Journal articles: 'Soeharto, Indonesia Indonesia'

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Hadiz, Vedi, and Dan La Botz. "Made in Indonesia: Indonesian Workers since Soeharto." Indonesia 73 (April 2002): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3351474.

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Suryadinata, Leo. "Indonesia‑Vietnam Relations Under Soeharto." Contemporary Southeast Asia 12, no. 4 (March 1991): 331–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs12-4c.

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Kitley, Philip. "Televisi Bangsa Baru: Television, Reformasi and Renewal in Indonesia." Media International Australia 104, no. 1 (August 2002): 92–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0210400111.

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For nearly 30 years, television in Indonesia was dominated by the state broadcaster TVRI and five commercial channels with very close links to former President Soeharto. In the reform period since Soeharto's resignation, there has been a new sense of public and publicness, an expansion of the public sphere and the break-up and re-imagination of the Indonesian audience. These developments have been led by media sector insiders. This paper argues that, despite the progressive work of new licensees and civil society media groups, it is media sector outsiders which are needed to lead television in Indonesia out from under the totalising, essentialist models of the past to establish televisi bangsa baru — television for a new nation.

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Blunt, Peter, Mark Turner, and Henrik Lindroth. "PATRONAGE'S PROGRESS IN POST-SOEHARTO INDONESIA." Public Administration and Development 32, no. 1 (January 25, 2012): 64–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pad.617.

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Fatgehipon, Abdul Haris. "THE RELATIONSHIP AMONGST SOEHARTO, MILITARY, AND MUSLIM IN THE END OF NEW ORDER REGIME." Paramita: Historical Studies Journal 26, no. 1 (February 20, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/paramita.v26i1.5141.

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In the end of Suharto's authority, he began to embrace the power of Islam; he realized the position of Muslims was very important and strategic. While some high-ranking military, like LB Moerdani felt unhappy with business built by Soeharto’s family. Suharto built a new political power through the ICMI (Indonesian Muslim Scholar) organization. The emergence of ICMI has been confronted by much of the military officers, they assessed that ICMI shaped sectarian mindset, Gus Dur as NU leader also did not approve the establishment of ICMI. ICMI was chaired by BJ Habibie who at that time had a special affinity with Suharto that made ICMI has the most important role in Indonesian and clout. At the end of Suharto's power, he embraced the power of the Muslim Civilians, Reviews such as ICMI and Muhammadiyah organization. He tried to minimize the political dependence on the military. Hereinafter, Habibie has successfully elected as a vice president of Indonesia based on the general assembly in 1998, after the riots in May 1998, Habibie replaced Suharto's position that has discharged due to students and citizens' demonstrations. By the pretense of the 1945 constitution, the military endorsed the nomination of BJ Habibie as president. Pada akhir otoritas Soeharto, ia mulai merangkul kekuatan Islam; ia menyadari posisi Muslim sangat penting dan strategis. Sementara beberapa petinggi militer, seperti LB Moerdani merasa tidak bahagia dengan bisnis gurita yang dibangun oleh keluarga Soeharto. Soeharto membangun kekuatan politik baru melalui organisasi ICMI (Indonesian Muslim Scholar). Munculnya ICMI telah dihadapkan oleh banyak perwira militer, mereka menilai ICMI berbentuk pola pikir sektarian, Gus Dur sebagai pemimpin NU juga tidak menyetujui berdirinya ICMI. ICMI dipimpin oleh BJ Habibie yang pada waktu itu me-miliki kedekatan khusus dengan Soeharto yang membuat ICMI memiliki peran paling penting dalam Indonesia dan pengaruh. Pada akhir kekuasaan Soeharto, ia memeluk kekuatan Sipil Muslim, Ulasan seperti ICMI dan Muhammadiyah organisasi. Dia mencoba untuk meminimalkan ketergantungan politik pada militer. Selanjutnya, Habibie telah berhasil terpilih sebagai wakil presiden Indonesia berdasarkan sidang umum pada tahun 1998, setelah kerusuhan Mei 1998, Habibie menggantikan posisi Soeharto yang telah habis karena mahasiswa dan de-monstrasi warga. Dengan berdasar UUD 1945, militer mendukung pencalonan BJ Habibie sebagai presiden.

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Kurniawan, Irfan, and Riyanto Riyanto. "Should I Bribe? Re-Examining the Greasing-the-Wheels Hypothesis in Democratic Post-Soeharto Indonesia." Economics and Finance in Indonesia 66, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.47291/efi.v66i2.792.

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During the Soeharto Era corruption was considered to grease the wheels of growth in Indonesia, a country once considered to be the most corrupt country in the world. Indonesia began to experience instantaneous decentralization and democratization after the Soeharto Era abruptly ended. While vastly celebrated, these episodes have their unintended consequence: coercive regulation. We employed the extensive firm-level Large and Medium Manufacturing (Industri Besar Sedang/IBS) census data combined with the Indonesian Democracy Index (Indeks Demokrasi Indonesia/IDI) at provincial level spanning from 2009 to 2015 and found that bribery hampered Indonesian firm output and productivity growth by 9.8% and 12.6%, respectively. These results suggest that the greasing effect has now diminished. Interestingly, we also found that firms located in a province with a better democracy index may experience less damaging effects of corruption. In other words, two firms paying the same value of bribe may obtain different effects depending on where they are located.

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Törnquist, Olle. "Introduction Research-based Democracy Promotion: Lessons from Indonesia." PCD Journal 2, no. 1 (June 6, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.25717.

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This article summarises and reflects a more extensive analysis about the experiences of attemps to develop and apply analytical tools to comprehend the transformation of Indonesian democracy over 15 years. Such attempts can be retrospectively classified into four phases: (1) conducted in the mid-1990s to the fall of Soeharto in May 1998 by focusing on the anti-Soeharto democracy actors; (2) participatory case studies of the post-Soeharto democracy movement; (3) the development of an alternative framework for national surveys of the problems and options of democratisation from below that began in 2003; (4) institutionalisation of the previous surveys and case studies of power and democracy. These prolonged experiences have opened up the possibilities for academics and practitioners to develop and apply an alternative framework for a less elitist and more inclusive model of democracy in Indonesia.

