Academic literature on the topic 'Sociology. Social psychology. Cities and towns'

The internalisation of stigma by adoptive parents has been related to depressive symptoms and dysfunctional family behaviour. This study investigates stigma internalisation and perception, and their relationships with social support from family, friends and the broader community. The aim is to determine the extent to which adoptive parents feel that societal attitudes are stigmatising and how social support influences stigma. Data were collected using an online survey and semi-structured interviews. Participants (n = 43) reported that the motivation to adopt and the nature of the adoptive family are poorly understood by non-adopters and that the media portrays parents in an unrealistic manner, as either ‘heroes’ or ‘desperate’. Location was found to be significant, with people living in cities perceiving lower stigma than those in towns, suburbs and rural areas. Social support came from an extended ‘family’ made up of close friends, other adopters and religious communities. The findings point to a need for more extensive education on adoption in schools and the media, for increased support services in less urbanised areas and for earlier support for parents adopting from outside their local authority.

In reviewing the literature on children living in rural cities or towns there has been to my knowledge nothing written on how children perceive their living environment. This paper attempts in a small way to present some of the positive aspects that children recognise in living in such an environment. However, to ensure some balance to the paper these children are also asked to present the positive aspects of living in a capital city with which they are familiar. The children are then asked where in the world they would like to live if they were given a free choice.

India’s coronavirus lockdown forced low-wage migrant workers to return from the city to the home towns and villages from which they came. Pre-pandemic living and working conditions were already stressful and difficult for these migrants. The lockdown became an additional burden, since it shut down sources of income with no assurance about when, or if, work and earning to support families could be resumed. This article draws on the lens of the Culture-Centered Approach (CCA) to understand how workers engaged with and navigated these difficult times. A total of 54 migrant workers locked-down at home across the Indian states of Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, and West Bengal were interviewed for this qualitative study. Financial worries were found to be endemic, with rising debt a major source of stress, and educational qualifications becoming an obstacle to earning. Returning migrants were suspected of bringing the virus from the city, and so stigmatized in their home towns and villages. However, the pandemic lockdown also showed some unexpected healthful consequences. It provided these marginalized, and always busy workers the time and space to stop working for a while, to stay home, eat home food, and take walks in the comparatively green and clean spaces of their home environments. In this, the pandemic lockdown may be seen to have enabled a measure of agency and health in the lives of these workers, an oasis albeit temporary, and ultimately subject to the demands of the globalized cities of India.

The article explores the sociopsychological considerations made by Polish sociologist Stanisław Ossowski (1897-1963) during World War II in reaction to his specific experiences in Soviet-occupied Lwów and German-occupied Warsaw. Based on readings of Ossowski’s publications and so far unpublished archival material, the influences and practical consequences of permanently observed violations of ethical and moral boundaries in that “great sociological laboratory” of war and occupation shall be traced in the texts he wrote during that time. As a member of a group of engineers, town planners, and architects, Ossowski sketched various psycho- and sociotechnical means of controlling that should guarantee for a peaceful social existence of free individuals in a new Polish state. Particular attention will be directed to the specific difficulties of attaining, communicating, and distributing knowledge in the de facto doubled cities that developed along the lines of opposition between the occupying and the occupied.

Two field experiments using 828 “lost letters” tested the hypothesis that altruism would be higher in small urban communities or towns than in cities unless the person needing help was a social deviant. The effect of deviance did alter return rates in both studies. In Study A, the effect of location and social deviance on altruistic responses from cities was generally greater than from smaller communities, except when the person in need of help was affiliated with the highly deviant prostitute conditions. In Study B, altruistic responses from cities were generally less than those from small towns even when the needy person was affiliated with the Communist or needle-exchange conditions.

AbstractMany interpretations of the Social Credit movement in Alberta are based on assertions regarding the class basis of its popular support. Since no previous study of Social Credit has offered an empirical account of its popular class base, such an account is provided here. The author analyzes the provincial election of 1935, in which Social Credit first gained power, by comparing party support in the cities, towns and countryside. Within the cities, a district-by-district analysis measures the pattern of class voting in urban areas. Class is found to have been a powerful determinant of voting in this election.

Measures of domestic social integration which have been found to account for the time-series suicide rate in Hungary quite well also accounted for the time-series suicide rates of each province and for villages, towns, and cities.

