit of the research program &#8220;Social Economics&#8221; is illuminating for Weber&#8217;s attitude to economics and helps to correct clichés about the irreconcilability between the schools. For contextual economics, understanding the &#8220;outsourcing&#8221; of contextualism into sociology initiated in the age of Weber and Wieser can be decisive for the future &#8220;re-import&#8221; into economics. JEL Codes: A11, B13, B15, B25, B31, P16, Z13

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9

ROJAS, FABIO. "Sociological imperialism in three theories of the market." Journal of Institutional Economics 2, no. 3 (October 13, 2006): 339–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137406000440.

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This essay reviews three prominent sociological studies of firms and markets: Neil Fligstein's The Architecture of Markets, Glenn Carroll and Michael Hannan's The Demography of Corporations, and Harrison C. White's Markets from Networks. The review essay discusses how economic sociology focuses on processes ignored by economists. However, research findings and theoretical developments are rarely reconciled or integrated with economic research. The conclusion discusses possible links between the varying schools of economic sociology and heterodox economic traditions such as contemporary institutional economics.

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10

Rubinstein, Ariel. "Comments on Economic Models, Economics, and Economists: Remarks on Economics Rules by Dani Rodrik." Journal of Economic Literature 55, no. 1 (March 1, 2017): 162–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.20161408.

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This essay reviews Dani Rodrik's superb book Economics Rules and argues that it can serve as an ideal platform for discussing what economists can and should accomplish. The essay comments on some of the major issues in contemporary economics examined in the book: whether economics is a science, the meaning of economic models, the nature of “facts” in economics, and others. It also touches on issues that the book overlooks, such as the sociology of the profession, the teaching curriculum in economics, and the dismal situation of publishing in economics. (JEL A11, B40, C50)

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11

Folke, Lasse, and Anders Sevelsted. "”Giv mig en økonom, og jeg skal rejse et marked?” Om fagøkonomiens performativitet og konstruktionen af et globalt marked for mikrofinans." Dansk Sociologi 21, no. 4 (December 22, 2010): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/dansoc.v21i4.3410.

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Denne artikel argumenter for, at Callon og MacKenzies teorier om økonomisk performativitet bidrager til at forstå dels centrale sociale dynamikker på markeder, som i stigende grad får en teknisk-videnskabelig karakter, og dels hvordan økonomer bidrager til at konstruere sådanne. Artiklen introducerer centrale begreber og påstande fra de to forfattere og tester disse i en analyse af, hvordan et globalt marked for mikrofinans er blevet skabt. Analysen viser, at selvom økonomer og økonomisk teori spillede en vigtig rolle i konstruktionen af dette marked, så forblev den performative funktion for den generelt accepterede teori om mikrofinans legitimerende og lingvistisk. Markedet var først og fremmest en politisk konstruktion, drevet af Verdensbanken i et forsøg på at skabe kommercielle mikrofinansinstitutioner. Alligevel fik dele af den neoklassiske teori om ”det effektive marked” dog en effektiv funktion i etableringen af markedet, dvs. greb ind i de selvsamme økonomiske processer, som teorien henviser til. Sidst i artiklen fremhæves og diskuteres en række svagheder ved Callon og MacKenzies performativitetsteorier. Søgeord: Performativitet, finansiel sociologi, Callon, Mackenzie, mikrofinans. ENGELSK ABSTRACT: Lasse Folke and Anders Sevelsted: ”Give Me an Economist and I’ll Raise a Market?” On Professional Economists’ Performativity and The Construction of a Global Market for Micro-Finance This paper argues that Callon and MacKenzie’s theories on the performativity of economics contribute to understanding important social dynamics of markets that are increasingly technical; it also contributes to understanding how economists are crucial in constructing them. The theories introduce the authors’ core concepts and claims. They then test these in an analysis of a global market for micro-fi nance. This analysis reveals that, despite the central role of economists in constructing the market, the performative function of the generally accepted theory of micro-fi nance remained merely legitimizing and linguistic. The market was mainly a political construction driven by the World Bank in order to promote commercial micro-fi nance institutions. In this process, however, the ”effi cient market hypothesis” from neoclassical economics was valuable. The article fi nally discusses a number of weaknesses in using the theory of performativity. Key words: Performativity, fi nancial sociology, Callon, Mackenzie, micro-finance.

