Relevant bibliographies by topics / Soeharto, Indonesia Indonesia

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Soeharto, Indonesia Indonesia'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Soeharto, Indonesia Indonesia"

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Hadiz, Vedi, and Dan La Botz. "Made in Indonesia: Indonesian Workers since Soeharto." Indonesia 73 (April 2002): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3351474.

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Suryadinata, Leo. "Indonesia‑Vietnam Relations Under Soeharto." Contemporary Southeast Asia 12, no. 4 (March 1991): 331–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs12-4c.

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Kitley, Philip. "Televisi Bangsa Baru: Television, Reformasi and Renewal in Indonesia." Media International Australia 104, no. 1 (August 2002): 92–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0210400111.

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For nearly 30 years, television in Indonesia was dominated by the state broadcaster TVRI and five commercial channels with very close links to former President Soeharto. In the reform period since Soeharto's resignation, there has been a new sense of public and publicness, an expansion of the public sphere and the break-up and re-imagination of the Indonesian audience. These developments have been led by media sector insiders. This paper argues that, despite the progressive work of new licensees and civil society media groups, it is media sector outsiders which are needed to lead television in Indonesia out from under the totalising, essentialist models of the past to establish televisi bangsa baru — television for a new nation.
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Blunt, Peter, Mark Turner, and Henrik Lindroth. "PATRONAGE'S PROGRESS IN POST-SOEHARTO INDONESIA." Public Administration and Development 32, no. 1 (January 25, 2012): 64–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pad.617.

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Fatgehipon, Abdul Haris. "THE RELATIONSHIP AMONGST SOEHARTO, MILITARY, AND MUSLIM IN THE END OF NEW ORDER REGIME." Paramita: Historical Studies Journal 26, no. 1 (February 20, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/paramita.v26i1.5141.

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<p>In the end of Suharto's authority, he began to embrace the power of Islam; he realized the position of Muslims was very important and strategic. While some high-ranking military, like LB Moerdani felt unhappy with business built by Soeharto’s family. Suharto built a new political power through the ICMI (Indonesian Muslim Scholar) organization. The emergence of ICMI has been confronted by much of the military officers, they assessed that ICMI shaped sectarian mindset, Gus Dur as NU leader also did not approve the establishment of ICMI. ICMI was chaired by BJ Habibie who at that time had a special affinity with Suharto that made ICMI has the most important role in Indonesian and clout. At the end of Suharto's power, he embraced the power of the Muslim Civilians, Reviews such as ICMI and Muhammadiyah organization. He tried to minimize the political dependence on the military. Hereinafter, Habibie has successfully elected as a vice president of Indonesia based on the general assembly in 1998, after the riots in May 1998, Habibie replaced Suharto's position that has discharged due to students and citizens' demonstrations. By the pretense of the 1945 constitution, the military endorsed the nomination of BJ Habibie as president.</p><p> </p><p>Pada akhir otoritas Soeharto, ia mulai merangkul kekuatan Islam; ia menyadari posisi Muslim sangat penting dan strategis. Sementara beberapa petinggi militer, seperti LB Moerdani merasa tidak bahagia dengan bisnis gurita yang dibangun oleh keluarga Soeharto. Soeharto membangun kekuatan politik baru melalui organisasi ICMI (Indonesian Muslim Scholar). Munculnya ICMI telah dihadapkan oleh banyak perwira militer, mereka menilai ICMI berbentuk pola pikir sektarian, Gus Dur sebagai pemimpin NU juga tidak menyetujui berdirinya ICMI. ICMI dipimpin oleh BJ Habibie yang pada waktu itu me-miliki kedekatan khusus dengan Soeharto yang membuat ICMI memiliki peran paling penting dalam Indonesia dan pengaruh. Pada akhir kekuasaan Soeharto, ia memeluk kekuatan Sipil Muslim, Ulasan seperti ICMI dan Muhammadiyah organisasi. Dia mencoba untuk meminimalkan ketergantungan politik pada militer. Selanjutnya, Habibie telah berhasil terpilih sebagai wakil presiden Indonesia berdasarkan sidang umum pada tahun 1998, setelah kerusuhan Mei 1998, Habibie menggantikan posisi Soeharto yang telah habis karena mahasiswa dan de-monstrasi warga. Dengan berdasar UUD 1945, militer mendukung pencalonan BJ Habibie sebagai presiden.</p><p> </p>
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Kurniawan, Irfan, and Riyanto Riyanto. "Should I Bribe? Re-Examining the Greasing-the-Wheels Hypothesis in Democratic Post-Soeharto Indonesia." Economics and Finance in Indonesia 66, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.47291/efi.v66i2.792.