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Nakamura, Mitsuo. "Prospects for Islam in post‐Soeharto Indonesia∗." Asia-Pacific Review 6, no. 1 (May 1999): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13439009908720008.

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9

Leng, Tan Chee. "Indonesia in 1992: Anticipating Another Soeharto Term." Southeast Asian Affairs 1993 1993, no. 1 (January 1993): 147–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/seaa93h.

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Haut, Chua Beng. "Looking for Democratization in Post‑Soeharto Indonesia." Contemporary Southeast Asia 15, no. 2 (September 1993): 131–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs15-2a.

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11

Wibowo, Indiwan Seto Wahju. "Mengungkap Makna Kematian Soeharto pada Cover Majalah Tempo." Jurnal ULTIMA Comm 4, no. 1 (June 1, 2012): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31937/ultimacomm.v4i1.411.

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Soeharto’s death become a major topic of Tempo Magazine, issued No.50/XXXVI/04-10 February, 2008 specially in the magazine’s cover. Nad this cover is so controversial as describes Soeharto as Jesus at the last super an iconic. Christianity symbol. The last super is the final meal that according to Christian belief, Jesus shared with his apostles in Jerusalem before his crucifixion. This research is about to describe what Tempo Magazine play their role as social control and it’s rivalitation toward Soeharto. The purpose of this research is to find out the meaning behind the Tempo Magazine Cover as describes Soeharto – the former Indonesia – as Jesus. Kata kunci : makna kematian Soeharto, Semiotika Charles Sander Pierce, Kualitatif

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Wibowo, Indiwan Seto Wahju. "Mengungkap Makna Kematian Soeharto pada Cover Tempo." Jurnal ULTIMA Comm 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2010): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31937/ultimacomm.v2i2.192.

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Soeharto’s death becomes a major topic of Tempo Magazine ,issue No.50/XXXVI/04-10 February, 2008 specially in the magazine’s cover. And this cover is so controversial as describes Soeharto as Jesus at the last supper an iconic Christianity symbol. The last supper is the final meal that according to Christian belief, Jesus shared with his apostles in Jerusalem before his crucifixion. This research is about to describe what Tempo Magazine play their role as social control and it’s rivalitation towards Soeharto. The purpose of this Research is to find out the meaning behind the Tempo Magazine Cover as describes Soeharto – the former Indonesia President- as Jesus. Kata kunci : makna kematian Soeharto, Semiotika Charles Sander Peirce, Kualitatif

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13

Siringoringo, Poltak. "KEWENANGAN MAJELIS PERMUSYAWARATAN RAKYAT MENURUT UNDANG- UNDANG NOMOR 2 TAHUN 2018 TENTANG MPR, DPR, DPRD, DAN DPD." to-ra 5, no. 1 (May 13, 2019): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/tora.v5i1.1192.

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Abstract Indonesia has experienced rapid development in the state administration system since the demands for reform were marked by the fall of Soeharto from power in May 1998. Reformation as a form of total correction of the practice of running a centralized state that occurred during the leadership of the Orde Baru Era. The hegemony of the power of the President during the Orde Baru Era placed other state organs in a weak position functionally, including the Indonesian People's Representative Assembly. Since the Soeharto regime ended there was a fairly fundamental ow of change in the life of the Indonesian state administration. In the Indonesian constitutional structure, the People's Consultative Assembly of the Republic of Indonesiais one of the important pillars of the people's representative institutions besides the House of Representatives and the Regional Representative Coun- cil Keywords:Orde Baru Era; Soeharto Regime; State Administration; Indonesian constitutional structure.

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14

Jaes1, Lutfan, Azmi Abdul Latiff, Fadillah Ismail, Zahrul Akmal Damin, Fauziah Ani, and Abdul Rahman Abdul Aziz. "“Work Ethic” Value as Soeharto’s Development Tool in Indonesia." International Journal of Engineering & Technology 7, no. 4.9 (October 2, 2018): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.14419/ijet.v7i4.9.20673.

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This research paper mainly discusses Soeharto and his “Work Ethic” value system. It focuses on the role of local wisdom as a fundamental value that has moulded leadership character and style of Soeharto in Indonesia. A term during his leadership tenure was used by Soeharto to identify, list and explain the source of the dominant local wisdom. Content analysis was used as the method of analysis in to explain a series of “End of the Year Speech”, “Nationhood Speech” and “Party Speech”. Initial analysis on the speech texts showed that emphasis on values was given at every serie of the speeches delivered. Next, quotations of every paragraph in the speech texts were scrutinized for groupings of dimensions (Value Dimensions) specifically referring to Asian Values. The paragraphs of every text were recited for the final time in order to identify Derived Values originated from each of the Value Dimensions. Recordings of data were carried out by using Archive for Technology, the Life World and Everyday Language. Text Interpretation (ATLAS).ti version 7 software. It was discovered that Soeharto used his “Nationhood Speech” serie as his main medium to deliver values to his people. Value Dimension “Work Ethics” was identified as the second most important value in his delivery of messages on development. Meanwhile, Derived Values “Strong/Kind/Dilligent/Viable/Earnest” were values that frequently appeared in the dimension. At the end of this paper, an explanation on the application of these values in the leadership and development under Soeharto is obtained. In conclusion, a leader who manipulated local wisdom is capable of achieving development that is more pragmatic and effective. Reinvigorating the local wisdom is a significant factor that can catalyze a continuous development specifically in Indonesia and generally in the South East Asia.

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15

Zanynu, Muhammad Aswan. "SOEHARTO DAN GERAKAN 30 SEPTEMBER (G30S) DALAM NARASI MEMORI MEDIA BERITA DARING INDONESIA." Inter Komunika : Jurnal Komunikasi 4, no. 1 (September 2, 2019): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.33376/ik.v4i1.287.