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12

Roth, Alvin E. "The Early History of Experimental Economics." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 15, no. 2 (1993): 184–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837200000936.

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In the course of coediting theHandbook of Experimental Economics(forthcoming) it became clear to me that contemporary experimental economists tend to carry around with them different and very partial accounts of the history of this still emerging field. This project began as an attempt to merge these “folk histories” of the origins of what I am confident will eventually be seen as an important chapter in the history and sociology of economics.

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13

Boyd, Richard. "THE EARLY MODERN ORIGINS OF BEHAVIORAL ECONOMICS." Social Philosophy and Policy 37, no. 1 (2020): 30–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052520000035.

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AbstractFor all the recent discoveries of behavioral psychology and experimental economics, the spirit of homo economicus still dominates the contemporary disciplines of economics, political science, and sociology. Turning back to the earliest chapters of political economy, however, reveals that pioneering figures such as Francis Bacon, Thomas Hobbes, and Adam Smith were hardly apostles of economic rationality as they are often portrayed in influential narratives of the development of the social sciences. As we will see, while all three of these thinkers can plausibly be read as endorsing “rationality,” they were also well aware of the systematic irrationality of human conduct, including a remarkable number of the cognitive biases later “discovered” by contemporary behavioral economists. Building on these insights I offer modest suggestions for how these thinkers, properly understood, might carry the behavioral revolution in different directions than those heretofore suggested.

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14

Pendleton, Andrew, Ben Lupton, Andrew Rowe, and Richard Whittle. "Back to the Shop Floor: Behavioural Insights from Workplace Sociology." Work, Employment and Society 33, no. 6 (May 29, 2019): 1039–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017019847940.

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This article compares insights into decision-making and behaviour developed by Kahneman and Tversky in behavioural economics with the main findings from studies of pay incentives in workplace sociology in the middle decades of the 20th century. The article shows how many of the insights offered by behavioural economists, such as loss aversion, were anticipated and considered by the workplace sociologists. It is argued that the sociological studies offer deeper and more convincing accounts of worker behaviour through a better understanding of the role of social structure, context, and social processes in framing and influencing action.

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15

Komarovskaia, N. V. "THE EVOLUTION OF HOMO ECONOMICUS." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(46) (February 28, 2016): 129–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-1-46-129-142.

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The article provides a review of the ways in which interdisciplinary research in modern economic thought gives a more realistic understanding of human behavior and economic decision making. On the one hand, economic imperialism drove wider application of economics methods across social sciences and brought about new interdisciplinary fields, such as law and economics, economic sociology, public choice theory, etc. On the other hand, the origin of behavioral economics, experimental economics, and neuroeconomics bridging psychology, neurobiology, and economics influences the change in the methodology used by the economics itself and fuels transformation of the model of rational economic behavior 'homo economicus', one of the central assumptions of the neoclassical economics. George Akerlof and Robert Shiller's animal spirits, prospect theory of Daniel Kahneman and Amos Tversky, research by Amartya Sen, Daniel McFadden, Vernon Smith, and other economists focusing on decision making either significantly limit, or supplement the homo economicus concept providing a deeper insight into the nature of human rationality. Behavioral economics has already become so strong as a separate discipline that it can be classified into two streams - Classical and Modern, and its main principles should be incorporated into a basic course of traditional economics. The achievements of behavioral economics yield higher quality of economic research and forecasting. Interdisciplinary approach to the human behavior studies and transformation of homo economicus offer new tools for the development policy making.

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16

Davis, William L. "Economists' Opinions of Economists' Work." American Journal of Economics and Sociology 66, no. 2 (April 2007): 267–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1536-7150.2007.00511.x.

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17

Adams, John. "Economics, Economists, and the Indian Economy." India Review 5, no. 1 (April 2006): 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14736480600742627.