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During the Soeharto Era corruption was considered to grease the wheels of growth in Indonesia, a country once considered to be the most corrupt country in the world. Indonesia began to experience instantaneous decentralization and democratization after the Soeharto Era abruptly ended. While vastly celebrated, these episodes have their unintended consequence: coercive regulation. We employed the extensive firm-level Large and Medium Manufacturing (Industri Besar Sedang/IBS) census data combined with the Indonesian Democracy Index (Indeks Demokrasi Indonesia/IDI) at provincial level spanning from 2009 to 2015 and found that bribery hampered Indonesian firm output and productivity growth by 9.8% and 12.6%, respectively. These results suggest that the greasing effect has now diminished. Interestingly, we also found that firms located in a province with a better democracy index may experience less damaging effects of corruption. In other words, two firms paying the same value of bribe may obtain different effects depending on where they are located.
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Törnquist, Olle. "Introduction Research-based Democracy Promotion: Lessons from Indonesia." PCD Journal 2, no. 1 (June 6, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.25717.

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This article summarises and reflects a more extensive analysis about the experiences of attemps to develop and apply analytical tools to comprehend the transformation of Indonesian democracy over 15 years. Such attempts can be retrospectively classified into four phases: (1) conducted in the mid-1990s to the fall of Soeharto in May 1998 by focusing on the anti-Soeharto democracy actors; (2) participatory case studies of the post-Soeharto democracy movement; (3) the development of an alternative framework for national surveys of the problems and options of democratisation from below that began in 2003; (4) institutionalisation of the previous surveys and case studies of power and democracy. These prolonged experiences have opened up the possibilities for academics and practitioners to develop and apply an alternative framework for a less elitist and more inclusive model of democracy in Indonesia.
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Nakamura, Mitsuo. "Prospects for Islam in post‐Soeharto Indonesia∗." Asia-Pacific Review 6, no. 1 (May 1999): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13439009908720008.

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Leng, Tan Chee. "Indonesia in 1992: Anticipating Another Soeharto Term." Southeast Asian Affairs 1993 1993, no. 1 (January 1993): 147–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/seaa93h.

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Haut, Chua Beng. "Looking for Democratization in Post‑Soeharto Indonesia." Contemporary Southeast Asia 15, no. 2 (September 1993): 131–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs15-2a.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Soeharto, Indonesia Indonesia"

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Budiawan. "Mematahkan pewarisan ingatan wacana anti-komunis dan politik rekonsiliasi pasca-Soeharto /." Jakarta : Lembaga Studi dan Advokasi Masyarakat, 2004. http://books.google.com/books?id=PajaAAAAMAAJ.

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Based on the author's doctoral dissertation entitled : Breaking the immortalized past : anti-communist discourse and reconciliatory politics in post-Suharto Indonesia.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
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Tahyar, Benjamin H. "Patrimonialism, power and the politics of judicial reform in post-Soeharto Indonesia : an institutional analysis." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2012. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/15945/.

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Hicks, Jacqueline. "The politics of wealth distribution in post-Soeharto Indonesia : political power, corruption and institutional change." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2004. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/1040/.