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Gerakan 30 September (G30S) merupakan salah satu momen penting dalam sejarah modern Indonesia, keadaan dan orientasi Indonesia menjadi berbeda sebelum dan setelah tahun tersebut. Soeharto sebagai tokoh yang memainkan sejumlah peran strategis di tahun 1965 penting untuk menjadi objek kajian mengingat peristiwa itu yang membawanya selama lebih dari tiga puluh tahun berada di tampuk kekuasaan Indonesia, menggantikan Presiden Sukarno. Selama kurun waktu itu juga, G30S telah menjadi alat propaganda negara. Setelah dua dekade Soeharto tidak berkuasa lagi dan peristiwa ini telah memasuki usia setengah abad, di tahun 2015 sejumlah media berita daring (online) Indonesia mengisahkan kembali peristiwa tersebut. Studi ini berangkat dari premis bahwa besarnya kapasitas ruang di internet dan dukungan pranala (hypertext) pada web, termasuk banyaknya referensi terkait Peristiwa G30S dan pasca-G30S, memungkinkan situs berita menyajikan memori yang lebih lengkap dan beragam. Penelitian ini mempertanyakan: Bagaimana media berita daring Indonesia menarasikan pewarisan memori atas peran Soeharto dan G30S setelah setengah abad berlalu? Dengan menggunakan konsep memori media dari Motti Neiger dkk serta teori Paradigma Naratif Fisher, studi ini menggunakan metode framing dari Pan dan Kosicki untuk menganalisis 27 artikel yang tersebar di enam situs berita Indonesia. Ditemukan bahwa Soeharto ditampilkan dalam dua narasi utama. Pertama, Soeharto sebagai tokoh militer ‘penyelamat’ yang berhasil menghentikan rencana makar. Kedua, Soeharto sebagai ‘avonturir’ yang mengetahui rencana makar tersebut dan melakukan segala tindakan untuk menggagalkan serta mengambil keuntungan atasnya. Kedua narasi memori media ini memenuhi kriteria konsistensi internal (dalam teks). Kelemahannya terdapat pada kurangnya ketepatan eksternal saat dikonfirmasi antarteks. Studi ini menemukan bahwa internet dengan ruang yang nyaris tak terbatas, bukanlah jaminan bagi munculnya narasi memori yang lengkap dan beragam.

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16

George, Kenneth M. "Designs on Indonesia's Muslim Communities." Journal of Asian Studies 57, no. 3 (August 1998): 693–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2658738.

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On october 15, 1991, Haji Muhammad Soeharto, President of Indonesia, became the first official calligrapher for theAl-Qur'an Mushaf Istiqlal—The National Independence Illuminated Qur'an—by inking in the initial letter of theBasmallahin the opening sura (Al-Fatihah, the prologue; see Fig. 1). Four years later, just after commemorating the fiftieth anniversary of Indonesian independence, he put the finishing touch to the closing sura of the Qur'an (An-Naas, or “Humanity,” Suta 114), signed the completed manuscript, and presented it to the people of Indonesia and to the Muslim world community. Although he is adept at using or reciting the Qur'anic Arabic needed for daily prayer, the profession of faith, and the verbal exchanges that bond Muslims with each other, Soeharto is a decidedly unpracticed calligrapher when it comes to Arabic orthography.

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Ayuningsih, Dwi Risnawati. "MAKNA SIMBOLIS TARI RAWAYAN KARYA GUGUM GUMBIRA." Joged 16, no. 2 (December 3, 2020): 115–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24821/joged.v16i2.4676.

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Tari Rawayan merupakan tari Jaipongan karya Gugum Gumbira Tirasondjaja yang diciptakan tahun 1986 sebagai hadiah dalam acara memperingati hari ulang tahun Ibu Negara Republik Indonesia yaitu Raden Ayu Siti Hartinah atau yang akrab disapa ibu Tien Soeharto di gedung Sasono Langen Budoyo Taman Mini Indonesia Indah Jakarta. Tari Rawayan merupakan suatu tarian yang berisi wejangan kepada seluruh masyarakat khususnya pada masa pemerintahan bapak Soeharto dan ibu Tien bahwa dalam masa pembangunan yang sedang berlangsung ini, bapak Soeharto dan ibu Tien harus ingat dan hati-hati dalam mempertahankan nilai-nilai tradisi yang dimiliki bangsa Indonesia. Nilai-nilai tradisi tersebut adalah nilai-nilai kehati-hatian dalam bertindak akan segala sesuatu. Penelitian ini memfokuskan pada makna simbolis yang terkandung dalam tari Rawayan. Untuk menjawab permasalahan tersebut digunakan pendekatan hermeneutika dengan teori intensional Weber. Pendekatan hermeneutika membantu peneliti dalam memahami sisi historis dan humanistik dari latar belakang penciptaan tari Rawayan dan sosok Gugum Gumbira dalam menciptakan tari Rawayan. Teori intensional mengungkapkan bahwa makna hadir berdasarkan niat dan tujuan dari sang pencipta tari. Teori tersebut membantu memahami makna tersirat pada tari Rawayan yang terkandung dari berbagai aspek pendukung tari yaitu gerak tari, rias busana, serta iringan tari. Ketiga aspek pendukung tari tersebut menuju pada satu makna yang sama yaitu makna kehati-hatian dalam menjalani kehidupan. ABSTRACT Rawayan dance is a Jaipongan dance by Gugum Gumbira Tirasondjaja which was created in 1986 as a gift to commemorate the birthday of the First Lady of the Republic of Indonesia, Raden Ayu Siti Hartinah or familiarly known as Tien Soeharto's in Sasono Langen Budoyo building Beautiful Indonesia Miniature Park Jakarta. Rawayan dance is a dance that contains advice to the entire community, especially during the reign of Mr. Soeharto and Mrs. Tien that in this ongoing development period, Mr. Soeharto and Mrs. Tien must remember and be careful in maintaining the traditional values of the Indonesian people.These traditional values are the values of prudence in acting on everything. This study focuses on the symbolic meaning contained in Rawayan dance, to answer the problems of the research, a hermeneutic approach is used with the intentional theory put forward by Max Weber. The hermeneutic approach helps researchers to understand the historical and humanistic side of the background of the creation of Rawayan dance and Gugum Gumbira's own figure in creating Rawayan dance. Intentional theory reveals that meaning is present based on the intention and purpose of the creator of dance. The theory helps researchers to understand the implicit meal found in Rawayan dance. The symbolic meaning contained in Rawayan dance can be seen from many aspects of dance support namely dance moves, dressing, and dance accompaniment. Of the three aspects of supporting the dance, headed on one and the same meaning is the meaning of caution in living life.

