Journal articles on the topic 'Sokoto polity'

Abstract:The Sokoto caliphate in nineteenth-century northern Nigeria was an astonishing episode in the history of Africa: a huge, prosperous polity that created unity where none had existed before. Yet today its history is underexplored, sometimes ignored or even disparaged, both within Nigeria and in Europe and the U.S. Yet that history is extraordinary. Sokoto town was, and still is, an anomaly within Hausaland; built speedily on a “green-field” site as both a trading and a political center for the caliphate, it is a site of pilgrimage that to this day remains a rural town with no monumental buildings or fine edifices. As a by-product of a religious movement (jihad), Sokoto thus represents many of the dilemmas that faced and still face radically reforming Islamic groups if they expand rapidly and go to war. Thus Sokoto history remains deeply significant for modern Nigeria.

‘Uthmān b. Fūdī (d. 1817) launched a jihad in Hausaland in 1804 and was successful in establishing a strong polity known as the Sokoto Caliphate. During this jihad, the Sokoto leadership clashed not only with non-Muslims but also with those who had historically been recognized as Muslims, such as the inhabitants of Bornu, a state neighboring Hausaland. Islamic law does not, in principle, permit attacks on Muslims. Therefore, to justify the jihad, the hostile Muslims had to be branded unbelievers. For that, ‘Uthmān and his successor, Muḥammad Bello (d. 1837), developed and instituted a provision on apostasy based on the idea of muwālāt (friendship) with unbelievers. This stipulation emerged as a substantial regulation legalizing the violence committed by the Sokoto leaders on Muslims who were opposed to them both within and outside the early Caliphate.

This paper is an analysis of the implementation of adult education policy in Sokoto State, it focused mainly on finding out the effort of the Sokoto state government on the implementation of the Adult Education Policy/Programme with particular reference to funding, provision of instructional materials, staff welfare and problems encountered in the process of implementing adult education policy/programme in Sokoto State. The findings revealed that the Sokoto state government has made commendable efforts in providing transportation to the State Agency for Mass Education, for the monitoring and supervision of adult education programmes in the state. The paper also found that in the area of funding, provision of instructional materials, furniture, staff welfare and training, more effort is needed. It also revealed that the implementation of adult education programme in Sokoto state is faced with numerous problems such as inadequate funding and lack of instructional materials. The paper recommends among other things that adequate fund and instructional materials should be provided by the government.

The paper examined the level of awareness, the extent of involvement and probable obstacles to the effective implementation of the national gender policy on basic education in Sokoto State. A sample of 180 teachers was drawn from the population of teachers at the Junior Secondary School level in Sokoto Slate through a stratified random sampling technique. A questionnaire tagged Teachers Awareness and Involvement Questionnaire (TAIO) was used to obtain information from the teachers. Results of the study show that teachers in the state are not aware of the existence of the National Gender Policy in basic education, they are also not involved in the implementation of the policy. The most important obstacle to the successful implementation of the policy being teachers' insufficient knowledge of the various aspects of the policy. It was recommended among others that teachers should be given adequate training and orientation for the implementation of the policy considering the fa c t that teachers are the cornerstone of the implementation of any education policy.

AbstrakPada tahun 2020 ini, Menteri Pendidikan, Nadiem Makarim, mengeluarkan kebijakan Merdeka Belajar-Kampus Merdeka. Hal yang menarik perhatian dalam kebijakan ini adalah kegiatan belajar di luar kampus. Terdapat delapan contoh kegiatan pembelajaran di luar kampus, yang meliputi kegiatan magang atau praktik kerja, proyek di desa, mengajar di sekolah, pertukaran pelajar, penelitian, kegiatan kewirausahaan, studi/proyek independen, dan proyek kemanusisaan. Aktualisasi kegiatan ini memerlukan sebuah referensi nyata yang dapat dijadikan pedoman. Film “Sokola Rimba” menawarkan konsep kegiatan-kegiatan ini dalam penceritaan filmnya. Oleh karena itu diperlukan penelitian secara mendalam terhadap film “Sokola Rimba”. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan sinopsis film “Sokola Rimba” dan mendeskripsikan konsep pendidikan yang memerdekakan. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian deskriptif kualitatif. Subjek penelitian ini adalah film “Sokola Rimba”. Metode pengumpulan data yang digunakan adalah metode observasi dan studi literatur. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan terdapat tiga kegiatan yang divisualkan dalam film dari delapan contoh kegiatan kegiatan belajar di luar kampus, yaitu proyek kemanusiaan, proyek di desa, dan mengajar di sekolah.Kata Kunci: pendidikan, memerdekakan, film sokola rimba. AbstractIn 2020 the government issued a policy on “Merdeka Belajar-Kampus Merdeka”. The thing that attracts attention in this policy is learning activities off campus. There are eight examples of off-campus learning activities, internships or work practices, village projects, school teaching, student exchanges, research, entrepreneurial activities, independent studies / projects, and humanitarian projects. Actualization of this activity requires a real reference that can be used as a reference. The film "Sokola Rimba" visualizes the concept of these activities in the film's story. Then research is needed on the film "Sokola Rimba". This study aims to describe the synopsis of the film "Sokola Rimba" and describe the concept of liberating education. This research is a qualitative descriptive study. The subject of this research is the film "Sokola Rimba". Data collection methods used are the method of observation and study of literature. The results of this study indicate there are three activities visualized in the film from eight examples of activities outside the campus learning activities, such as humanitarian projects, projects in villages, and teaching in schools.Keywords: education, liberation, sokola rimba films.