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This thesis examines the processes through which the redistribution of political and economic power is taking place in post-Soeharto Indonesia. In order to do this, patterns of `grand' corruption between the business community and the state are explored in three sites: the allocation of government contracts, the interaction between business associations and the state, and the negotiations over the repayment of debt. It is found that corruption has become more widely dispersed with the inclusion of new state actors and that the basis of allocation has moved away from the political influence of the Soeharto-era towards the more uncomplicated power of money. It is proposed that the conventional arguments which either invest institutions with the sole responsibility for limiting corruption or alternatively view them as completely irrelevant to the real exercise of power are both flawed. Rather, it is argued in this thesis that institutional change does indeed affect patterns of corruption, freezing out some participants, introducing others and defining new sites of corrupt exchange. The significance of such an analysis lies in the idea that corruption can never be destroyed but rather it is controlled through alterations of its character. Thus, any attempts to limit corruption must be grounded in such an analysis of its particular character. It is found that corruption has become more widely dispersed with the inclusion of new state actors and that the basis of allocation has moved away from the political influence of the Soeharto-era towards the more uncomplicated power of money. It is proposed that the conventional arguments which either invest institutions with the sole responsibility for limiting corruption or alternatively view them as completely irrelevant to the real exercise of power are both flawed. Rather, it is argued in this thesis that institutional change does indeed affect patterns of corruption, freezing out some participants, introducing others and defining new sites of corrupt exchange. The significance of such an analysis lies in the idea that corruption can never be destroyed but rather it is controlled through alterations of its character. Thus, any attempts to limit corruption must be grounded in such an analysis of its particular character. It is further hypothesised that efforts to limit corruption are badly served by an exclusive focus on the rules inherent in institutions at the expense of the inclusion of corruption's deeper structural causes. In response to this, the idea that corruption is partially driven by the need to foster the domestic capital accumulation process in a context of historic underdevelopment is explored throughout this thesis. Thus, it is proposed that corruption can be viewed as a system of wealth distribution based not just on money and connections, but also ethnicity and nationality.
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Hosen, Nadirsyah. "Reform of Indonesian law in the post-Soeharto era (1998-1999)." Access electronically, 2003. http://www.library.uow.edu.au/adt-NWU/public/adt-NWU20050311.135440/index.html.

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Noor, Firman. "Institutionalising Islamic political parties in Indonesia : a study of internal fragmentation and cohesion in the post-Soeharto era (1998-2008)." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3637.

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The thesis will address the question of why Islamic political parties, in the first decade of the reform era, suffer internal fragmentation and have failed to develop cohesion, while one Islamic party has been able to develop and consolidate. This thesis will explore and analyze factors and reasons behind the problem of the cohesion of the Islamic political parties by associating it with the existence of party institutionalization. For this purpose, this thesis would be a study of comparative institutionalization of Islamic political parties, particularly between the National Wakening Party (PKB) and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS). PKB is a good exemplar for an Islamic party that experienced severely fragmented parties. In fact, this party has became the largest among Islamic political parties and including one of the worst fragmentations among all new political parties in Indonesia. Meanwhile, PKS has been able to maintain its internal discipline and unity, although factionalism and fragmentation have become commonplace during the first decade of the Reform Era. This thesis believes that the more a party have been institutionalized, which is indicated by the existence of procedural leadership in decision-making process, the effectiveness of internal conflict resolution mechanism, the continuation of systematic cadrerization and the commitment to the shared values, there is a bigger chance of the party to preserve its cohesion. On the other hand, the less a party have been institutionalized which is indicated by the ineffectiveness of procedural leadership, the failure of internal conflict resolution mechanism, the impediment of systematic cadrerization, and the failure to provide ideology as the guidance of policy and uniting values, there is more possibility for the party to be fragmented.
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Sulistyo-Basuki, L. "Political reformation and its impact on library and information science education and practice: A case study of Indonesia during and post-president-Soeharto administration." School of Communication & Information, Nanyang Technological University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/105684.

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The author discusses library and information science education before and after 1998, the year President Soeharto stepped down. Before 1998, the government centralized policy making. For LIS education, the Ministry of Education through the Directorate General of Higher Education (DGHE), issued a nation-wide curriculum for sarjana or undergraduate programmes, leaving little space for LIS schools to establish additional courses. After 1998, the Directorate General of Higher Education issued minimum requirements for LIS schools with the remaining credit hours to be decided by each institution. Also before 1998, DGHE issued permission to open new LIS schools after reviewing the submitted proposals. Post 1998, any university could open undergraduate and graduate programmes in LIS without DGHE permission even though not all academic requirements are fulfilled. However, LIS schools must be supervised for two years after their programmes begin by an accrediting agency. The centralised policy also influenced course content.
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Indraneel, Datta. "Parliamentary politics in Soeharto's Indonesia." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.525481.