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18

van Klinken, Gerry. "Book Review: Political Reform in Indonesia after Soeharto." South East Asia Research 19, no. 2 (June 2011): 357–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5367/sear.2011.0054.

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19

Hein, Gordon R. "Indonesia in 1988: Another Five Years for Soeharto." Asian Survey 29, no. 2 (February 1, 1989): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2644571.

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20

Lee, Hwok-Aun. "Employment and re-industrialisation in post-Soeharto Indonesia." Asia Pacific Business Review 25, no. 3 (March 8, 2019): 436–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602381.2019.1589170.

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21

Hein, Gordon R. "Indonesia in 1988: Another Five Years for Soeharto." Asian Survey 29, no. 2 (February 1989): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1989.29.2.01p0239u.

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22

Padawangi, Rita. "Harold Crouch, Political Reform in Indonesia after Soeharto." Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography 32, no. 2 (July 2011): 273–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9493.2011.00425_5.x.

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23

Purwanta, Hieronymus. "Militaristic Discourse in Secondary Education History Textbooks during and after the Soeharto Era." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 9, no. 1 (March 1, 2017): 36–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2017.090103.

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This study examines the year-to-year development of militaristic discourse in Indonesian secondary education history textbooks since 1975. Historical descriptions written since the fall of Soeharto’s military regime and its replacement by a civilian government in 1998 tend to emphasize Indonesia’s military history and pay little attention to its civilian leadership. To what degree did political change influence the production of historical discourse in recent textbooks in Indonesia? This article attempts to answer this question by applying Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to textual sources, in order to expose their historical and socio-cultural dimensions. The results show that in the post-Soeharto era, militaristic perspectives continue to dominate discourse production in history textbooks, denying the role of civilian leadership. This glorification of the military demonstrates that the Indonesian army continues to influence the country’s history textbook production in the modern era.

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24

Swasono, Sri-Edi. "Masalah Keabsahan: Pemerintahan Rawan Instabilitas." Jurnal Hukum & Pembangunan 28, no. 4 (August 29, 1998): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.21143/jhp.vol28.no4.543.

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Penulis artikel ini mengulas landasan hukum pengesahan pengangkatan B.J. Habibie menjadipresiden ketika Soeharto mengundurkan diri sebagai Presiden Republik Indonesia kedua padatanggal 21 Mei 1998. Pengunduran diri Soeharto, menurut dia, hanya merupakan sebagiandari tuntutan mahasiswa dan masyarakat yang tidak menghendaki secara keseluruhan pemerintahan Soeharto. Habibie merupakan bagian integral dari rezim Soeharto, karena dia adalah wakil presiden ketika Soeharto lengser. Pengangkatan presiden dan wakil presiden merupakan satu paket politik dari MPR. Karena itu, ketika Soeharto dipaksa mundur, maka Habibie Seharusnya mundur.

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25

Cohen, Matthew Isaac. "Three Eras of Indonesian Arts Diplomacy." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 175, no. 2-3 (July 12, 2019): 253–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-17502022.

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Abstract Sukarno took a personal interest in using the arts for presenting Indonesia in a positive light. He oversaw cultural missions abroad and produced ‘cultural events’ that showed off his grace and charisma on the dance floor to overseas guests. While Soeharto showed little interest in the arts, new modes of arts diplomacy flourished during the New Order—scholarships for foreigners to study arts, artists in residence at Indonesian embassies, large-scale festivals aiming to facilitate artistic exchange and encourage foreign investments, to name but a few. In Indonesia today, arts diplomacy is represented by its own sub-directorate in the Ministry of Education and Culture. Indonesia is promoting itself through collaborations between Indonesian governmental agencies and professional, international producing bodies, galleries, and festivals. Cultural Houses are being built in key cities abroad, along with a nationwide platform for international festivals, Indonesiana. ‘Indonesianists’, including foreign academics and students of the arts, are being recruited to promote Indonesia abroad.

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26

Yumasdaleni, Yumasdaleni, Chan Kim Ling, and Mimi Hanida Abdul Mutalib. "Penyertaan Wanita dalam Politik Parlimen Post-Soeharto di Indonesia." Malaysian Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (MJSSH) 5, no. 1 (January 30, 2020): 52–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.47405/mjssh.v5i1.350.

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Artikel ini membincangkan tentang penyertaan wanita dalam pilihan raya di Indonesia setelah pentadbiran Presiden Soeharto. Penyertaan wanita dalam pilihan raya melalui isu kuota bermula pada tahun 2004. Pengumpulan data dengan cara kualitatif yang disokong data kuantitatif. Dokumen paper ini menjelaskan dua faktor dinamik dalam penyertaan wanita pada politik parlemen. Pertama faktor undang-undang dan polisi, kedua faktor parti politik dalam rekrutmen wanita. Hasil penyelidikan ini menjelaskan bahawa pilihan raya 2004, 2009, 2014, dan 2019 relatif meningkat jumlah bilangan wanita masuk parlemen. Hal ini disokong oleh perubahan undang-undang pilihan raya yang menyatakan bahwa wanita wajib disertakan dalam senarai calon sekurangnya 30% dan satu daripada tiga calon wajib ada wanita. Undang-undang ini adalah perubahan dari kata “cadangan” menjadi “wajib” dalam menetapkan calon. Ayat wajib itu menjadi penting dalam perubahan peningkatan bilangan wanita terpilih. Selain faktor undang-undang ada faktor parti kader yang menjadi catatan isu iaitu tidak maksimalnya parti dalam sistim rekrutmen. Kurangnya wanita parti kader yang cekap dalam politik menjadikan parti merekrut wanita segera pada masa pendaftaran calon. Wanita-wanita yang dipilih adalah mereka yang terkait dengan keluarga elit politik. Wanita yang datang dari elit politik ini dianggap berpeluang menang dalam pilihan raya kerana mereka mempunyai modal dan jaringan yang kuat. Keadaan ini juga sering menepikan wanita yang sudah lama aktif dalam parti tapi tidak cukup modal untuk kempen. Nombor satu dalam senarai calon di kertas undi menjadi penting kerana mereka yang terpilih pada tiap pilihan raya lebih dari limapuluh peratus namanya di nombor satu, isu ini yang juga sering menepikan wanita.