Accountability in discharging official duties is very essential as it increases effectiveness and efficiency in service delivery. As public servants teachers are expected to demonstrate high level commitment in the teaching and learning process as this will lead to the attainment of quality education. The paper pointed out that where secondary education is of good quality, right students will be admitted into tertiary institutions of learning and subsequently, competent graduates will be produced who will work in different capacities. Literate workforce is however capable of implementing government’s policies in a more effective and efficient manner. The research employs descriptive research analysis to analyze teacher’s accountability in secondary schools of Sokoto state, Nigeria. The results showed pleasing teacher’s accountability. The paper therefore recommends that the government should intensify efforts and put in place more appropriate mechanisms including motivation and constant training and re-training of the teachers in order to maintain the tempo as this will ensure the attainment of the much needed quality education and subsequently effective implementation of government policies.

Abstract The government and other policy makers continue struggles to achieve maximum access of modern healthcare by the women in developing countries. To assist actualising such goal this study intends to examine the influence of distance to facility, time taken for travel and means of transportation (DTTf) to the health facility. Based on conceptual discussion of Behavioural Model of Health Services’ Use, over 300 targeted women aged 15 to 45 years were selected using systematic sampling in three regions of Sokoto, northern Nigeria and IBM-SPSS version 22 statistical software program was employed for data analysis in both descriptive statistics and Pearson r correlation analysis. The finding reveals that over 77 percent women are located far away distance from health facility, 2.2percent take over 5 hours of traveling before they can reach to the health centre and 35percent of women use hired motor-cycle. Also, there is strong significant relationship between antenatal care services and distance (r = 0.477 and p. < .40) correlation significant at 0.05 (2-tailed) as well as the between delivery care and PNC services. To achieve maximum women access to healthcare, relevant information aimed at proper planning for distribution of health facilities, have been provided for both government and other policy makers in developing countries.

The Sokol gymnastic movement was an important part of civil societies of Slavic nations. The first Sokol society within Yugoslavian nations (Slovenes, Croats, Serbs) was founded in 1863 in Ljubljana and in a few decades, it spread throughout the Slovene, Croatian, and Serbian territories. In the Austro-Hungarian period before WWI, Sokol valued itself as a national, liberal and emancipation-seeking movement, based on the Tyrsch’s gymnastics and national and pan-Slavic idea. In 1919, following the end of WWI and with the formation of the Yugoslav state, the national Sokol organisations merged in the centralised Yugoslav Sokol Union. The Yugoslavian state went through difficult political situations and confrontations in the first decade, which culminated in the summer of 1928 with shooting in the parliament in Belgrade. In attempting to solve the situation, King Aleksandar Karadjordjević proclaimed the so-called Sixth January Dictatorship (1929). Consequently, the government, with the approval of the King, adopted, on the 4th of December 1929, the law on establishing of a new all-state gymnastic organisation Sokol of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The new Sokol organisation, based on the Sokolism of the former Yugoslav Sokol (Sokol’s gymnastics, principles, national-liberal and Slavic idea) was constituted at the beginning of 1930. It was supported by the King and government and the King’s son, Prince Petar became the leader of the Sokol organisation. After the assassination of king Aleksandar (1934), in the filling-in period of Prince Pavle (1935-41) and government of the Prime Minister Milan Stojadinović (1935-39), Sokol of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia fell out of political grace in the western Roman-Catholic regions and it had to defend its position. Due to drasticall changes in international policy (German revisionist policy, the “Anschluss” in 1938 and the Czechoslovakian crisis in 1938/39), more militaristic practices were included in the Sokol’s professional work to preserve a free and independent state. During tense diplomatic events in March 1941, when Yugoslavia entered the Nazi- Fascist camp, Sokol supported a military putsch and stepped into the front lines of demonstrations. In that mood, Sokol faced the Nazi-Fascist attack on Yugoslavia in April 1941 and the beginning of WWII in the Yugoslav territory.

Abstract. This study assessed resource utilisation in beef cattle fattening units in Adamawa State, Nigeria, with the intent of highlighting some crucial areas that may require policy intervention for improvement. Purposive, multistage and random sampling methods were employed in selection of 270 beef cattle fatteners in the area studied. Structured questionnaire and group discussion were used in sourcing for data. The latter were analysed through descriptive statistics and efficiency methods of Data Enveloping Analysis (DEA). Results indicated that Sokoto gudali (72.60%) and Rahaji (20.00%) were the major cattle breeds adopted for fattening. While a total of 70.70% of fatteners fed bulls for a period of 4-6 months and in the open without shade (77.80%), the use of combination of crop residues and conventional feeds was the most popular (74.81%) in feeding stock in the State. Further, the most important resources were initial cost of bulls and cost of feeds with N169,056.00 and N10,559.00 per bull, respectively. Resources were found to be efficiently utilised within the beef cattle feedlot farms with Constant Return to Scale (CRS), Non-Increasing Return to Scale (NIRTS), Variable Return to Scale (VRS), Scale Efficiency (SE) and Return to Scale RTS) models mean scores of 84.44%, 84.44%, 91.48%, 84.74%, and 100%, respectively. Conclusively, it could be stated that indigenous breeds of Sokoto gudali and Rahaji were the main bulls used for fattening in the State, and a mixture of crop residues and conventional feeds was the popular plane of feeding stock, with most farms utilising resources efficiently. Stemming from the findings, soft credit facilities to accord fatteners afford initial off-setting cost of bulls and frequent extension services to same, for modernisation of beef cattle feedlot system are highly recommended.