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Prevailing perspectives on the role of the Indonesian Parliament (DPRlMPR) under President Soeharto's New Order deride it as a politically quiescent institution that had insignificant influence over policy-making. Indeed, approaches that evaluate the legitimacy and effectiveness of legislatures in terms of regularly held free and fair elections and the ability of parliamentarians to initiate or reject legislation will find scant evidence that the Indonesian parliament has played a significant role under Soeharto. From this conventional perspective, the DPR was politically insignificant, save, perhaps, as one of several instruments available to the authoritarian regime to legitimate its rule. Yet a closer look at the history of the New Order casts serious doubts over the notion of a placid legislature where nothing of substance ever took place. For example, the DPR was key in enabling Soeharto to become lawfully President in 1967, and was again instrumental in May 1998 by compelling the dictator to resign from office. This thesis examines the apparent paradox, and makes two clusters of arguments. The first cluster addresses the broad concerns of students of political systems, in particular authoritarianism, and makes two main points. First, there was far more political activity within the DPRlMPR under Soeharto than commonly assumed, especially in the final decade of his rule that is the focus of this study. Secondly, a close scrutiny of the Indonesian parliament demonstrates that the 'authoritarian' New Order underwent some important changes throughout its 32 years. In a nutshell, the New Order degenerated from collusion between capitalists, the military and the bureaucracy into 'monarchical' personal rule, losing some of its modem structures and much of the credibility of its claim to favour democracy. To use the terms coined by Max Weber and subsequently adapted by Juan Linz to the study of contemporary politics of transition, Soeharto's regime developed over the years from a bureaucratic-military authoritarian regime to one with strong 'sultanistic' features. A sultanistic regime is one that involves an increasingly discretionary use of the powers that have been usurped by the ruler. The second cluster of argument adds to scholarship on Indonesia in three respects. First, the factionalism among elites under Soeharto is shown to be far more complex than conventional views that have usually focussed on the Armed Forces to the relative neglect of civilian factionalism. The evidence also indicates that factional lines straddle the civil-military divide. Therefore, it is a false dichotomy to distinguish between civil and military factionalism since the two are inextricably intertwined. Examples of such alliances are discussed in chapters three and four. Secondly, a case is made about periodisation, and the accuracy of commonly accepted milestones in the last decade of the New Order. Again, the evidence gathered in this study points to some anachronisms regarding Indonesia's "Islamic tum," the political clout of the armed forces as an institution, and the cohesiveness of Soeharto's alleged 'inner circle'. The importance of pinpointing the origins of Soeharto' s cultivation of an Islamic middle class basis of support at the expense of the armed forces as an institution sheds considerable light on the balance of power between the officers and the palace, and in particular the validity of describing the New Order as a military dictatorship, as was commonly accepted in the late 1980s. The question of the New Order's 'Islamisation' is discussed in depth in chapter three. The third point examines the limit to Soeharto's sultanistic strategy. It is argued that the shift to absolutist rule, while undermining the logic of the bureaucratic-military authoritarian regime did not provide an alternative that accommodated the interests of powerful elites. Instead, it was perceived as threatening the long-term interests of key factions within both the political Islamic civilian elites and the military. Sultanism ushered unpredictability in the recruitment of elites and in the dispensation of patronage, and threatened the interests of the armed forces as an institution. It gradually alienated these crucial groups, paving the way for an unlikely tactical alliance between Armed Forces commander-in-chief General Wiranto and vice-president Habibie. The origins of this internal realignment in the regime are discussed in detail in chapters four and five. Chapter six brings this study into the final months of the New Order, and examines the background to the critical role played by the parliamentary institutions in giving Soeharto his coup de grace, when the DPR Speaker Harmoko called on the President to resign on 18 May 1998, three days before Soeharto stepped down. We conclude by highlighting the continuities between parliament under the New Order and in the Post-Soeharto era, and assessing the likely role of parliament in Indonesia's democratization.
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Rochman, Meuthia Ganie. "An uphill struggle : advocacy NGOs under Soeharto's new order /." Jakarta : LabSosio, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40088987f.