The theory of personal constructs and repertory-grid methodology were used to investigate black South Africans' constructions of their urban environments. A sample of 735 residents of the black townships of five eastern Cape towns and cities provided the basis for generalization on trends in group constructions of urban environments, and perceptions of urban problems. House type and quality and basic residential and transportation infrastructure were found to predominate such constructions and perceptions. Significant differences were evident, however, between towns and social classes. The policy implications of the findings are assessed.

The changes in niche roles and functions caused by competition for survival resources have implications in various domains, with natural science and social science standing out. Currently, expanding the ecological niche concept and its practical interpretation in the fields of social ecology, geography and sustainable science is becoming a crucial challenge. This paper is based on niche theory to observe niche evolution and resulting socio-ecological effects of 1186 towns in 19 prefecture cities in Yangtze River delta. The results indicate that: Towns around the Taihu Lake displayed obvious spatial agglomeration, which was leading the development of the entire region. The town niche shows obvious characteristics of north-south differences and hierarchy distribution. The niche coordination degree of Jiangsu Province was higher than that of Zhejiang Province. The higher the subsystem coordination degree, the better the town development. Towns with poor ecological conditions are often subject to competition, while towns with better ecological conditions often benefit from cooperative development. The niche separation and collaboration could enhance niche competition of towns and cities in the region. The proposed framework can facilitate interdisciplinary exchanges among geography, sociology, landscape ecology and regional planning and provide insights for understanding regional co-opetition relationship and regional sustainable development.

Thesis (PhD)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores the complex and contested processes of drawing boundaries and negotiating identities in the post-Apartheid South African context by analysing how residents in a new residential suburb of Cape Town are working to carve out a new position for themselves in a changing social order. Drawing on data gathered through participant observation, individual and focus group interviews, and household surveys between November 1998 and December 2000, the study examines how residents draw and negotiate boundaries in their search for stability, status, and community in a society characterised by social flux, uncertainty, ambiguity and contradiction. It explores the construction and shifting of identities believed to be embodied in those boundaries, at the levels of the individual, the household and the community. A range of everyday social and spatial practices - including streetscape design, its use and contestation, neighbourliness and sociality, .household livelihoods and strategies, home maintenance and improvements - are shown to reveal residents' own conceptualisations of boundaries, their practical significance and symbolic power, as well as their permeability and transgression. The marking and maintenance of boundaries convey how social relationships, practices and power in the suburb are structured and continually negotiated. By analysing these actions and responses, the study illustrates some of the ways in which recent changes in South African society have unsettled the relationship between class, race and space to construct new boundaries and shape new identities. The fmdings suggest that although social differentiation among the residents is increasingly being restructured around class, race remains a salient variable in residents' constructions of themselves and each other. Ethnic-religious prejudice is also shown to influence local conflict and constructions of community. The study draws out four discourses through which residents contemplate and formulate circumstances and processes in their neighbourhood. The first emphasises racial integration, the second middle class suburban living, the third safety from crime, the fourth distrust and disorder. The discourses are significant, not only in their practical manifestation in everyday interaction but also because they suggest some of the ways in which connections and disconnections with the past, with (he old identities and the old affiliations, are managed in a new, post-Apartheid South Africa.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie verken die komplekse en betwiste prosesse van die trek van grense en die onderhandeling van identiteite in die Suid-Afrikaanse post-Apartheid konteks, deur te analiseer hoe inwoners in 'n nuwe Kaapstadse residensiële voorstad te werk gaan om 'n nuwe posisie in 'n veranderende sosiale orde vir hulself daar te stel. Op grond van data bekom deur deelnemende observasie, onderhoude met indiwidue en fokusgroepe, en opnames in huishoudings tussen November 1998 en Desember 2000, ondersoek die studie hoe inwoners grense trek en onderhandel in hulle soeke na stabiliteit, status, en gemeenskap in 'n samelewing gekenmerk deur sosiale vloeibaarheid, onsekerheid, dubbelsinnigheid en teenstrydigheid. Dit verken die konstruksie en die verskuiwing van identiteite wat gesien word as dat dit binne hierdie grense tuis hoort, op die vlakke van die indiwidu, die huishouding en die gemeenskap. 'n Reeks alledaagse sosiale en ruimtelike praktyke - insluitende omgewingsbeplanning, die benutting en betwisting daarvan, buurskap en gemeenskapsin, huishoudelike bestaansmiddele en strategieë, huisonderhoud en verbeterings - toon inwoners se eie voorstellings van grense, hulle praktiese betekenis en simboliese invloed, sowel as hulle deurdringbaarheid en oorskryding. Die afbakening en handhawing van grense deel mee hoe sosiale verhoudings, praktyke en mag in die voorstad gestruktureer en voortdurend onderhandel word. Deur hierdie optredes en reaksies illustreer die studie sommige van die wyses waarop onlangse veranderings in die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing die verhouding tussen klas, ras en ruimte beïnvloed het om nuwe grense te konstrueer en nuwe identiteite te vorm. Die bevindings suggereer dat, hoewel sosiale differensiasie tussen die inwoners toenemend geherstruktureer word wat klas betref, ras 'n duidelik waarneembare onderliggende veranderlike in inwoners se siening van hulleself en mekaar bly. Etniesgodsdienstige vooroordeel word ook getoon 'n invloed op plaaslike konflikte en die konstruksie van gemeenskappe te wees. Die studie onthul vier diskoerse waardeur inwoners omstandighede en prosesse in hulle omgewing bedink en te kenne gee. Die eerste beklemtoon rasse-integrasie, die tweede voorstedelike middelklas lewenswyse, die derde misdaadsbeveiliging, die vierde wantroue en wanorde. Die diskoerse is betekenisvol, nie slegs in hulle praktiese manifestering in die daaglikse omgang nie, maar ook aangesien hulle sommige van die wyses waarop koppelings en ontkoppelings met die verlede, en sy ou identiteite en ou affiliasies, in 'n nuwe, post-Apartheid, Suid-Afrika hanteer word, suggereer.