The dryland ecosystem of Sokoto state, in the North-western part of Nigeria has been witnessing gradual loss of vegetation cover in the recent decades caused by natural and human induced drivers of ecosystem change. This negative trend poses great challenges to both the physical environment and the people of the area, particularly due to the fragile nature of the ecosystems in the region and the peoples’ over dependence on it for their livelihoods. This study tries to monitor and assess the rate of change in the spatial distribution of vegetation in the area over the time and identify the drivers responsible for changing the vegetation. This is with a view to providing evidence-based information to the policy makers that would guide them in making informed decisions that would assist in conserving the vegetation and the entire ecosystem of the area. Using multi-temporal MODIS-NDVI satellite data, image processing and GIS techniques, this research work tries to monitor and assess gradual change in vegetation cover in Sokoto state, North-western Nigeria. Correlation analysis was also used to measure the degree of relationship between vegetation change and some drivers of ecosystem change in the area. The findings of the research reveal a gradual but persistent decline in vegetation cover in the area, both during the rainy and dry seasons. This is also show a strong positive relationship with the rainfall distribution and a perfect negative relationship with the population distribution of the area. This indicate that, both climate change and anthropogenic drivers plays a significant role in changing vegetation distribution of the area. Anthropogenic drivers however, play a more significant influence. The degree of relationship is however, stronger during the dry season, making the ecosystem more vulnerable during the dry season due to increasing aridity. Although change in the vegetation cover of the area seems to be gradual and unnoticed, if left unchecked the long-term cumulative impacts could have serious negative impacts on both the structure and functions of the ecosystems of the area. This could in turn, affect the livelihoods and socio-economic development of the area.

Understanding the biosecurity risks that invasive alien insect pest species currently ravaging forest trees pose is of great importance to forest ecosystems and health. This problem has posed significant challenges to researchers, relevant stakeholders, policy makers and national biosecurity agencies worldwide. This study gives an overview of the top 15 suspected insect pest species most likely to invade or have already invaded forested habitats in order to disrupt ecosystem services and biodiversity within the borders of Nigeria through borderline states (Gombe, Jigawa, Borno, Yobe, Sokoto, Cross River and Lagos). For Nigeria as a whole, all of these top 15 pest species have already established, with identified intra- border line states having no significant effect on severity of invasions ( F1,6=0.07, P=0.910) when compared to identified inter-border line states. This study concludes that the immediate biosecurity risks from already identified invasive insect pests are greater from outside country (inter) borders of Nigeria than within state-to-state (intra) borders of Nigeria. Our findings have potentially significant implications for immediate implementation of national biosecurity forest policy Acts in compliance with Cartagena and Nagoya protocols, emphasizing the need to initiate and implement biosecurity measures simultaneously with any ongoing trans-national border interventions.
 Keywords: Biosecurity, invasive alien pest species, forests, Nigeria

Almajiri is an education system practiced in northern Nigeria whereby Almajiri pupils are only exposed to Quranic learning. For these pupils to become relevant and valuable in this modern society, the Federal Government of Nigeria formulated a formalizing their Almajiri education system and integrated Western education without jeopardizing Quranic learning. To find out if Almajiri education is not being negatively affected because of the policy, this study assessed Almajiri Integrated School Pupils' performance in Quranic subjects in Sokoto State, Nigeria. The research method employed was a descriptive survey. Using the purposive sampling technique, four schools (2 urban and 2 rural schools) where the needed data were readily available were sampled. Two hundred seventy-three (273) subjects (94 from urban and 179 from rural areas) were purposively tested for the study. Pro-forma was designed as a research instrument and collected the 2013/2014 primary 3 Promotional Examination Results. The Percentage, Mean and Standard deviation, Bar Chart, and t-test statistical tools were used for data analysis. The study revealed, among others, that the general performance of Almajiri Integrated Model School pupils in the Qur'anic subjects was below average. The paper concluded an urgent need to empirically explore factors responsible for the low performance to improve it.

Opening ParagraphIn the literature and accumulated folk wisdom of development in rural Africa there are numerous instances of government projects which are expensive, ineffective and unpopular. These include now classic failures of the past, such as the Tanganyika Groundnuts Scheme (Wood, 1950; Frankel, 1953), which are still cited as cautionary tales demonstrating the need for proper project appraisal. There are also numerous more recent examples, for the phenomenon of failure has persisted and governments and international agencies continue to implement schemes ‘little better planned than their more spectacularly misbegotten predecessors’ (Hill, 1978: 25). Among recent initiatives in sub-Saharan Africa the large-scale irrigation projects developed in northern Nigeria during the 1970s have attracted particularly extensive adverse criticism. This has focused on the social and economic impact of the introduction of irrigation and particularly on questions of land tenure (inter alia Wallace, 1979, 1980, 1981; Oculi, 1981; Adams, 1982, 1984; Palmer-Jones, 1984; Andrae and Beckman, 1985; Beckman, 1986). A number of accounts discuss technical aspects of the land survey carried out at Bakolori {Bird, 1981, 1984, 1985; Griffith, 1984), while others focus on economic problems (e.g. Etuk and Abalu, 1982). However, although economic and technical aspects of these developments have been criticised, it is the social impacts of project development and more particularly the political responses to those impacts which are of greatest interest (Wallace, 1980; Adams, 1984; Andrae and Beckman, 1985; Beckman, 1986). This paper examines the bature of the response of farmers affected by one of these schemes, the Bakolori Project in Sokoto State.

The article puts forwards the argument that there is a pervasiveanxiety among Muslims over their security, both physical and spiritual, in today's northern Nigeria. It is an anxiety partly millenarian, partly political, that seeks to recreate a stronger sense of the ‘core North’ as dar al-Islam, with notionally ‘closed’ boundaries – just as it was in the pre-colonial Sokoto Caliphate. This has led first to the re-establishment, within twelve of Nigeria's 36 states, of full shari‘a law and then to the formation of a sometimes large corps of hisba (wrongly called ‘vigilantes’) – this despite Nigeria having a constitution that both is secular and reserves to the federal government institutions like police and prisons. The article explores the various dimensions, past and present, of ‘security’ in Kano and ends with the problem of ‘dual citizenship’ where pious Muslims see themselves at the same time both as Nigerians and as members of the wider Islamic umma.

