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Journal articles on the topic 'Socrate le Scholastique'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 8 February 2022

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1

Farkas, Zoltán. "Socrates Scholasticus on Greek Paideia." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 45, no. 2-3 (June 2005): 187–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.45.2005.2-3.7.

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2

Quiroga Puertas, Alberto J. "The Literary Connoisseur. Socrates Scholasticus on Rhetoric, Literature and Religious Orthodoxy." Vigiliae Christianae 69, no. 2 (March 6, 2015): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341184.

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This paper explores Socrates Scholasticus’ accounts of rhetorical deliveries and allusions to bishops’ oratorical displays in the light of new tendencies in late antique literature and historiography with the aim of concluding that the Church historian considered that rhetorical deliveries were part of the negotiating process in the search of religious consensus.

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3

Drake, H. A. "Constantine and Consensus." Church History 64, no. 1 (March 1995): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168653.

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The church historian Socrates Scholasticus tells a story about an encounter during the Council of Nicaea between the emperor Constantine and the schismatic bishop Acesius. On learning that Acesius's dispute had nothing to do with the Creed or the date of Easter—the two major issues under debate at that Council—Constantine asked, “For what reason then do you separate yourself from communion with the rest of the Church?” Acesius replied that his sect objected to the relative leniency with which other Christians had treated those who had cracked under the empire-wide persecutions of the third century. He then “referred to the rigidness of that austere canon which declares, that it is not right that persons who after baptism have committed a sin, which the sacred Scriptures denominate ‘a sin unto death’ be considered worthy of participation in the sacraments.” Whereupon, Socrates continues, the emperor said to him, “Place a ladder, Acesius, and climb alone into heaven.”

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4

Artemi, Eirini. "Cyril of Alexandria (412-444) and his Patriarchic Period according to Socrates Scholasticus." Journal of Medieval and Islamic History 12, no. 12 (December 1, 2019): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/jmih.2019.153693.

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5

Van Nuffelen, Peter. "Two Fragments from the Apology for Origen in the Church History of Socrates Scholasticus." Journal of Theological Studies 56, no. 1 (April 1, 2005): 103–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/fli005.

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6

Coates-Stephens, Robert. "ATTITUDES TO SPOLIA IN SOME LATE ANTIQUE TEXTS." Late Antique Archaeology 1, no. 1 (2003): 339–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134522-90000014.

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Current art historical and archaeological studies of spolia tend to assign willed, conceptual motives to the re-use of architectural and sculptural material in late antique building. But such ‘motives’—usually said to be of the propagandistic, ‘auto-legitimisation’ type—do not differ from those of past patrons, who built only with new-made materials; they can therefore in no way explain why builders started to use spolia as opposed to new materials. This paper highlights textual evidence (John of Ephesus, al-Tabari, Minucius Felix, Socrates Scholasticus, Cassiodorus) that suggests conceptual motives for using spolia which could not have been expressed with new material. Such motives include triumphalism, religious appropriation, and aesthetic conservatism. But the texts also display as multifarious a range of viewpoints regarding the spolia phenomenon as do the varying currents of modern scholarship.

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7

Quiroga Puertas, Alberto J. "Fidem tene, verba seqVentVr. Rhetoric and Oratory in the Historia Ecclesiastica of Socrates Scholasticus and Sozomen." Veleia, no. 32 (September 15, 2015): 97–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1387/veleia.14979.

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Este trabajo se centra en las interpretaciones de las apreciaciones estilísticas y de crítica literaria realizadas por los historiadores eclesiásticos Sócrates y Sozomeno en sus descripciones de figuras relevantes de la Iglesia post-Constantiniana. Su valoración del impacto y del papel de la oratoria y la literatura trascendió el campo de la crítica literaria, constituyendo parte del entramado ideológico con el que se juzgaron las creencias religiosas y filiaciones doctrinales de tales figuras en la Iglesia de los siglos iv y v.

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8

Edward Watts. "Interpreting Catastrophe: Disasters in the Works of Pseudo-Joshua the Stylite, Socrates Scholasticus, Philostorgius, and Timothy Aelurus." Journal of Late Antiquity 2, no. 1 (2009): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jla.0.0032.

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9

Allen, Pauline. "Some Aspects of Hellenism in the Early Greek Church Historians." Traditio 43 (1987): 368–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900012605.