Parque Científico y Tecnológico (PACYT, Science and Technology Park) is a large-scale R+D project that seems to be framed in a Smart City plan for Concepción, Chile, which the media has presented as “the Chilean Silicon Valley” (Araus, 2015; Tele13, 2019) and promises to bring not only research and development opportunities for the city but also thousands of direct and indirect jobs (Estudio Interdiseño, 2018; la Tercera, 2015) carried out by PACYT Corporation. Nonetheless, voices have raised to question the construction of the 91 hectares initiative, and some of them have even organized in citizen groups targeting the creation of the urban complex, which actively share information contesting the PACYT through social media, and coordinate activities to protest and spread the word. This is the study case to be analyzed in the present research, which aims to explore and understand, on the one hand, the reasons that have led to the organization of citizens contesting the PACYT project, and on the other hand, the way the project has been advertised and developed in relationship to the city's inhabitants. It intends to make a novel contribution to the field of Urban Studies, both in the areas of Critical Smart Urbanism and Postcolonial Studies, which in this case collide in Latin America, part of the Global South, while opening a discussion around the topic of citizens contesting urban developments with a Smart City background, where few incursions have been made and more specifically in the Latin American context, where the Smart City seems to have a particular interpretation. With that in mind, the current research tries to dig into an under-studied territory, and in doing so, it plans to bring to the table the relevance of studying the approach and way of developing Smart Cities’ ideas in Latin American, and to put focus on what city’s inhabitants have to say about those developments and what their interests are, using the lenses of the right to the city and the understandings coming from urban social movements and conflicts. In that sense, the research outputs are to question the form in which Smart City projects are being implemented in Latin America and to find possible guidelines to incorporate the city’s inhabitants in the development of them elsewhere, with that in mind, future research can be supported by this investigation, which encourages further studies both in the described fields and territory. To do so, the current investigation explores and unwrap theories regarding the mentioned fields and focuses on analyzing the case making use of mixed methods research, by executing qualitative and quantitative methodological tools to reach relevant data that helps to answer the research inquiries. In that sense, the results show that it can be confirmed that the nature of the PACYT, i.e. its R+D purposes and origins linked to a Smart City plan to transform the city into smartness, does not play a relevant role in the development of the conflict that has emerged between the PACYT management, and the people opposed to its construction, but several aspects explain the urban social conflict and that will be explored in the present work.<br><p><strong>Acknowledgment.</strong></p><p>First of all, I would like to thank all the interviewees that decided to share their thoughts in the present study, as well as to all the people that participated in the survey; without your contribution, it would have not been possible for me to reach my research goals and to count on with the rich material I have. On the other hand, I want to thank people from academia, such as my peers, who have given me advice and stamina, to my tutor, who has contributed with his wisdom, and to my mentor at university, who has kept me on track and provided me with valuable insights. I am grateful to these people for helping me with my willpower and effectiveness. Finally, I need to thank those surrounding me, like my family for supporting me from the distance, my partner for being here to contain and take care of me, and my dog for always being around me and spreading his love and joy.</p>