Existing works on the colonial history of Northern Nigeria are generally agreed that the emirs who reigned during the colonial era were selected by traditional methods, that is to say, by kingmakers. This article attempts to show that in the case of Sokoto Province the emirs who were appointed during the period 1903–30, though they had traditional claims to their position, were chosen by the British and not by the kingmakers. It is suggested that during this period the British were so pre-occupied with the security of their rule that they would not leave the important function of selecting emirs to the kingmakers whom they still suspected could select anti-British princes as emirs. It is argued that this policy was largely dictated by the Administration's fear of Mahdism which, up to the end of the 1920s was seen as a real danger to British rule. Thus only overtly loyal princes were elevated to emirships, regardless of whether they had the kingmakers' support or not. The British were able to do this without causing serious political unrest because the emirates were basically ‘competitive monarchies’ which left the British room for manipulation. Finally, the article suggests that, as a result of increased confidence in the security of their rule and owing to the fact that unpopular chiefs had proved to be a liability to the government, in the early 1930s the British restored the kingmakers' right to elect emirs without overdue interference by administrative officers.

Reference evapotranspiration is a key parameter in hydrological and meteorological studies and used to determine the actual water use rate for various crops. The objectives of this study were to explore trend in the grass-reference evapotranspiration (ETo) through years 1961–2011 and to identify trend in the aridity index as an indicator of change in climate in Togo. ETo was calculated using the FAO-56 Penman–Monteith method, and trends analyses were performed with non-parametric statistics proposed by Mann–Kendall and the Sen slope estimator. Results showed that annual ETo varied from 1,440 to 1,690 mm at Lomé, from 1,761 to 1,905 mm at Tabligbo, and from 1,839 to 1,990 mm at Sokode. The Mann–Kendall test revealed significant increase in annual ETo at Tabligbo (Z = 2.89) and Sokode (Z = 2.29). Annual ETo is much more stable at Lomé, with non-significant decrease. In Togo, according to the three study sites, the 1961–2011 period annual aridity index varied from 0.26 to 0.99 at Lomé, 0.38 to 0.98 at Tabligbo, and 0.45 to 1.08 at Sokode. The Mann–Kendall test revealed a declining trend in the ratio of precipitation/ETo which adversely implies an increasing severity of the aridity index at all the sites, prejudicial to rainfed agriculture practiced by about 90% of Togolese crop growers.

Livestock plays a significant role in the economy of a nation but its productivity can be hampered by numerous haemoparasites thereby leading to economic losses to the livestock industry. The prevalence of haemoparasite in cattle slaughtered at Jalingo abattoir was investigated. A total of four hundred blood samples were collected at the point of slaughter, processed, and screened for haemoparasites by examining Giemsa-stained thin blood smears. An overall prevalence of 12.25% was recorded. Four haemoparasites of cattle with prevalence rates of 5.0%, 6.75%, 0.25%, and 0.25% for Anaplasma, Babesia, Microfilaria and Trypanosoma respectively were observed. The prevalence of haemoparasite in relation to sex, revealed higher infection in females (13.75%) than in males (10.0%) which were not found statistically different (P > 0.05). All breeds encountered during the study were infected with haemoparasites with the highest prevalence of 13.91 % recorded in White Fulani, Red Bororo (10.94%), and Sokoto Gudali (10.00 %), while Adamawa Gudali had the least prevalence of 0.5%. There was no statistically significant difference in the prevalence of haemoparasite in relation to breeds (P > 0.05). High prevalence was observed in the young (14.29%) more than the adult (11.59%) and older (12.14%). The current study has revealed the haemoparasites status in cattle slaughtered at Jalingo abattoir. Therefore, there is a need for effective preventive and control policy of these haemoparasites to enhance livestock productivity.
 Keywords: Abattoir, cattle, haemoparasite, prevalence, slaughter

The Maitatsine ‘Revolution’ in NigeriaThe spate of disturbances which had the appearance of Islamic fundamentalismin Nigeria in the early eighties can be viewed as a passing phase ofunderdevelopment. This symbolizes the realities of the Third World countriesespecially the African continent, where subsequent inefficient administrationshave created a people at odds with itself, hampered by theunderdevelopment of its economy, and socio-political lives, large turn-overof regimes and governments, all of which are engaged in governmentalmismanagement, military autocracies, and democratic dictatorship. Such disturbances,if not promptly nipped in the bud, can lead to a more serious disturbancereminiscent of the war in Chad and Ogaden desert or the revolts in Shaba.Of interest here is the series of riots which took place in some states ofNorthern Nigeria spanning specifically from Kano (1980), Bulumkutu (1982)and Jimeta Yola (1984). There were scares in 1982 of the same riots in majortowns in the North including Bauchi, Jos, Zaria and Sokoto. There were alsoclashes with the police in Kaduna, the headquarters of the former NorthernRegion, where an Assistant Police Commissioner was captured by the riotersand killed!Since then, there has been an avalanche of comments by the general public,many of them trying to find the cause(s) of the unrest. These various commentsassumed such a divergent outlook that it is not easy to group them neatlyunder any general heading(s). They range from the trivial and grotesque tothe most serious; from the possible and plausible to the absurd. While somedubbed the riots as sheer religious fantacism, others thought that it was politicallymotivated; and yet athers believe that the disturbances were caused byfaceless illegal aliens; while there are also those who think they were causedby outside interests like Mossad or Al-Mafisa ...