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Ahmad, Nyarwi. "Marketisation and professionalisation of campaigning of political parties in the new democracy : an investigation of the structural conditions and factors that determined the development of marketization and professionalization of campaigning of the Indonesian political parties in the Post-Soeharto New Order." Thesis, Bournemouth University, 2018. http://eprints.bournemouth.ac.uk/30434/.

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This study explores the marketisation and professionalisation of campaigning of political parties. More specifically, it attempts to provide a systematic understanding of the structural conditions and factors that determine such developments in a new democracy. The following propositions commence this study. In new democracies that are indicated by a set of conditions postulated by Strömbäck (2007: 63), Strömbäck (2010: 28-29) and Strömbäck et al. (2012: 86), political parties are likely to adopt marketing principles, procedures and techniques to advance not only market-orientation, but also campaign structure and strategies. However, none of these parties is likely to turn into either market-oriented or the professional-electoral/sales-oriented parties. To evaluate such propositions, this study selected the new democracy of Indonesia as a case study, adopted critical realism as a research philosophy, formulated a holistic conceptual framework and applied a pure-mix of qualitative and the quantitative research methodology. Survey data were collected from marketers/campaigners of 10 Indonesian political parties during the 2014 parliamentary and presidential elections. The in-depth interview data were derived from these parties’ leaders/secretaries, senior editors of the Indonesian media and political consultants and pollsters. These data were combined with reports released by these media and pollsters, the Indonesian research centres and the Indonesian General Election and Broadcasting Commissions. This study reveals that there were ‘structural conditions’, which stimulated the Indonesian political parties Post-Soeharto New Order to develop such practices. In facing these elections, these parties realized the importance of political market arenas and political sub-markets and advanced such practices strategically. None of these parties however, turned into either market-oriented or the professional-electoral/sales-oriented parties. The main finding of this study is that in the emerging democratic countries, which have been ruled under the presidential government system and indicated by the candidate-centred system, such as Indonesia, the party orientations related to such practices seem to be matters of mode and degree rather than of type. The following factors determined such orientations. They include: a) perceptions of the party leaders, candidates and marketers/campaigners regarding the relative importance of the internal party, the media and electoral arenas; b) the party-specific factors, especially, party ideology, size, campaign resources and position in the government and experiences with internal and external shocks; c) the party’s competitive chances to fulfil the minimum number of the presidential election threshold, assemble a political coalition and nominate a pair of presidential candidates; and d) the party presidential candidate-specific factors. This study offers the following novelty theoretical and prescriptive models. The first theoretical model conceptualises the structural conditions and factors that determine developments of marketisation and professionalisation of campaigning of political parties in such countries within and across the parliamentary and presidential elections. The second theoretical model underpins formation of the party presidential candidate-specific factors and theorises its impacts on such developments systematically; while the third theoretical model provides a baseline framework to explore the effects of these aforementioned factors on such developments holistically. The second and the third theoretical models could be transformed into the prescriptive models to help these parties to achieve their goals in these elections effectively. The mainstream centre-right or centre- left parties in the Western democracy could adopt these models, as they want to tactically confront the rises of the radical-right wing populist parties and movements and strategically manage the sustainability of the liberal democratic system and society.
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W, Miftah. "The rise and development of the Indonesian new order regime." 1990. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/27834348.html.

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Books on the topic "Soeharto, Indonesia Indonesia"

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Adam, Asvi Warman. Soeharto, sisi gelap sejarah Indonesia. Yogyakarta: Ombak, 2004.

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Asrun, Muhammad. Krisis peradilan: Mahkamah Agung di bawah Soeharto. Pasar Minggu, Jakarta: Elsam, 2004.

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Usman, Syarif. Mengapa rakyat Indonesia mendukung Presiden Soeharto. 4th ed. [Jakarta]: Bina Saudara, 1986.