Although there have been numerous studies of individual cities or groups of cities, there has never been a study of the urbanism of the Roman world as a whole, meaning that we have been poorly informed not only about the number of cities and how they were distributed and changed over time, but also about their sizes and populations, monumentality, and civic status. This thesis provides a new account of the urbanism of the Roman world between 100 B.C. and A.D. 300. To do so, it draws on a combination of textual sources and archaeological material to provide a new catalogue of cities, calculates new estimates of their areas and uses a range of population densities to estimate their populations, and brings together available information about their monumentality and civic status for the first time. This evidence demonstrates that, although there were relatively few cities, many had considerable sizes and populations, substantial amounts of monumentality, and held various kinds of civic status. This indicates that there was significant economic growth in this period, including both extensive and intensive economic growth, which resulted from an influx of wealth through conquest and the intrinsic changes that came with Roman rule (including the expansion of urbanism). This evidence also suggests that there was a system that was characterised by areas of intense urban demand, which were met through an efficient system for the extraction of necessity and luxury goods from immediate hinterlands and an effective system for bringing these items from further afield. The disruption of these links seems to have put this system under considerable strain towards the end of this period and may have been sufficient to cause its ultimate collapse. This appears to have been in marked contrast to the medieval and early modern periods, when urbanism was more able to respond to changes in supply and demand.