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18

Hertog, Steffen. "The Sociology of the Gulf Rentier Systems: Societies of Intermediaries." Comparative Studies in Society and History 52, no. 2 (April 2010): 282–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417510000058.

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Theories about the politics and economics of resource-rich or “rentier” states have been around for almost four decades now (Mahdavy 1970; Beblawi 1987; Chaudhry 1997; Humphreys et al. 2007). Political scientists and economists have argued that rents have a negative impact on levels of democracy (Luciani 1987; Ross 2001), on the quality of institutions (Chaudhry 1997; Isham et al. 2005), and on economic growth (Sachs and Warner 2001). Although much debate has been conducted over these macro-correlations, far less attention has been devoted to the causal mechanisms behind them. There is still no unified theory of rentier states, and the micro-foundations of rentier systems in particular have gone largely unexplored.

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19

Porter-Szűcs, Brian. "From Homo Sovieticus to Homo Economicus: The Transformation of the Human Subject in Polish Socialist Economic Thought." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 34, no. 3 (October 10, 2019): 546–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325419875992.

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Whereas both classical and neoclassical economists based their theories on a static psychology of self-maximizing rationality that facilitated the formulation of universal economic laws, Marx proposed instead an evolutionary understanding of the human psyche, opening the possibility of dynamic economic laws that mutated in accordance with changing historical contexts. By the 1920s and 1930s, some socialist economists started to drift away from this position, arguing instead that the psychology of neoclassical microeconomics could sustain a socialist macroeconomics, as long as the necessary institutions were in place. In other words, they came to believe that Homo Economicus could maintain all his or her selfish desires and acquisitive inclinations, but if economic structures were property designed and if the state enforced certain rules and regulations, then exploitation and commodification would be vanquished and the pursuit of individual well-being would lead to collective prosperity. That line of thinking was shut down within the Soviet bloc by Stalin, who insisted that socialism could only be created if Homo Economicus was transformed into Homo Sovieticus. Among economists prior to 1956, an evolutionary understanding of the human psyche was not only promoted but vigorously enforced by the state. After the fall of the Stalinists, however, a neoclassical approach regained the upper hand, and economists (not to mention politicians) in the Soviet Bloc began to lose their faith in meaningful anthropological and historical change.

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20

REISMAN, DAVID A. "Economic sociology and institutional economics." Journal of Institutional Economics 3, no. 1 (April 2007): 91–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137406000579.

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Abstract:Economic sociology was a core concern of early political economists like Smith, Marx, Pareto, and Marshall. The new economic sociology has sought to revive the neglected subdiscipline using the construct of interpersonal networks. Richard Swedberg has assembled 42 substantial papers in this collection. This article, reviewing his selection, proceeds in three stages. First, it provides a general framework for the debate. Second, it discusses the papers specifically linked to networks. Third, it analyses the contributions that go beyond the concept of social processes as personal relationships.

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21

Yudin, G. "The "Economic" and the "Social": Autonomy of Spheres and Disciplinary Boundaries." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 8 (August 20, 2010): 54–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2010-8-54-71.

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Research agenda of the New Economic Sociology since its emergence in the 1970-1980s can be described as a «negative program», focused mainly on critique of economics. Nowadays many economic sociologists as well as sympathizing economists observe theoretical crisis of the negative program. Drawing on the works by M. Weber and K. Polanyi it is shown that fundamental drawbacks of the particular economic-sociological model of explanation arise from the widespread belief of economic sociologists that economic action is a form of social action. The author argues that the problematic relation between «economic» and «social» shouldnt serve for drawing aprioristic disciplinary boundaries between economics and economic sociology. Instead the suggestion is put forward to make this relation the subject of economic-sociological study and indicate some fresh and important theoretical tools for such an agenda.

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22

GRONOW, ANTTI. "Not by rules or choice alone: a pragmatist critique of institution theories in economics and sociology." Journal of Institutional Economics 4, no. 3 (December 2008): 351–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137408001124.