Abstract Background After the re-emergence of serogroup C meningococcal meningitis (MM) in Nigeria and Niger, we aimed to re-evaluate the vaccination policy used to respond to outbreaks of MM in the African meningitis belt by investigating alternative strategies using a lower incidence threshold and information about neighboring districts. Methods We used data on suspected and laboratory-confirmed cases in Niger and Nigeria from 2013 to 2017. We calculated global and local Moran’s I-statistics to identify spatial clustering of districts with high MM incidence. We used a Pinner model to estimate the impact of vaccination campaigns occurring between 2015 and 2017 and to evaluate the impact of 3 alternative district-level vaccination strategies, compared with that currently used. Results We found significant clustering of high incidence districts in every year, with local clusters around Tambuwal, Nigeria in 2013 and 2014, Niamey, Niger in 2016, and in Sokoto and Zamfara States in Nigeria in 2017. We estimate that the vaccination campaigns implemented in 2015, 2016, and 2017 prevented 6% of MM cases. Using the current strategy but with high coverage (85%) and timely distribution (4 weeks), these campaigns could have prevented 10% of cases. This strategy required the fewest doses of vaccine to prevent a case. None of the alternative strategies we evaluated were more efficient, but they would have prevented the occurrence of more cases overall. Conclusions Although we observed significant spatial clustering in MM in Nigeria and Niger between 2013 and 2017, there is no strong evidence to support a change in methods for epidemic response in terms of lowering the intervention threshold or targeting neighboring districts for reactive vaccination.

ObjectiveThis study employed the Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research (CFIR) to assess factors that enhanced or impeded the implementation of community engagement strategies using the Nigerian polio programme as a point of reference.DesignThis study was a part of a larger descriptive cross-sectional survey. The CFIR was used to design the instrument which was administered through face-to-face and phone interviews as well as a web-based data collection platform, Qualtrics.SettingThe study took place in at least one State from each of the six geopolitical zones in Nigeria (Nasarawa, Borno, Kano, Sokoto, Anambra, Bayelsa, Lagos, Ondo and Oyo States as well as the Federal Capital Territory).ParticipantsThe respondents included programme managers, policy-makers, researchers and frontline field implementers affiliated with the Global Polio Eradication Initiative (PEI) core partner organisations, the three tiers of the government health parastatals (local, state and federal levels) and academic/research institutions.ResultsData for this study were obtained from 364 respondents who reported participation in community engagement activities in Nigeria’s PEI. Majority (68.4%) had less than 10 years’ experience in PEI, 57.4% were involved at the local government level and 46.9% were team supervisors. Almost half (45.0%) of the participants identified the process of conducting the PEI program and social environment (56.0%) as the most important internal and external contributor to implementing community engagement activities in the community, respectively. The economic environment (35.7%) was the most frequently reported challenge among the external challenges to implementing community engagement activities.ConclusionCommunity engagement strategies were largely affected by the factors relating to the process of conducting the polio programme, the economic environment and the social context. Therefore, community engagement implementers should focus on these key areas and channel resources to reduce obstacles to achieve community engagement goals.

AbstractThis article examines the treatment of physical drill as a curricular subject in primary schools in the Irish Free State in the period from 1922 to 1937. In particular, it assesses the reasons why its status as an obligatory subject was reduced in the mid 1920s. It will show that the availability of facilities, resources and teaching staff with suitable qualifications were all considerations, while some teachers were not physically capable of teaching the subject in the early years of the Irish Free State. In addition, a strong emphasis on the Irish language and the view that a reduced curriculum was more beneficial to learning meant that some subjects, including physical drill, were deemed optional. However, the decision to reduce the subject's status had not been supported by everyone and it was mainly the Irish National Teachers’ Organisation which was behind the move. Following its reduction from an obligatory subject to an optional one as a result of a decision taken at the Second National Programme Conference in 1926, a lack of a clear policy on the subject became evident. By the early 1930s, the subject was receiving more attention from the Irish government, which made some efforts made to integrate the Czechoslovakian Sokol system into Irish schools. In examining conflicting views on how to implement the Sokol system, and the work of Lieutenant Joseph Tichy, the man recruited to develop it within the Irish army, this article also identifies the reasons why this method of physical training was not a success in Irish schools.

The author explores the critical phenomena in modern library and information education which he regards as “ringing bells”. That is decrease of the state-financed openings in universities and specialized colleges of library and information studies; introduction of the Unified State Exam which has destroyed the system of occupational orientation at library departments; merging library departments with other departments; the problems of the faculty staffing. Arkady Sokolov identified these malignant processes as “the library school annihilation”.The author puts forward the suggestions to change the situation: restitution of Moscow State Institute of Culture as a head of professional educational institute; summoning professional conference to develop a strategy and tactics of library education; building post-graduate program to prepare professors for regional professional higher schools and colleges. The author emphasizes the critical need for the national policy for the library industry and consolidation of resources, not only those of library university department and colleges, but also the educational centers to train and retrain librarians on the premises of several major libraries.

This paper discusses the meaning beyond ma’tammu tedong of Toraja People using semiotic approach to reveal wisdom beyond it. Participant observation methods used with field notes, recording, and interview techniques completed the data collection. The ritual text of the Ma’tammu Tedong or buffalo meeting ceremony in rambu solo’ ceremony is a symbolic form, parallelism, and metaphor which also constructs the meaning of customary ritual myth. Through the ritual remarks on the seven types of buffalo in the ceremony of rambu solo’ indicating views, concepts, and motivations are used as guidelines for life for Toraja people. The result of the research shows that, (1) the customary ritual text of buffalo meeting is symbolic, parallelism, and metaphor characteristics that represent myth meaning, (2) customary ritual text of buffalo meeting is to construct myth and ideology about Toraja character value. The value of the characters is represented by the seven types of buffalo in the customary ritual ma'tammu tedong namely, (a) balian buffalo represented as a leader figure or role model; (b) bonga buffalo as torch in human life of Toraja; (c) pudu’ buffalo as guardians in maintaining the life of the Toraja; (d) todi’ buffalo as a unifier that strengthens kinship ties; (e) sokko’ buffalo describes a polite and humble person; (f) tekken langi’ buffalo as a safeguard that reconciles the Toraja over the conflict; (g) sambao’ buffalo as customary guardians for customary offenses. Those values indicate the existence of the relation between man and Almighty and man with others. Also, they strengthen the character of human life of the Toraja and nation character.