Tony Man Yiu Chiu.<br>Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 217-227).<br>Abstract also in Chinese.<br>Acknowledgments --- p.i<br>Abstracts --- p.ii<br>Contents --- p.iv<br>List of Tables and Figures --- p.viii<br>Chapter Chapter 1. --- INTRODUCTION<br>Chapter 1.1 --- Research Topic --- p.1<br>Chapter 1.2 --- Research Questions --- p.3<br>Chapter 1.3 --- Data and Methodology --- p.7<br>Chapter 1.4 --- Plan of the Thesis --- p.9<br>Chapter Part I --- Theoretical and Empirical Background<br>Chapter Chapter 2. --- URBAN STRUCTURE IN A GLOBAL CITY: TOWARDS A FRAMEWORK OF ANALYSIS --- p.10-43<br>Chapter 2.1 --- The Global City Thesis --- p.11<br>Chapter 2.2 --- Global City and Urban Industrial Structure<br>Chapter 2.2.1 --- Global-City Theories of Industrial Change --- p.16<br>Chapter 2.2.2 --- Industrial Location Approach --- p.18<br>Chapter 2.2.3 --- A Recapitulation --- p.21<br>Chapter 2.3 --- Global City and Urban Business Structure<br>Chapter 2.3.1 --- Global-City Theories of Office Location --- p.25<br>Chapter 2.3.2 --- A Recapitulation --- p.28<br>Chapter 2.4 --- Global City and Urban Social Structure<br>Chapter 2.4.1 --- Global-City Theories of Urban Social Structure --- p.31<br>Chapter 2.4.2 --- Problems Reinstated --- p.36<br>Chapter 2.4.3 --- Mapping of Urban Structure in a Global City: A Reappraisal of Urban Ecology --- p.38<br>Chapter 2.5 --- Concluding Remarks --- p.42<br>Chapter Chapter 3 --- HONG KONG: FROM AN INDUSTRIAL CITY TO GLOBAL CITY --- p.44-69<br>Chapter 3.1 --- Post-war Industrial Development (1950-1975) --- p.45<br>Chapter 3.2 --- Industrial Restructuring (1975-91) --- p.51<br>Chapter 3.3 --- Is Hong Kong a Global City? --- p.57<br>Chapter 3.4 --- Concluding Remarks --- p.66<br>Chapter Part II --- The Geography of Growth and Decline<br>Chapter Chapter 4 --- URBAN INDUSTRIAL STRUCTURE: LOCATIONAL PATTERN OF MANUFACTURING INDUSTRIES1971-1989 --- p.70-118<br>Chapter 4.1 --- Spatial Pattern of Manufacturing Industries --- p.72<br>Chapter 4.2 --- Decentralization of Manufacturing Industries<br>Chapter 4.2.1 --- Decentralization in the Seventies --- p.78<br>Chapter 4.2.2 --- New Town Development and Industrial Decentralization --- p.83<br>Chapter 4.2.3 --- Decentralization in the Eighties --- p.85<br>Chapter 4.3 --- Spatial Difference of Production Scales --- p.86<br>Chapter 4.4 --- Locational Dynamics of Manufacturing Industries --- p.92<br>Chapter 4.5 --- A Recapitulation --- p.102<br>Chapter Chapter 5 --- URBAN BUSINESS STRUCTURE: LOCATIONAL PATTERN OF PRODUCER SERVICE ACTIVITIES --- p.119-169<br>Chapter 5.1 --- Spatial Development of Office Centres in Hong Kong<br>Chapter 5.1.1 --- General Distribution of Office Centre in Hong Kong --- p.122<br>Chapter 5.1.2 --- Overall Distribution --- p.123<br>Chapter 5.1.3 --- A Decentralized CBD? --- p.127<br>Chapter 5.2 --- Locational Dynamics of Producer Service Activities --- p.132<br>Chapter 5.2.1 --- Banking Sector --- p.133<br>Chapter 5.2.2 --- Other Financial Institutions --- p.135<br>Chapter 5.2.3 --- Insurance --- p.137<br>Chapter 5.2.4 --- Real Estate and Business Service --- p.138<br>Chapter 5.2.5 --- Import and Export Trading --- p.141<br>Chapter 5.3 --- A Brief Note on the Factors of Decentralization --- p.143<br>Chapter 5.4 --- Concluding Remarks --- p.147<br>Chapter Chapter 6 --- URBAN SOCIAL STRUCTURE: RESIDENTIAL DIFFERENTIATION IN A GLOBAL CITY --- p.168-210<br>Chapter 6.1 --- Methodological Issues in Factorial Ecology<br>Chapter 6.1.1 --- Factorial Ecology --- p.170<br>Chapter 6.1.2 --- Some Unresolved Methodological Problems --- p.172<br>Chapter 6.2 --- A Factor Analysis of the 1996 By-Census Data<br>Chapter 6.2.1 --- Method of Analysis --- p.174<br>Chapter 6.2.2 --- An Analysis of Urban Structure in the whole Territories of Hong Kong --- p.175<br>Chapter 6.2.3 --- An Analysis of Urban Structure of Hong Kong and Kowloon --- p.177<br>Chapter 6.2.4 --- A Comparison of Urban Structure from 1981 to1996 --- p.181<br>Chapter 6.3 --- "Mapping of Urban Structure in Hong Kong and Kowloon," --- p.183<br>Chapter 6.3.1 --- An Overview of the Post-War Urban Structure 1950-1980 --- p.184<br>Chapter 6.3.2 --- "Mapping of Spatial Structure of Hong Kong,1996" --- p.188<br>Chapter 6.4 --- Concluding Remarks --- p.196<br>Chapter Chapter 7 --- CONCLUSION<br>Chapter 7.1 --- Spatial Dynamics in a Global City: A Summary View --- p.211<br>Chapter 7.2 --- Limitation of this Thesis and Future Research Direction --- p.213<br>REFERENCE --- p.217<br>Appendix 1 Classification of TPUs into District/Areas for Chapter 4-5 --- p.228