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Tirtosudarmo, Riwanto. Mencari Indonesia: Demografi-politik pasca-Soeharto. Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia bekerja sama dengan LIPI Press, 2007.

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Hadiz, Vedi R. Dinamika kekuasaan: Ekonomi politik Indonesia pasca-Soeharto. Jakarta: LP3ES, 2005.

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Siti Hartinah Soeharto, first lady of Indonesia. Jakarta: Citra Lamtoro Gung Persada, 1992.

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Deni, Aji. Konsolidasi demokrasi: Menuju keberlanjutan politik Indonesia pasca Soeharto. Gowok, Yogyakarta: Kibar Press, 2006.

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Tadjoeddin, Mohammad Zulfan, and Anis Chowdhury. Employment and Re-Industrialisation in Post Soeharto Indonesia. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-50566-8.

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Komisi Untuk Orang Hilang dan Tindak Kekerasan (Indonesia), ed. Indonesia derailed: Transitional justice in Indonesia since the fall of Soeharto : a joint report. Jakarta, Indonesia: International Center for Transitional Justice, 2011.

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Asfar, Muhammad, and Aribowo. Restrukturisasi koter: Peran TNI pasca rezim Soeharto. Surabaya]: Kelompok Kerja Demokrasi dan Pengembangan HAM, Lembaga Penelitian, Universitas Airlangga, 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "Soeharto, Indonesia Indonesia"

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Hidayat, Herman. "Political Transition from Soekarno to Soeharto." In Forest Resources Management in Indonesia (1968-2004), 27–33. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-287-745-1_2.

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Tadjoeddin, Mohammad Zulfan, and Anis Chowdhury. "Introduction." In Employment and Re-Industrialisation in Post Soeharto Indonesia, 1–37. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-50566-8_1.

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Tadjoeddin, Mohammad Zulfan, and Anis Chowdhury. "An Overview of Employment Situation." In Employment and Re-Industrialisation in Post Soeharto Indonesia, 39–71. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-50566-8_2.

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Tadjoeddin, Mohammad Zulfan, and Anis Chowdhury. "Earnings, Productivity and Inequality." In Employment and Re-Industrialisation in Post Soeharto Indonesia, 73–101. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-50566-8_3.

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Tadjoeddin, Mohammad Zulfan, and Anis Chowdhury. "Wages, Employment, Productivity in the Manufacturing Sector." In Employment and Re-Industrialisation in Post Soeharto Indonesia, 103–21. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-50566-8_4.

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Tadjoeddin, Mohammad Zulfan, and Anis Chowdhury. "Determinants of Employment, Wage and Productivity." In Employment and Re-Industrialisation in Post Soeharto Indonesia, 123–52. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-50566-8_5.

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Tadjoeddin, Mohammad Zulfan, and Anis Chowdhury. "Inequality, Employment and Manufacturing: Spatial Dimensions." In Employment and Re-Industrialisation in Post Soeharto Indonesia, 153–88. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-50566-8_6.

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Tadjoeddin, Mohammad Zulfan, and Anis Chowdhury. "Policy Perspectives." In Employment and Re-Industrialisation in Post Soeharto Indonesia, 189–218. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-50566-8_7.

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Hefner, Robert W. "11. Muslim Democrats and Islamist Violence in Post-Soeharto Indonesia." In Remaking Muslim Politics, edited by Robert W. Hefner, 273–301. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400826391.273.

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Graf, Arndt. "Demokratisierungsblockaden in Indonesien — Die Presseverbote von 1994 und der Machtkampf um die Nachfolge Soehartos." In Blockierte Demokratien in der Dritten Welt, 333–65. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-95125-0_11.

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Conference papers on the topic "Soeharto, Indonesia Indonesia"

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Nugraha, Ubaidillah. "An Investigation of The Impact of State-Owned Enterprise (SOEs) Reform To The Public Value Creation In Indonesia Post Soeharto Era (1998-2016)." In 1st International Conference on Administrative Science, Policy and Governance Studies (ICAS-PGS 2017) and the 2nd International Conference on Business Administration and Policy (ICBAP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icaspgs-icbap-17.2017.13.

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