The proposed article develops the summarized report presented by the author at the conference of the Research Institute of Theory and History of Fine Arts of the Russian Academy of Arts “Image and Plot in Visual Arts. Poetics from Antiquity to Modern Times” (X.2018) dedicated to the memory of Mikhail Nikolaevich Sokolov who was a consistent and talented successor of the interpretation strategies of Erwin Panofsky’s iconological method. The author refers to a little-known article by a remarkable scientist published in one of the reprint collections of the Research Institute of the Russian Academy of Arts (1991). Sokolov’s reflections on the problems of methodology, the use of iconological analysis connected to the study of the art of modern and contemporary times, in particular, the art of social modernism, bring into focus the content of his article. Special tools are needed to answer the question on what the spiritual world of a man of the twentieth century was, how the tragic events of the century were reflected in it. The tools the researcher used relatively recently to study the artist’s relations with society, the social order, the political system, the dictate of power and its order cannot contribute to solving new issues arising today. Therefore, the need to find (to develop) a method of extracting the desired knowledge in the spiritual life of the artist of the modernist era is the prerogative. The published article is a reflection and a kind of commentary on the methodological strategies proposed by Sokolov. The correlation of his own experience of many years of work on the study of the artistic creativity of the modernist era serves as an additional argument in favour of the applicability and effectiveness of the iconological method. There is a three-part article structure. The first part deals with the aspects of Sokolov’s article. The second and third parts of the article are devoted to the iconological analysis of the works of two painters (St. Petersburg-Leningrad): the landscapes by Nikolai Protopopov (1876-1960) and the still lifes of his wife Elizabeth Uvodskaya (1875-1943). The iconological analysis of N. Protopopov’s works shows the presence of semantic subtexts, symbolic content, indicating a clear difference between the artist’s values and the stilted rhetoric of the semiofficial narrative in relation to the events. The creative work of his wife, artist Elizabeth Vladimirovna Uvodskaya, appears to be completely unresearched due to particular life circumstances: the works were lost in the flow of events of the First World War and the revolution, absorbed by the spontaneous market of the the New Economic Policy (NEP) period and lost in the post-war years. The documents, letters, diaries were used for the kindling the stove in besieged Leningrad. Elizaveta Vladimirovna died during the blockade in 1943. The artist’s analyzed still lifes are being published for the first time. The iconological method of understanding the cultural meanings and deciphering symbols helps to reveal the affirmation of another reality in the structure of the works of both artists, in their style, semantics and symbolism.

A kérdést felületesen megközelítő bűnügyi szakemberek körében sokat hangoztatott, általános nézet, hogy a bűnmegelőzési munka hatása kimutathatatlan, hiszen nem lehet megszámolni azt, ami nem történik meg. Konkrétan, ha egy bűncselekményt, valakinek az áldozattá vagy elkövetővé válását sikerül megelőzni, akkor azzal nincs dolga a hatóságoknak sem, vagyis nem keletkezik belőle rendőrségi adat, nem szerepel a bűnügyi statisztikában. Ebben a megközelítésben a bűnmegelőzési szakemberek teljesítménye értékelhetetlen. Az utóbbi években végzett, a bűnmegelőzés hatékonyságát vizsgáló felmérések azonban rámutatnak, melyek azok a szakmai tevékenységek, illetve módszerek, amelyek pozitív változásokat eredményeznek. Ilyen felmérésre – tekintettel arra, hogy magas a humán- és financiális erőforrás igénye – igen ritkán kerül sor. Mérni azonban azt is lehet és kell, mennyire voltak elégedettek a megszólított célcsoportok mindazokkal a programokkal, amelyeket a szakemberek összeállítottak és megvalósítottak. Persze jó lenne figyelemmel kísérni és mérni azt is, hogy ahol rendszeres, módszeres és a célcsoportokhoz illeszkedő a bűnmegelőzési tevékenység, ott hogyan alakulnak a bűnözési tendenciák. Ehhez azonban sokkal nagyobb kutatói apparátusra volna szükség. Ez a tanulmány a Nógrád Megyei Rendőr-főkapitányság „Biztonság mindenhol mindenkor” című – 2020. február 1. és október 31. között megvalósuló – bűnmegelőzési projektjének hatásvizsgálatát mutatja be. A kérdőívben feltett húsz kérdésre adott válaszok alapján kiderül, hogy a 11 programelem során megtartott 31 bűnmegelőzési rendezvényből álló sorozatról mi volt a megkérdezettek véleménye. A rendőrök a színes programokkal a megye tíz felzárkózó településének szerettek volna segíteni a közös biztonság növelésében. Ezúttal Bárna, Buják, Diósjenő, Érsekvadkert, Kazár, Nagybárkány, Nógrádszakál, Rimóc, Szécsény, Varsány voltak a kiválasztott résztvevők. A módszerek változatosak voltak: a kampányrendezvénytől a tréningekig terjedtek, és a gyerekektől az időskorúakig kívánták aktivizálni a résztvevőket. A kérdőíves felmérés eredménye egyértelműen pozitív fogadtatásról tanúskodik, ami biztató hír a Nógrád megyei bűnmegelőzési szakembereknek. De talán nemcsak nekik. Mások is tanulhatnak tőlük, hogyan kell komplex és ezért hatékony bűnmegelőzési programsorozatot kitalálni és véghezvinni. A projekt záróakkordja is rendhagyó volt. A Police Café módszerrel kivitelezni tervezett összegző alkalmat a koronavírus-helyzet miatt nem lehetett személyes jelenléttel megtartani, csak virtuálisan. Ily módon az első online Police Café is debütálhatott, ahol a kérdőíves felmérés eredményeit ismerhették meg az érdeklődők.