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27

Ratnawati, Tri. "Crouch, Harold. (2010). Political Reform in Indonesia after Soeharto." Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities 3, no. 1 (December 5, 2018): 131–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jissh.v3i1.49.

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28

Davidson, S. Jamie. "STUDIES OF MASSIVE, COLLECTIVE VIOLENCE IN POST-SOEHARTO INDONESIA." Critical Asian Studies 41, no. 2 (June 2009): 329–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14672710902809450.

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29

Sebastian, Leonard C., and Reza Y. Siregar. "Indonesia: Setting the Stage for Soeharto´s Re‑election." Southeast Asian Affairs 1996 1996, no. 1 (April 1996): 166–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/seaa96j.

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30

Smith-Hefner, Nancy J. "Javanese Women and the Veil in Post-Soeharto Indonesia." Journal of Asian Studies 66, no. 2 (April 26, 2007): 389–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911807000575.

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This article examines the practice and meanings of the new veiling and of Islamization more generally for young Muslim Javanese women in the new middle class. Drawing on eight months of ethnographic research in the Central Java city of Yogyakarta in 1999 and three subsequent one-month visits during 2001, 2002, and 2003, I explore the social and religious attitudes of female students at two of Yogyakarta's leading centers of higher education: Gadjah Mada University, a nondenominational state university, and the nearby Sunan Kalijaga National Islamic University. The ethnographic and life-historical materials discussed here underscore that the new veiling is neither a traditionalist survival nor an antimodernist reaction but rather a complex and sometimes ambiguous effort by young Muslim women to reconcile the opportunities for autonomy and choice offered by modern education with a heightened commitment to the profession of Islam.

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Sahrasad, Herdi. "Pers, demokrasi dan negara Indonesia Post-Soeharto: Sebuah perspektif." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 27, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v27i12014.27-43.

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Ghoshal, Baladas. "Democratic Transition and Political Development in Post‑ Soeharto Indonesia." Contemporary Southeast Asia 26, no. 3 (December 2004): 506–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs26-3f.

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Fukuoka, Yuki. "Politics, Business and the State in Post-Soeharto Indonesia." CONTEMPORARY SOUTHEAST ASIA 34, no. 1 (2012): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs34-1d.

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Mietzner, Marcus. "Indonesia in 2008: Democratic Consolidation in Soeharto´ s Shadow." Southeast Asian Affairs 2009, no. 1 (April 2009): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/seaa09g.

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Wasti, Ryan Muthiara. "PENGARUH KONFIGURASI POLITIK TERHADAP PRODUK HUKUM PADA MASA PEMERINTAHAN SOEHARTO DI INDONESIA." Jurnal Hukum & Pembangunan 45, no. 1 (February 24, 2016): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.21143/jhp.vol45.no1.10.

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Pemerintahan Soeharto menjadi sebuah tema menarik bagi hampir setiap penelitian karena keunikan dari pemerintahannya yang dikenal dengan sifat otoriter. Namun, keunikan tersebut hanya diteliti hingga akibat dari otoriternya yang telah menimbulkan kegerahan dari hampir seluruh rakyat dan akhirnya berujung pada berhentinya Soeharto sebagai kepala Negara Indonesia. Padahal dilihat dari kacamata hukum, transisi politik pada masa tersebut tidak hanya berpengaruh secara politik, tetapi juga secara hukum sehingga dapat dibedakan antara pemerintahan yang otoriter dan pemerintahan yang demokratis. Penelitian ini akan membahas permasalahan tersebut yang dibagi atas dua yaitu bagian pertama yang akan melihat konfigurasi politik yang terjadi di Indonesia pada masa transisi dari pemerintahan Soekarno menuju pemerintahan Soeharto, serta bagian kedua yang akan menganalisis bentuk produk hukum yang dibentuk dari konfigurasi politik yang dibangun setelah masa transisi tersebut dibandingkan dengan produk hukum sebelum dan sesudah masa transisi. Dengan dua permasalahan tersebut diharapkan dapat memperlihatkan bagaimana seorang kepala negara memerintah akan mempengaruhi bentuk kebijakan yang diambil yang pastinya akan dituangkan dalam bentuk legislasi. Kesimpulan sementara adalah ada pengaruh yang signifikan antara konfigurasi politik dengan produk hukum yang dihasilkan oleh lembaga legislatif pada masa pemerintahan tersebut.Pemerintahan Soeharto menjadi sebuah tema menarik bagi hampir setiap penelitian karena keunikan dari pemerintahannya yang dikenal dengan sifat otoriter. Namun, keunikan tersebut hanya diteliti hingga akibat dari otoriternya yang telah menimbulkan kegerahan dari hampir seluruh rakyat dan akhirnya berujung pada berhentinya Soeharto sebagai kepala Negara Indonesia. Padahal dilihat dari kacamata hukum, transisi politik pada masa tersebut tidak hanya berpengaruh secara politik, tetapi juga secara hukum sehingga dapat dibedakan antara pemerintahan yang otoriter dan pemerintahan yang demokratis. Penelitian ini akan membahas permasalahan tersebut yang dibagi atas dua yaitu bagian pertama yang akan melihat konfigurasi politik yang terjadi di Indonesia pada masa transisi dari pemerintahan Soekarno menuju pemerintahan Soeharto, serta bagian kedua yang akan menganalisis bentuk produk hukum yang dibentuk dari konfigurasi politik yang dibangun setelah masa transisi tersebut dibandingkan dengan produk hukum sebelum dan sesudah masa transisi. Dengan dua permasalahan tersebut diharapkan dapat memperlihatkan bagaimana seorang kepala negara memerintah akan mempengaruhi bentuk kebijakan yang diambil yang pastinya akan dituangkan dalam bentuk legislasi. Kesimpulan sementara adalah ada pengaruh yang signifikan antara konfigurasi politik dengan produk hukum yang dihasilkan oleh lembaga legislatif pada masa pemerintahan tersebut.