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Studies dealing with the attitudes of various writers of the patristic period towards Hellenism, including the aspect ofpaideia, have tended to concentrate, up to the present, on a specific writer or time-span. It is no accident that fourth-century writers have loomed large in recent investigations in this area, since the fourth century was pivotal in determining Christian attitudes to pagan literary traditions. Here it is my aim to draw attention not to a single writer or period but rather to the representatives of a Christian literary genre, and to discuss their stance with regard to Hellenism, in particularpaideia. My choice falls on the Greek ecclesiastical historians; although they have been scrutinised increasingly in the past twenty years, their collective attitude to Hellenic culture or Greek letters has not yet received a separate study. Those early Greek historical works that have survived to us more or less intact — the histories of Eusebius of Caesarea, Socrates Scholasticus, Sozomen, Theodoret of Cyrus, and Evagrius Scholasticus — provide us with a more reliable overall picture of the Hellenism of their composers than, for example, the fragmentaryChurch Historiesof Philostorgius and Theodore Lector; taken together, they give us at the same time a useful chronological spread from the early fourth to the late sixth century. The crucial questions to be posed are to what extent these writers deemed Hellenism to be compatible with ecclesiastical historiography, and how typical their perspective on Hellenism was of their own times. Where appropriate, we shall also try to ascertain how these church historians stand with regard to using classical citations and references in their narratives, how they view the classical past, and what their attitude is towards non-Greek culture.

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10

Zaytseva, Irina Valeryevna. "Problems in the development of the Episcopate of Cyril of Alexandria." Samara Journal of Science 8, no. 4 (November 29, 2019): 160–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201984207.

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The paper deals with problems of the development of the Episcopate under one of the greatest person of the Alexandrian Church - Cyril of Alexandria. The paper analyzes the Historia Ecclesiastica by Socrates Scholasticus, the works of Eusebius Caesarea and John of Nikiu, that outlines the key issues of the establishment of power relations in the Alexandrian Episcopate in IV-V centuries. The research has shown that the Cyrils inauguration was prompted by the practice of continuity, which was developed in the Church Hierarchy, beginning with Athanasius of Alexandria, when power was handed down from uncle to nephew. After following his uncle Theophilus of Alexandria in a position by descent Cyril of Alexandria faced a number of important issues that needed quick response and significant resources: a power struggle with his rival Archdeacon Timotheus, continuing the practice of getting rid of heresy in the Nicene Christianity, and a need to establish a unified intellectual Christian environment. To solve these tasks was possible by a mass of public support as well as by using military force of the commander of the Emperors troops. The paper also emphasizes an escalating confrontation between the Alexandrian Bishop, followers of Novatian and a large Jewish community.

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11

THOMSON (Robert W.). "The Armenian Adaptation of the "Ecclesiastical History" of Socrates Scholasticus (Hebrew University Armenian Studies,3), Louvain (Peeters) 2001 (J.-P. Mah?)." Revue des ?tudes Arm?niennes 28, no. 1 (April 14, 2005): 520–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/rea.28.1.505099.

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12

Brzozowska, Zofia. "The Church of Divine Wisdom or of Christ – the Incarnate "Logos"? Dedication of "Hagia Sophia" in Constantinople in the Light of Byzantine Sources from 5th to 14th Century." Studia Ceranea 2 (December 30, 2012): 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.02.08.

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The article attempts to answer the question of how the name of the most important Byzantine church of Constantinople, the basilica of Hagia Sophia, built in the mid-4th cent., and then rebuilt during the reign of Justinian the Great was understood and interpreted. The problem has been presented on the basis of the views of Byzantine writers from the 5th to the 14th cent. (Socrates Scholasticus, Procopius of Caesarea, Paul the Silentiary, John Zonaras, George Pachymeres, Patriarch Callistus I). The analysis of the above sources allows an assumption that according to the Byzantines themselves the Constantinopolitan cathedral was dedicated to the Divine Wisdom, commonly identified with Christ, the Incarnate Word. The evidence supporting this thesis has been provided by both iconography (e.g. the mosaic from the turn of the 9th and 10th cent. from the tympanum over the main entrance from the narthex to nave of Hagia Sophia, depicting Christ the Pantocrator) and the liturgical practice of the basilica, which can now be reconstructed on the basis of the temple typicons, preserved until today. The final part of the article names some other churches dedicated to the Divine Wisdom, built in the area of the Byzantine ecumene (Ephesus, Jerusalem, Thessalonica, Nicaea, Edessa, Trebizond, Mistra, Arta, Benevento, Nicosia on Cyprus, Serdica (Sofia), Ohrid, Sliven, Kiev, Novgorod the Great and Polotsk).