Customary ritual of rambu solo’ in Toraja is based on noble values of culture that influences life pattern of Toraja people. Current development has changed the way of life and thinking of Toraja people to customary ceremony. Basic understanding is needed in interpreting the ceremonies. This paper discusses the meaning of ritual text myth that is represented by buffalo meeting. Participant observation methods used with field notes, recording, and interview techniques completed the data collection. The data were analyzed interpretatively by semiotic approach. The ritual text of the buffalo meeting ceremony in rambu solo’ ceremony is a symbolic form, parallelism, and metaphor which also constructs the meaning of customary ritual myth. Through the ritual remarks on the seven types of buffalo in the ceremony of rambu solo’ indicating views, concepts, and motivations are used as guidelines for life for Toraja people. The result of the research shows that, (1) the customary ritual text of buffalo meeting is symbolic, parallelism, and metaphor characteristics that represent myth meaning, (2) customary ritual text of buffalo meeting is to construct myth and ideology about Toraja character value. The value of the characters is represented by the seven types of buffalo in the customary ritual ma'tammu tedong namely, (a) balian buffalo represented as a leader figure or role model; (b) bonga buffalo as torch in human life of Toraja; (c) pudu’ buffalo as guardians in maintaining the life of the Toraja; (d) todi’ buffalo as a unifier that strengthens kinship ties; (e) sokko’ buffalo describes a polite and humble person; (f) tekken langi’ buffalo as a safeguard that reconciles the Toraja over the conflict; (g) sambao’ buffalo as customary guardians for customary offenses. Those values indicate the existence of the relation between man and Almighty and man with others. Also, they strengthen the character of human life of the Toraja and nation character.

Eliot Wigginton. Sometimes a Shining Moment: The Foxfire Experience-- Twenty Years in a High School Classroom. Garden City, New York: Anchor Press/ Doubleday, 1985. Pp. xiv, 438. Cloth, $19.95. Review by Philip Reed Rulon of Northern Arizona University. Eugene Kuzirian and Larry Madaras, eds. Taking Sides: Clashing Views on Controversial Issues in American History. Vol. I: The Colonial Period to Reconstruction. Guilford , Connecticut: Dushkin Publishing Group, Inc., 1985. Pp. x, 255. Paper, $8.95. Review by Jayme A. Sokolow of the National Endowment for the Humanities. Lois W. Banner. American Beauty. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1983. Pp. ix, 369. Paper, $9.95. Review by Thomas J. Schlereth of the University of Notre Dame. Alan Heimert and Andrew Delbanco, eds. The Puritans in America: A Narrative Anthology. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985. Pp. xviii, 438. Cloth, $25.00. Review by Raymond C. Bailey of Northern Virginia Community College. Clarence L. Mohr. On the Threshold of Freedom: Masters and Slaves in Civil War Georgia. Athens and London: The University of Georgia Press, 1986. Pp. xxi, 397. Cloth, $35.00. Review by Charles T. Banner-Haley of the Frederick Douglass Institute for African and African-American Studies, University of Rochester. Francis Paul Prucha. The Indians in American Society: From the Revolutionary War to the Present. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985. Pp. ix, 127. Cloth, $15.95. Review by Darlene E. Fisher of New Trier Township High School, Winnetka, Il. Barry D. Karl. The Uneasy State: The United States from 1915 to 1945. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1983. Pp. x, 257. Paper, $7.95; Robert D. Marcus and David Burner, eds. America Since 1945. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1985. Fourth edition. Pp. viii, 408. Paper, $11.95. Review by David L. Nass of Southwest State University, Mn. Michael P. Sullivan. The Vietnam War: A Study in the Making of American Policy. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1985. Pp. 198. Cloth, $20.00. Review by Joseph L. Arbena of Clemson University. N. Ray Hiner and Joseph M. Hawes, eds. Growing Up In America: Children in Historical Perspective. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1985. Pp. xxv, 310. Cloth, $27.50; Paper, $9.95. Review by Brian Boland of Lockport Central High School, Lockport, IL. Linda A. Pollock. Forgotten Children: Parent-Child Relations from 1500 to 1900. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983. Pp. xi, 334. Cloth, $49.50; Paper, $16.95. Review by Samuel E. Dicks of Emporia State University. Yahya Armajani and Thomas M. Ricks. Middle East: Past and Present. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1986. Second edition. Pp. xiv, 466. Cloth, $16.95. Review by Calvin H. Allen, Jr of The School of the Ozarks. Henry C. Boren. The Ancient World: An Historical Perspective. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1986. Pp. xx, 407. Paper, $22.95. Review by Arthur Q. Larson of Westmar College (Ret.) Geoffrey Treasure. The Making of Modern Europe, 1648-1780. London and New York: Methuen, 1985. Pp. xvii, 647. Cloth, $35.00; Paper, $16.95. Review by Robert Lindsay of the University of Montana. Alexander Rudhart. Twentieth Century Europe. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1986. Pp. xiv, 462. Paper, $22.95. Review by Linda Frey of the University of Montana. Jonathan Powis. Aristocracy. New York: Basil Blackwell, 1984. Pp. ix, 110. Cloth, $24.95; Paper, $8.95. Review by Robert W. Brown of Pembroke State University. A. J. Youngson. The Prince and the Pretender: A Study in the Writing of History. Dover, New Hampshire: Croom Helm, Ltd., 1985. Pp. 270. Cloth, $29.00. Review Michael J. Salevouris of Webster University.