The land-grant university system was founded in the 19th century as a public means to help improve people’s everyday lives. A century and a half later, the challenges that the public faces to live a quality life are constantly changing, creating a need for the land-grant system to respond and adapt to continue to fulfill its mission. While the literature contains a wealth of conceptual papers addressing the role and mission of land-grant universities, relatively few papers could be found that reported empirical data or proposed and tested metrics for public engagement constructs. The current study sought to address this void in the literature through the investigation of factors influencing Indiana residents’ level of interest in engaging with Purdue University. Mail survey methods were used in which up to three contacts were made with adult members of 4,500 Indiana households identified through address-based sampling. Stratified random sampling was employed to ensure adequate rural household participation for other project purposes. Usable responses were received from 1,003 households representing 87 Indiana counties for a total response rate of 26%. <br><div><br> </div><div> A theoretical perspective was developed from Public Sphere Theory and the social science writings of Jurgen Habermas and Alexis de Tocqueville. Descriptive findings revealed some to moderate concerns about community and social issues such as affordable health care, violent crime, pollution and prescription drug abuse. Moderate levels of anomie, or perceived social disconnectedness, were also reported by respondents. Several items tapped respondents’ past levels of interaction with and current perceptions of Purdue University. Nearly a fifth of respondents reported interacting with Purdue University by having visited a website for news or information, followed by interacting with a Purdue University Extension professional. Regarding perceptions of Purdue University, the results of this study revealed relative consensus among respondents that Purdue University makes a positive contribution to the state of Indiana through its educational, research and outreach programs. For a majority of the perceptual items regarding Purdue University, more than one-third of the respondents neither agreed nor disagreed with the statement, suggesting some areas in which the university might improve its reputational standing with Indiana residents in the future. Nearly one-quarter to about half of the respondents indicated interest in topical areas addressed by Purdue Extension programs as well as an interest in engaging with the university. Respondents reported the highest levels of interest in free Extension programs in their local area, followed by the topics of science and technology, health and well-being, and gardening.</div><div><br> </div><div> A predictive model of respondent interest in engaging with Purdue University was developed and tested using binary logistic regression procedures. The model was shown to be of modest utility in accounting for variance in respondent interest in engaging with Purdue University, explaining 12% to 16% of total variance. Past interaction with Purdue University, perceived level of concern for social and community issues, and highest level of education were the strongest predictors in the model.</div><div><br> </div><div> The current research was completed in 2019 as Purdue University celebrated its 150th anniversary. Results and implications of this study provide important insight into current engagement levels, concerns and perceptions of residents within the state of Indiana, whom the university is mandated to serve. One of the study’s primary contributions is the establishment of baseline engagement data on current levels of Indiana residents’ interest in engaging with Purdue University on selected topics. Findings from this study could be of benefit to university administrators, faculty, staff and Extension professionals in assessing and improving future programming and setting strategic priorities. This study also adds to the conceptual and empirical body of literature, which may help inform future public engagement efforts at other land-grant universities. Periodic social science and public opinion research is needed to keep pace with the changing needs and perceptions of Indiana residents. Different data collection modes should be utilized to reach more audience segments and add to the growing knowledge base of public engagement.</div>

Built environment refers to the places in which we live and work, the services that meet our needs, and everything humans do by way of physical planning, design, development and controls to ensure our basic needs are met and quality of life maximised. This broad definition encompasses residential neighbourhoods, transport systems, farmland and industrial zones. It is also worth distinguishing between ‘spaces’ where things can be built and activities occur, and ‘places’ which have meaning – such as play and work spaces, living and meeting places, all within social and cultural value systems. Impacts of tourism and events on the built environment are of increasing importance, particularly because so many cities have pursued tourism and culture-based development or re-positioning strategies. There are many examples of using events, venues, iconic architecture, tourism and culture synergistically, with profound effects on the urban landscape, its image and liveability. In small towns the impacts of development can be more noticeable and have more profound impacts on residents. In the literature on events and the built environment the focus has often been on the effects of mega events that require enormous investment in infrastructure and venues. However, construction and operation of sport arenas and stadia, major arts and culture facilities, as well as convention and exhibition centres all have profound implications for cities. In this chapter the starting point is a discussion of the roles of events and venues in urban development and renewal, a theme that incorporates the concepts of liveability (or quality of life), community development, healthy and creative cities. A second theme is the use of public spaces by events, looking at both the positives and negatives. The influence of the environment upon events and tourism has to be mentioned, although it is not part of the objects of impact assessment considered in this book. Within ‘environmental psychology’ there is the principle of ‘setting affordances’, meaning what the environment allows (or lends itself to) by way of events and tourism. For example, many urban spaces with heritage status and unique design are popular venues for festivals and other events, but with possible negative impacts owing to crowd activities and, over time, the accompanying change in the character of the place. Parks and streets lend themselves to parades and open-air events, but at a potential cost. Attention is then directed at place making and place marketing and the interdependent elements of image, reputation, positioning and brand. In recent years the communicative properties of events have come to the fore, and in many cases even replacing the emphasis on events as attractions. We live in a networked world, with mass and social media presenting global opportunities to both market events (especially to special interest segments) and to exploit events and related images for broader political, economic and social purposes. Completing this chapter is a case study from Rudi Hartmann about events and the evolution of the resort town of Vail, Colorado. A number of themes are reinforced, and new theoretical perspectives introduced.