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13

Trompf, G. W. "Rufinus and the Logic of Retribution in Post-Eusebian Church Histories." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 43, no. 3 (July 1992): 351–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900001330.

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It is no secret that the great orthodox ecclesiastical historians of the fourth and fifth centuries were purveyors of the new Christian imperial ideology. They as much as any group of writers laid the foundations of Byzantinism, by demonstrating from the course of events how it paid for emperors to be pious according to the prescriptions of the Catholic tradition, or how much better it was for the security, prosperity and destiny of the Roman Empire when the state and the (true) Church were consonant and false religion abandoned. So successful was the campaign in which they were engaged that by the sixth century, even though virtually all the Western provinces had fallen into barbarian hands, a clash between Church and State had become unthinkable, and no other ‘single hope for the permanency of the Empire’ had become possible but ‘the favour of God Himself, as Justinian, the energetic champion of reunification, proclaimed to all his successors.1 Such sentiments were in large measure the results of the works of those who had created attractive historical images of good Christian rulers.2 It was above all Eusebius Pamphilus, Tyrannius Rufinus, Socrates ‘Scholasticus’, Salmaninius Sozomen, Theodoret of Cyrrhus and Gelasius of Cyzicus who bequeathed to future generations an unblemished, idealised picture of Pax Constantiniana, a paradigm also reinforced by other Christian historians such as Lactantius and Athanasius.3 It was Rufinus who set the

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14

Hołasek, Andrzej. "Rola pontyfikatu Cyryla (412-444) w procesie umacniania potęgi patriarchy aleksandryjskiego w Kościele wczesnobizantyńskim." Vox Patrum 58 (December 15, 2012): 107–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4071.

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The author analyzes the content of Historia Ecclesiastica (Church History) by Socrates Scholasticus as well as the documents contained in the series Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum to depict political conditions of the pontificate of Bishop Cyril of Alexandria (412-444). In the article the scholar shows the ways in which Cyril’s actions influenced reinforcing of the Egyptian Patriarchate position in the Eastern Church. From the first years of his pontificate Cyril was very knowledgeable about political situation at the imperial court in Constantinople. Juvenile Theodosius was influenced by her older sister Pulcheria and changing prefects at her side. Court coteries fought each other to win the regentess’ favour. The Court performed anti-Jewish and antipagan policy. Cyril took advantage of it to get rid of his serious opposition. He expelled Jews from the city and led to killing of a woman-philosopher Hypatia, who centered the pagan establishment around her. He also crushed prefect Orestes, who acted against his tyranny. The situation has changed in 428. Emperor Theodosius grew up and began to make their own decisions. The monks of Egypt came to the capital to lodge a complaint about Cyril to the Emperor. Theodosius designated Nestorius, the Bishop of Constantinople, to investigate the complaint. It seriously threatened to the Egyptian patriarch with loss of his rank and of being hound out of the country. At the same time Nestorius supported calling the mother of Jesus Christ with the name Theothokos. Cyril decided to use this fact to accuse the bishop of heresy. It was his way of diverting the public attention from the charges against himself. In the article the author, basing on source materials, strives to prove that all Cyril’s moves arose due to his determination to retain his position to date. Theological issues were of secondary importance to him. He had no scruples in accomplishing his goals. Violence, bribery, propaganda, instigating and inciting the people of Ephesus were his methods. Cyril managed to defeat Nestorius thanks to his flair for politics and tracking current information. Cyril’s activities not only strengthened the position of Egyptian patriarchate in the eastern church but also led to gain a temporary control over the Constantinople bishopric, as Maximianus, Nestorius successor, was a henchman of the Bishop of Alexandria.

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15

Winkelmann, Friedhelm. "Robert W. Thomson, The Armenian Adaptation of the Ecclesiastical History of Socrates Scholasticus." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 96, no. 1 (January 2003). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/byzs.2003.322.

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16

NUFFELEN, PETER VAN. "DÜRRE WAHRHEITEN. ZWEI QUELLEN DES BERICHTS VON SOCRATES SCHOLASTICUS ÜBER DIE VERSORGUNGSKRISE IN ANTIOCHIEN 362/3." Philologus 147, no. 2 (January 1, 2003). http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/phil.2003.147.2.352.

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