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AbstractThe article discusses institutional theories in economics and sociology. The discussion adopts W. Richard Scott's classification into regulative, normative, and discursive theories. A fourth alternative, habitual institutionalism, is also presented because of the problems encountered with the other theories. Pragmatically inclined habitual institutionalism presents a consistent theory of action wherein conscious action is derived from habitual action, which is also the basis of institutionalization. In addition, habitual institutionalism portrays human rationality more extensively than economists and sociologists have traditionally done. For these reasons, the difficulties associated with other institutional theories can be avoided.

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23

Finocchiaro, Maurice A. "Debts, Oligarchies, and Holisms: Deconstructing the Fallacy of Composition." Informal Logic 33, no. 2 (May 30, 2013): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/il.v33i2.3892.

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This is a critical appreciation of Govier’s 2006 ISSA keynote address on the fallacy of composition, and of economists’ writings on this fallacy in economics. I argue that the “fallacy of composition” is a problematical concept, because it does not denote a distinctive kind of argument but rather a plurality, and does not constitute a distinctive kind of error, but rather reduces to oversimplification in arguing from micro to macro. Finally, I propose further testing of this claim based on examples involving public vs. private debt in economics; oligarchic tendencies in politics, and the emergence of societal wholes in sociology.

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Guerin, Joseph. "Economists’ evaluation of the economics of the bishops." Forum for Social Economics 16, no. 2 (January 1986): 63–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02958740.

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25

Wisman, Jon. "Keynesian economics and Economists’ views on the state." Forum for Social Economics 16, no. 3 (January 1986): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02839019.

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Dolfsma, Wilfred. "Economists as subjects: Toward a psychology of economists." Forum for Social Economics 30, no. 2 (January 2001): 77–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02828503.

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LIU, GLORY M. "RETHINKING THE “CHICAGO SMITH” PROBLEM: ADAM SMITH AND THE CHICAGO SCHOOL, 1929–1980." Modern Intellectual History 17, no. 4 (April 1, 2019): 1041–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147924431900009x.

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This article traces the origins and evolution of a popular interpretation of Adam Smith as a “Chicago-style” economist, and it challenges the idea that the “Chicago Smith” is simply a misinterpretation of Smith's ideas. To that end, it reexamines the role that the Chicago school of economics played in developing and propounding a distinct vision of Adam Smith, not only within the profession of economics, but also for the broader American public in the twentieth century. I argue that the readings, teachings, and interpretations of Smith from Chicago economists across different generations are more than just superficial symbolism, claims of intellectual authority, or rhetorical window dressing. Chicago’s engagement with Smith’s ideas constitute important interpretive and substantive arguments about the essence of Smith’s contribution to economics and the role that Smith’s ideas could play in shaping public policy.

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Tittenbrun, Jacek. "The Death of the Economic Man." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 11 (September 2013): 10–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.11.10.

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The paradigm of rational self-interested actor is still ate least implicitly assumed by conventional textbook economics as well as by many other social sciences. This is the case despite its critique on the part of even some economists. However, evidence amassed by other disciplines, such as psychology, including evolutionary psychology, anthropology and sociology unequivocally indicates the model is flawed. The paper, after presenting some historical background to the notion of economic man, reviews assorted topical research leading to the conclusion which is signalled in the title of the paper.

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Jurkovičová, Lujza, and Viktória Riškova. "Historical Overview of the Economic Sociology." Studia commercialia Bratislavensia 5, no. 19 (December 1, 2012): 379–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10151-012-0006-7.

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Abstract There exists a rich and colorful tradition of economic sociology, which roughly began around the turn of the twentieth century and continues till today. This tradition has generated a number of helpful concepts and ideas as well as interesting research results, which this article seek to briefly present and set in perspective. Economic sociology has peaked twice since its birth: in 1890-1920, with the founders of sociology (who were all interested in and wrote on the economy), and today, from the early 1980s and onward. A small number of important works in economic sociology - by economists as well as sociologists - was produced during the time between these two periods, from 1920 to the mid-1980s.

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Colander, David. "Research on the Economics Profession." Journal of Economic Perspectives 3, no. 4 (November 1, 1989): 137–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.3.4.137.