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Mubarak, M. Zaki, and Mohamad Zaini Abu Bakar. "POLITIK ISLAM MAHATHIR MOHAMMAD DI MALAYSIA DAN SOEHARTO DI INDONESIA." Al-A'raf : Jurnal Pemikiran Islam dan Filsafat 15, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.22515/ajpif.v15i1.1292.

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This study explains the role and strategy of Malaysia during Mahathir Mohammad era and Indonesia in the Soeharto era in facing their Islamists group opposition. In their early period, these two regimes used an iron cage to defeat their political enemies. Mahathir fought with the power of PAS (Parti Al-Islam Se-Malaysia) which becomes more radical in the early of 1980s; meanwhile, Suharto faced the Islamic extremist groups in the early of 1970s. Mahathir consisted to give enough spaces for competition, Suharto did not want to compromise. In its progress, these two regimes chose softer strategy by playing 'Islamic cards’ due to the double purposes: coopting the opposite and building a better image as an Islamic regime. Hence, the political project of Islamization of Mahathir and Soeharto could not be separated from the problem of domestic political contestation and an effort to look for new legitimacy. Thereby, their Islamic political projects ended differently. Due to the monetary crisis and democratic reforms in 1998 affected the Soeharto regime to step down and make an end to all of the political projects he has designed. On the contrary, the Mahathir regime has successfully survived in facing the similar crisis, so that his pro-Islamic policy has passed off although not as aggressive as in the past.

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Boden, Ragna. "The ‘Gestapu’ events of 1965 in Indonesia: New evidence from Russian and German archives." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 163, no. 4 (2008): 507–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003693.

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One of the unsolved riddles of Indonesian history in the twentieth century is the so-called Gestapu affair and its aftermath. For the murder of six army generals on the night of 30 September 1965 the Indonesian communists and President Soekarno were widely held responsible. Indonesian leftists – real and alleged – were persecuted; hundreds of thousands were killed. The longterm consequences affected Indonesian domestic as well as foreign policy: the changeover in government resulted in 30 years of rule by Soeharto; the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI, Indonesian Communist Party) and leftist organizations were banned; relations with China were severed, those with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) were reduced; and ties with Washington and the Western world intensified.

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Rochmat, Saefur. "The Fiqh Paradigm for the Pancasila State: Abdurrahman Wahid’s Thoughts on Islam and the Republic of Indonesia." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 52, no. 2 (December 26, 2014): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2014.522.309-329.

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The Republic of Indonesia was not established as a purely secular state as muslims constitute the majority of Indonesians. Indeed, they were divided into three main paradigms: secular, theocratic, and fiqh. The Pancasila state was the result of a gentlemen’s agreement amongst different muslim groups with different paradigms. The regimes of Soekarno and Soeharto considered that the Pancasila state was unique to the Indonesian character and accordingly these leaders tried to unify these different paradigms following Prof Soepomo’s idea of an integralistic state in which the state gives more power to the executive. This idea of an integralistic state is, however, alien to the secular, theocratic, and fiqh paradigms so that this failed to resolve the conflict. In this regard, Abdurrahman Wahid tries to resolve the ideological conflict by incorporating modern sciences into the fiqh paradigm. This fiqh paradigm has supported the establishment of the Republic of Indonesia, but also, according to Wahid, is able to harmonize secular and Islamic aspirations in the national political system.[Republik Indonesia tidak didirikan berdasarkan konsep murni sebuah negara sekuler karena muslim merupakan mayoritas rakyat Indonesia. Muslim Indonesia terbagi dalam tiga paradigma utama: sekular, teokratik, dan fikih. Bentuk negara Pancasila merupakan hasil kesepakatan ketiga kelompok paradigma tersebut. Regime Soekarno dan Soeharto memahami Negara Pancasila sebagai budaya asli bangsa Indonesia dan mereka berusaha menyatukan pendukung ketiga paradigma itu berdasarkan konsep negara integralistic yang diperkenalkan oleh Prof. Soepomo. Namun konsep negara integralistik ini tidak dikenal dalam ketiga paradigm itu, sehingga gagal menyelesaikan konflik. Dalam hal ini Abdurrahman Wahid berusaha menyelesaikan konflik ideologis dengan cara mengadaptasi pengetahuan modern ke dalam paradigma fikih. Paradigma fikih tidak hanya mendukung berdirinya Republik Indonesia, tetapi juga mampu mengharmoniskan aspirasi sekular dan religius dalam sistem politik nasional.]

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Hadiz, Vedi R. "Retrieving the Past for the Future? Indonesia and the New Order Legacy." Asian Journal of Social Science 28, no. 2 (2000): 11–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/030382400x00037.

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AbstractDramatic changes occurring in Indonesia since the fall of Soeharto may suggest that a complete break has taken place with the system of power and social order that was nurtured under his rule. Indeed, Indonesia has entered a new phase in its history. However, the legacy of the New Order will continue to greatly influence Indonesia's post-Soeharto social and political trajectory. One of the major features of the New Order was a system of power which prohibited the emergence of effective lower-class based movements and organizations and one in which elites were insulated from lower-class pressure. This is very important to our understanding of the future course of democratic struggles in Indonesia.

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Susilowati, Linda. "Resensi Buku MEMAKNAI “ZAMAN PERALIHAN” DI ZAMAN MILLENIAL." KRITIS 25, no. 2 (October 21, 2016): 174–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24246/kritis.v25i2p174-177.