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In this article, I survey some recent contributions to research on the profession, both to bring nonspecialists up to date on what is being done and to inform specialists of other researchers who are doing similar work. The economics profession is interesting to economists for a number of interrelated reasons: 1) For prurient and professional interest: It is fun to know about oneself and one's profession. 2) As a case study: If economic theory is correct, it should apply to the economics profession. Since economists have firsthand knowledge of the economics profession and relatively easy access to data, it makes an excellent case study. 3) Because one has an interest in the sociology of knowledge: Recent developments in methodology and philosophy of science have made a knowledge of the scientists an important aspect of a knowledge of science; they are the lens through which science is interpreted. Understanding the tendency of scientists to aim that lens in particular directions and to distort the reality they are studying is necessary if one is to interpret their analyses correctly. These three reasons are interrelated, of course, and knowledge for one reason is often useful for others. But the division provides a useful way of organizing research about the profession.

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Maron, Asa. "Translating social investment ideas in Israel: Economized social policy’s competing agendas." Global Social Policy 20, no. 1 (May 15, 2019): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468018119844652.

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International organizations play a central role in disseminating social investment ideas, which serve to legitimize forms of public spending by stressing their future contribution to human capital and economic growth. However, the transition from a neoliberal to a social investment state is conditioned on national policymakers’ will to embrace a post-neoliberal macroeconomic philosophy and governance. Although such change lies in the professional purview of economist-technocrats, there is little empirical research on their role as national translators of social investment ideas. This article examines economists’ role in the translation of social investment ideas in Israel. By embedding specific social investment ideas within entrenched economic world views – including principles of ‘responsible’ macroeconomic governance – camps of Israeli economists articulate varying and sometimes competing social investment policy agendas. Lessons from Israel suggest that economists are non-negligible actors in the translation of social investment ideas. By advancing different social investment strategies, economists may assume different roles in the policymaking and politics of social investment.

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Hellmich, Simon Niklas. "Social psychological aspects of “making” economists: A review of the nature versus nurture debate." Citizenship, Social and Economics Education 19, no. 1 (February 21, 2020): 23–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2047173420908068.

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A considerable number of empirical studies argue that economics experts differ from other groups with respect to their public policy preferences and their behavior in certain social dilemmas. Economists are more likely to regard allocation via markets as “fair” than other people and they seem to adjust their behavior and expectations to the actor-model presumed in the elementary neoclassical theory. Some trace back such observations to influences related to the economics education. An alternative view is that economics attracts individuals with preferences that differ from those of non-economists. While the literature on the matter is growing, a comprehensive picture of the nature and sources of the differences has not yet emerged. This article reviews research based on the survey, experimental, and field evidence collected since 1990 to detect, characterize, and explain the differences. It points at some problems inherent to the methodology that dominates the existing research. Primarily, it directs attention to some psychological and social-psychological aspects of training and socializing economists that have not found adequate recognition so far, but should be considered, to better understand the phenomena in question.

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Qin, Jing Zhuo. "Theoretical Research Analysis and Evaluation of Urban Sprawl - A Case Study on the Overall Planning of Kunming." Advanced Materials Research 1065-1069 (December 2014): 2832–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.1065-1069.2832.

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Urban sprawl studies involve various subject areas, including the urban geography, economics, sociology and ecology, etc. and it is a common topic focused by the geographers, planners, environmentalists, land economists, etc. At present, the land expansion in most cities of China is too fast, presenting the extensive economic development and urbanization model of the land extensive operation. It is badly in need of theoretical studies on the urban sprawl. In this paper, the existing domestic and foreign theoretical studies on the urban sprawl are analyzed and evaluated, and combining the overall planning of Kunming City, the urban sprawl phenomenon in Kunming is analyzed.

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34

Regini, Marino. "L'uditorio dei sociologi (economici) oltre i sociologi." SOCIOLOGIA DEL LAVORO, no. 114 (September 2009): 15–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sl2009-114002.

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- Economic sociologists are usually far less influential on policy-makers, international organizations, public opinion, than mainstream economists. This article discusses the possible factors of this lower external influence, arguing that the main reason is to be found in the very structure of sociological accounts of the economy, that makes them ill-suited to orient action. Any accounts based on the embeddedness of economic action in social networks, or on the features of the institutional context that shapes actors' behaviour, make it impossible to draw simple prescriptions from them. To overcome this handicap, economic sociologists should try to focus on a few analytical instruments typical of their tool kit, that, under current conditions, may prove more valuable than those used by economists. Four such instruments are discussed: use of typologies vs. convergence theories; emphasis on trade-offs between costs and benefits of the different solutions vs. pursuit of the "one best way"; search for functional equivalents vs. sheer imitation of best practices; finally, design of alternative scenarios vs. straight forecasts.Key words: paradigms, social impact, typologies, trade-offs, functional equivalents, alternative scenarios

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Alacevich, Michele. "Not a Knowledge Bank: The Divided History of Development Economics and Development Organizations." Social Science History 40, no. 4 (2016): 627–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2016.25.

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Development economics was born as a distinct disciplinary field in the aftermath of World War II, when the development of so-called Third World countries, due to the dynamics of decolonization and the Cold War, became an international priority. At the institutional level, the birth of development economics was paralleled by the reorientation of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (so-called the World Bank) from the support of European reconstruction to funding development policies worldwide. Not surprisingly, the paths of the Bank and of pioneers of development economics often crossed, and it is fair to say that the Bank and the new discipline—from the perspective of the history and sociology of social sciences—are part of the same story. Indeed, one would think that the Bank was the natural place for the breeding of development economics. This seems coherent with the image we have of the Bank today: the reign of economists. Yet, for most of the years when development theory was shaped, the Bank, although very active in development policies worldwide, was remarkably silent in the field of development economics. This paper will connect the study of economic ideas and economists in international organizations with the history of economic policies. Based on previously untapped archival sources, it will discuss how the history of development economics and of development organizations—and especially the largest among them, that is, the World Bank—proceeded separated for a long stretch of time, and how they later converged.

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Fein, Rashi. "Economists and Health Reform." PS: Political Science and Politics 27, no. 2 (June 1994): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/420268.

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Kasinitz, Philip. "Bohemians, Freaks, and Economists." Sociological Forum 22, no. 1 (March 2007): 117–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1573-7861.2006.00009_1.x.

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Hsu, Robert C. "Economics and Economists in Post-Mao China: Some Observations." Asian Survey 28, no. 12 (December 1, 1988): 1211–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2644742.

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Hsu, Robert C. "Economics and Economists in Post-Mao China: Some Observations." Asian Survey 28, no. 12 (December 1988): 1211–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1988.28.12.01p0217m.

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McLure, Charles E., and Steven E. Rhoads. "Viewing Economists." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 7, no. 1 (1987): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3323360.

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Eccles, Robert G., and Richard Swedberg. "Economics and Society: Redefining Their Boundaries: Conversations with Economists and Sociologists." Contemporary Sociology 20, no. 4 (July 1991): 606. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2071851.

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Abeler, Johannes, Daniele Nosenzo, and Collin Raymond. "Preferences for Truth‐Telling." Econometrica 87, no. 4 (2019): 1115–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3982/ecta14673.

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Private information is at the heart of many economic activities. For decades, economists have assumed that individuals are willing to misreport private information if this maximizes their material payoff. We combine data from 90 experimental studies in economics, psychology, and sociology, and show that, in fact, people lie surprisingly little. We then formalize a wide range of potential explanations for the observed behavior, identify testable predictions that can distinguish between the models, and conduct new experiments to do so. Our empirical evidence suggests that a preference for being seen as honest and a preference for being honest are the main motivations for truth‐telling.

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Cipriani, Giam Pietro, Diego Lubian, and Angelo Zago. "Natural born economists?" Journal of Economic Psychology 30, no. 3 (June 2009): 455–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.joep.2008.10.001.