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Zaman Peralihan adalah kumpulan tulisan Soe Hok Gie (aktivis mahasiswa Indonesia angkatan 1966) tentang kondisi Indonesia di era peralihan kekuasaan Soekarno ke Soeharto yang disunting oleh Stanley dan Aris Santoso dan diberi pengantar oleh Dr. Kuntowijoyo.

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Tanthowi, Pramono U. "Religiosity, parties and election: Islamization and democratization in post-Soeharto Indonesia." Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 2, no. 1 (June 1, 2012): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v2i1.1-27.

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The political development in Indonesian during the first decade of reform era witnesses a resurgence of Muslim politics, which had been facing a political impass during the 1970s and 1980s. In contrast to current political development in the Arab World, the resurgence of Muslim politics in Indonesia has been marching hand in hand with democratization. The blossoming of tens of Islamic political parties by no means that they speak with a single voice. Rather, political Islam is now represented by parties with more diverse platforms. Those parties are not only varied in their commitment to an Islamist agenda but also strongly divided on this agenda. Yet, they all welcome and uphold “Muslim” aspirations. As far as their performance in the 1999 and the 2004 elections is concerned, there was a significant decline for Muslim politics compared to the first democratic election of 1955. The results reflected the minority appeal of Islamism, regardless of both the fact that the majority of the Indonesians are Muslims and the fact that there has been increasing Islamic revivalism within Indonesian society.

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M.Pd, Ferdinan Bashofi. "Dinamika Politik Lokal; Sebuah Kajian Gerakan Mahasiswa 98 dan Perkembangan Politik Pasca Orde Baru di kota Malang." MAHARSI 1, no. 01 (February 28, 2019): 27–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33503/maharsi.v1i01.353.

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Dalam Negara yang manganut demokrasi partisipasi masyarakat dalam dunia pelotik tentunnya merupakan sebauah keharusan, banyak partisipasi masyarakat timbul dengan mengambil bentuk dan sifat yang bermacam-macam, di Indonesia partisipasi masyarakat dapat kita lihat pada pemilu, sedangkan pada masa orde baru bisa dikatakan partisipasi semu, barulah geliat masyarakat muncul dengan wajah gerakan mahasiswa dan setelah itu pemilu pada masa transisi demokrasi. Sejarah perkembangan Gerakan Mahasiswa (GM) di Indonesia selalu menarik karena tidak dapat dilepaskan dengan sejarah perkembangan negara Indonesia. Bahkan, keberadaan GM selalu berpengaruh pada situasi politik nasional. Meskipun sudah berkali-kali "diberangus" oleh penguasa di setiap jamannya, GM selalu muncul dengan sikap kritis dan tuntutan untuk memperbaiki keadaan politik nasional. sistem perpolitik Soeharto yang berlandaskan pada kultur jawa membawa pengaruh yang tidak baik bagi perkembangan demokrasi di Indonesia partsipasi masyarakat sangat minim. Sikap otoritarian yang susuai dengan konsep raja jawa membawa pengaruh buruk terlebih lebih saat masalah masalah dalam negeri tidak bisa di atasi dengan baik. Ketika keinginan keinginan untuk menyampaikan suara dibatasi rakyat Indonesia terutama golongan muda yakni para mahasiswa mulai menunjukkan perangai melawan pemerintah yang pada puncaknya mei 1998, yang tersebar di beberapa kota pendidikan di Indonesia salah satunya adalah Kota malang yang dikenal sebagai kota pendidikan. Di kota malang mahasiswa mulai membentuk oraganisasi organisasi seperti : Forstep FKMM, FKSMPT,dan KMM yang nantinya mulai melakukan aksi aksi menentang rezim Soeharto. Dengan runtuhnya rezim Soeharto. Terbukalah angin segar dalam melakukan demokrasi di Indonesia. Pemilu 1999 dilaksakan di Indonesia dan khususnya di Kota malang pemilu dilakukan dengan hasil yang cukup signifikan yakni partai golkar tersisihkan oleh PDI-P, dimana partai ini mengidentifikasikan diri sebagai partai wong cilik.

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Wasino, Wasino. "NASIONALISASI PERUSAHAAN-PERUSAHAAN ASING MENUJU EKONOMI BERDIKARI." Paramita: Historical Studies Journal 26, no. 1 (February 20, 2016): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/paramita.v26i1.5146.

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After Indonesia declared its independence, the management of the private companies became a big problem for a new government, Indonesia. Expropriation efforts for those western private plantation companies actually had been developed in the first year of the independence and it continued until the Dutch-Indonesian Round Table Conference. There were three processes passed through companies’ transformation of the western private plantation in Indonesia, namely decolonization, Indonesia-nization and nationalization. Nationalization was legally based on the Indonesian Ordinance number 86 1958, but the real process occured since a year ago. Therefore, Indonesia had to give financial compensation to the owner, but the reality was that this aspect was still unfinished until the end of Sukarno regime. The compensation had been continued in Suharto era and was fully paid in 2002. Setelah Indonesia menyatakan kemerdekaannya, manajemen perusahaan swasta menjadi masalah besar bagi pemerintahan baru, Indonesia. Upaya pengambilalihan bagi perusahaan perkebunan swasta Barat sebenarnya telah dikembangkan pada tahun pertama kemerdekaan dan itu berlanjut hingga Konferensi Meja Bundar Belanda-Indonesia. Ada tiga proses melewati transformasi perusahaan 'dari perkebunan swasta Barat di Indonesia, yaitu dekolonisasi, Indonesia-nization dan nasionalisasi. Nasionalisasi secara hukum berdasarkan jumlah Ordonansi Indonesia 86 tahun 1958, tetapi proses nyata terjadi sejak setahun yang lalu. Oleh karena itu, Indonesia harus memberikan kompensasi finansial kepada pemilik, tetapi kenyataannya adalah bahwa aspek ini masih belum selesai sampai akhir rezim Sukarno. Kompensasi telah berlanjut di era Soeharto dan telah dilunasi pada tahun 2002.

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Sufianto, Agustinus, Fillysca Fillysca, and Shally Joncicilia. "The Comparison Between Chinese Puppet Show and Chinese-Javanese Blend Puppet Show in Indonesia." Humaniora 2, no. 1 (April 30, 2011): 885. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/humaniora.v2i1.3108.