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Calleo, David P. "The Philosopher Economists." Survival 52, no. 5 (September 29, 2010): 183–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2010.522103.

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VanDoren, Peter. "Should Congress Listen to Economists?" Journal of Politics 51, no. 2 (May 1989): 319–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2131344.

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Dow, Geoff. "The economic consequences of economists." Australian Journal of Political Science 27, no. 2 (July 1992): 258–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323269208402194.

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O'Donnell, Guillermo A. "III. Do Economists Know Best?" Journal of Democracy 6, no. 1 (1995): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.1995.0015.

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Croson, Rachel. "The Method of Experimental Economics." International Negotiation 10, no. 1 (2005): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571806054741100.

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AbstractThere are many similarities between experimental economics and psychological research, both substantive and methodological, but there are important differences as well. This article discusses five methodological areas where experimental economists and experimental psychologists differ:incentives, context, subject pools, deception, experimental details and data analysis. Within each topic I present the economists' methodology and rationale and contrast it with current practice in psychology and management research. My hope is that this article will lead not only to a deeper understanding of each field's choice of methodology, but also to practical advice for researchers toward having their work read and accepted by their colleagues in related disciplines.

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McQuarrie, Michael, and Nicole P. Marwell. "The Missing Organizational Dimension in Urban Sociology." City & Community 8, no. 3 (September 2009): 247–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6040.2009.01288.x.

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Our article takes issue with the treatment of organizations in much urban sociology. We argue that both Marxian political economists and Chicagoan ethnographers and quantitative analysts treat organizations as derivative rather than productive of urban social relations. This problem is not epistemological or methodological. Instead, it is rooted in the objects of analysis that urban sociologists choose. Drawing on key elements of structuration theory, we attempt to lay the groundwork for improving the treatment of organizations in urban sociology by flagging some of the key insights in the sociology of organizations. We do not view this intellectual borrowing as a one–way street, and we emphasize that urbanists have a contribution to make to sociological thinking about organizations. Correcting these problems is essential if we are to understand the link between contemporary institutional transformations and urban neighborhoods.

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Zafirovski, Milan. "Convergent origins, divergent destinations: sociology's contributions and connections to economics in a historical and interdisciplinary framework." Social Science Information 46, no. 2 (June 2007): 305–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018407076651.

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English This article explores selected significant instances of sociology's contributions and connections to economics. These contributions are framed and analyzed within a historical and interdisciplinary setting of the originally common or convergent roots (Enlightenment philosophical rationalism and liberalism) and early co-developments, and yet the subsequently (especially since the 1930s) divergent trajectories and destinations of sociology and economics. These contributions are divided into two general categories: theoretical-substantive and methodological-epistemological. Sociological analyses of market phenomena, societal development and institutions are adduced as examples of sociology's theoretical contribution to economics. Ideal-types, Verstehen, and sociology of knowledge exemplify its methodological contributions and connections to economics. The article aims to help bridge a gap in the current literature in which such contributions and connections of sociology to economics are rarely recognized and considered in favor of those in the opposite (“rational-choice”) direction. French L'article explore certains apports importants de la sociologie à l'économie et les interrelations entre les deux disciplines. Ces apports sont analysés dans une perspective historique et interdisciplinaire, des racines originellement communes ou convergentes des deux disciplines (le rationalisme philosophique des Lumières et le libéralisme) et de leur développement initial commun à leurs trajectoires et destinations par la suite - en particulier depuis les années trente - divergentes. Ces apports se répartissent en deux grandes catégories: théoriques-formels et méthodologiques-épistémologiques. Les analyses sociologiques des phénomènes de marché, du développement de la société et des institutions sont donnés en exemples de contributions théoriques de la sociologie à l'économie. Les types-idéaux, Verstehen, et la sociologie de la connaissance témoignent de son apport méthodologique à l'économie et de ses liens avec celle-ci. L'article a pour ambition de combler un vide dans la littérature qui n'atteste que rarement l'existence de tels apports de la sociologie à l'économie, en privilégiant plutôt à l'inverse les apports de l'économie à la sociologie ("choix rationnel").

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