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Since some centuries ago, Indonesia has been one of the destinations for immigrating Chinese. When the Chinese came to Indonesia, they also brought their cultures and customs. Some of them have a cultural-cross marriage with local Indonesian and brought their cultures to be introduced to local Indonesian. When the relationship between Chinese and Indonesian became stronger in some fields such as trade, education and politic, some of Chinese cultures has been adapted by local Indonesian or has been assimilated with local cultures. This adaption process was hindered when the New Order of Soeharto government had banned all Chinese culture, including anything closely related. So, the Chinese-Javanese blend puppet show that also brings Chinese culture couldn’t get any supports and its development faces difficulties. The writer using a qualitative methodology interviewed some of Chinese-Javanese puppet show artist and observation of the puppet show performance to make a comparison between Chinese puppet show and Chinese-Javanese blend puppet show in Indonesia. Chinese-Javanese puppet show or usually can be determined as Indonesian potehi puppet Show has some differences from Chinese puppet show. The differences can be found in the making of puppet, puppet profiles, performance way and stories.

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Yanuarti, Sri. "Militer dan Pemilu-Pemilu di Indonesia." Jurnal Penelitian Politik 15, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jpp.v15i2.764.

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AbstrakDalam sepuluh tahun terakhir terjadi antusiasme di kalangan militer terlibat dalam politik kontestasi politik. Hal ini terlihat dari keterlibatan sejumlah perwira aktif maupun purnawirawan menjadi kandidat kepala daerah baik di tingkat kabupaten/kota, provinsi maupun dalam pemilihan presiden atau sekedar menjadi tim pemenangan para kasus kandidat presiden. Jumlah mereka yang mencoba keberuntungannya berkarier di bidang politik dari pemilu ke pemilu semakin banyak meskipun untuk itu terkadang mereka harus mengorbankan profesinya. Tulisan ini mencoba menganalisa, bagaimana TNI menerjemahkan posisi mereka dalam politik pada masa demokrasi, khusus pada pemilu-pemilu di Indonesia, strategi apa yang dimainkan oleh militer untuk menopang kepentingan politiknya, bagaimana dampak peran tersebut terhadap konsolidasi dan profesionalisme politik. Kata Kunci: Pemilu, Militer, Orde Baru, Orde Lama, Pasca Soeharto

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46

Booth, Anne. "Decentralisation and Poverty Alleviation in Indonesia." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 21, no. 2 (April 2003): 181–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c0127.

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Indonesia has embarked on an ambitious decentralisation programme which is aimed at empowering regional parliaments and giving them far more autonomy in formulating budgets and implementing expenditures. Beginning in the calendar (and fiscal) year 2001, the central government replaced many of the existing grants from the centre to the regions with a ‘general allocation grant’; in addition, those regions with substantial mining and forestry sectors received a share of the revenues accruing from exploitation of these resources. The author explores the background to these reforms by examining the regional grants system which developed through the Soeharto era, and the criticisms which this system attracted. The impact of the new system on both rich and poor regions is also discussed.

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Carnegie, Paul J. "Democratization and Decentralization in Post-Soeharto Indonesia: Understanding Transition Dynamics." Pacific Affairs 81, no. 4 (December 1, 2008): 515–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2008814515.

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Crouch, Harold. "Military‐civilian relations in Indonesia in the late Soeharto era." Pacific Review 1, no. 4 (January 1988): 353–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09512748808718785.

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Schulte Nordholt, Henk. "Renegotiating boundaries; Access, agency and identity in post-Soeharto Indonesia." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 159, no. 4 (2003): 550–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003742.

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Yasin, Raden Cecep Lukman. "JEMAAH ISLAMIYAH JIHADIST MOVEMENT IN INDONESIA." El-HARAKAH (TERAKREDITASI) 9, no. 2 (August 13, 2008): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/el.v9i2.4652.

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Democratic practice in the post-Soeharto era has widely opened and led to euphoria in the public life. Some social and politics activities which were previously banned are now starting to appear openly. The emergence of Islamic radical community along with their terror acts both psychological and physical which attracts people’s attention may be a cause of this openness. One of communities which is seen as the front guard of radical movement is Jemaah Islamiyah. This article explores the historical background of the aforementioned movement and its development for the last two decades. The discussion also includes the intern dispute and its metamorphosis from just being the under-ground community to be the public community. Despite so many opinions which relate the movement with the powerful Islamism influence from Mid-Eastern, this article argues that those opinions ignore the history of Islamic radical movement in the Social Politics landscape. The precise discussion about Jemaah Islamiyah shows that this community has strong local characteristics. Keran demokrasi yang terbuka lebar pasca-kejatuhan rejim Soeharto telah menciptakan euphoria dalam ruang kehidupan publik. Berbagai aktifitas sosial politik yang sebelumnya dibungkam dan disisihkan, kini mulai memadati ruang publik. Kemunculan kelompok radikal Islam yang telah banyak menyedot perhatian publik dengan aksi-aksi mereka yang bemuasa terror, psikologis maupun fisik, tidak bisa dilepaskan dari keterbukaan ini. Di antara kelompok yang dipandang sebagai garda depan gerakan radikal ini adalah Jemaah Islamiyah.Tulisan berikut berusaha menelurusi akar kemunculan gerakan tersebut dan perkembangannya sepanjang dua dekade terakhir, berikut perpecahan internal dan metamorphosis gerakan bawah tanah itu menjadi gerakan terbuka. Sementara banyak kalangan mengaitkan gerakan tersebut dengan pengaruh islamisme yang kuat dari Timur Tengah, tulisan ini menyodorkan argumentasi bahwa pandangan di atas jelas telah mengabaikan sejarah gerakan radikal Islam dalam lanskap sosial politik Indonesia. Kajian yang cermat terhadap Jemaah Islamiyah menunjukkan bahwa gerakan tersebut memiliki karakteristik lokal yang kental.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Soeharto, Indonesia Indonesia'

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