Anthony Esler. The Human Venture. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1986. Volume I: The Great Enterprise, a World History to 1500. Pp. xii, 340. Volume II: The Globe Encompassed, A World History since 1500. Pp. xii, 399. Paper, $20.95 each. Review by Teddy J. Uldricks of the University of North Carolina at Asheville. H. Stuart Hughes and James Wilkinson. Contemporary Europe: A History. Englewood Clifffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1987. Sixth edition. Pp. xiii, 615. Cloth, $35.33. Review by Harry E. Wade of East Texas State University. Ellen K. Rothman. Hands and Hearts: A History of Courtship in America. Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, 1987. Pp. xi, 370. Paper, $8.95. Review by Mary Jane Capozzoli of Warren County Community College. Bernard Lewis, ed. Islam: from the Prophet Muhammad to the Capture of Constantinople. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. Volume I: Politics and War. Pp.xxxvii, 226. Paper, $9.95. Volume II: Religion and Society. Pp. xxxix, 310. Paper, $10.95. Review by Calvin H. Allen, Jr. of The School of the Ozarks. Michael Stanford. The Nature of Historical Knowledge. New York: Basil Blackwell, 1986. Pp. vii, 196. Cloth, $45.00; paper, $14.95. Review by Michael J. Salevouris of Webster University. David Stricklin and Rebecca Sharpless, eds. The Past Meets The Present: Essays On Oral History. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1988. Pp. 151. Paper, $11.50. Review by Jacob L. Susskind of The Pennsylvania State University. Peter N. Stearns. World History: Patterns of Change and Continuity. New York: Harper and row, 1987. Pp. viii, 598. Paper, $27.00; Theodore H. Von Laue. The World Revolution of Westernization: The Twentieth Century in Global Perspective. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. Pp. xx, 396. Cloth, $24.95. Review by Jayme A. Sokolow of the National Endowment for the Humanities. Marilyn J. Boxer and Jean R Quataert, eds. Connecting Spheres: Women in the Western World, 1500 to the Present. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987. Pp. xvii, 281. Cloth, $29.95; Paper, $10.95. Review by Samuel E. Dicks of Emporia State University. Dietrich Orlow. A History of Modern Germany: 1870 to Present. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1987. Pp. xi, 371. Paper, $24.33. Review by Gordon R. Mork of Purdue University. Gail Braybon and Penny Summerfield. Out of the Cage: Women's Experiences in Two World Wars. Pandora: London and New York, 1987. Pp. xiii, 330. Paper, $14.95. Review by Paul E. Fuller of Transylvania University. Moshe Lewin. The Gorbachev Phenomenon: A Historical Interpretation. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988. Pp. xii, 176. Cloth, $16.95; David A. Dyker, ed. The Soviet Union Under Gorbachev: Prospects for Reform. London & New York: Croom Helm, 1987. Pp. 227. Cloth, $35.00. Review by Elizabeth J. Wilcoxson of Northern Essex Community College. Charles D. Smith, Palestine and the Arab-Israeli Conflict. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1988. Pp. viii, 308. Cloth, $35.00. Review by Arthur Q. Larson of Westmar College. Stephen G. Rabe. Eisenhower and Latin America: The Foreign Policy of Anticommunism. Chapel Hill & London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1988. Pp. 237. Cloth $29.95; paper, $9.95. Review by Donald J. Mabry of Mississippi State University. Earl Black and Merle Black. Politics and Society in the South. Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, 1987. Pp. ix, 363. Cloth, $25.00. Review by Donn C. Neal of the Society of American Archivists. The Lessons of the Vietnam War: A Modular Textbook. Pittsburgh: Center for Social Studies Education, 1988. Teacher edition (includes 64-page Teacher's Manual and twelve curricular units of 31-32 pages each), $39.95; student edition, $34.95; individual units, $3.00 each. Order from Center for Social Studies Education, 115 Mayfair Drive, Pittsburgh, PA 15228. Review by Stephen S. Gosch of the University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire. Media Reviews Carol Kammen. On Doing Local History. Videotape (VIIS). 45 minutes. Presented at SUNY-Brockport's Institute of Local Studies First Annual Symposium, September 1987. $29.95 prepaid. (Order from: Dr. Ronald W. Herlan, Director, Institute of Local Studies, Room 180, Faculty Office Bldg., SUNY-Brockport. Brockport. NY 14420.) Review by Herbert Janick of Western Connecticut State University.

The issue of registration of breeding animals of different breeds is dealt with by organizations that keep state books of breeding animals. In Ukraine, the functions of keeping state books of breeding animals in cattle breeding, pig breeding, sheep breeding and horse breeding belong to the powers of the minister, which ensures the formation of state policy in the field of animal husbandry. The issue of animal breeding books is relevant because it is an ongoing process that requires a set of measures aimed at registration, maintenance and promotion of domestic breeding livestock.
 The purpose of research. To monitor the state books of breeding animals (SBBA) in dairy and meat cattle breeding, sheep breeding and pig breeding for the period 2002–2010. Also, establish the number of potential females that could be entered in the stud books.
 Materials and methods of research. The material for the study was data on the presence of breeding cows of dairy and meat production, sows and ewes of breeds registered in the State Register of Breeding Subjects in Animal Husbandry (until 2009, the State Breeding Register, SBR) during 2002–2019.
 The results of research. According to the SBR, 15 dairy breeds of cattle have been registered in Ukraine. During the study period, 15 volumes of SBBA of four breeds of dairy cattle were published in Ukraine, which included information on 12331 breeding animals, including 11477 cows. The largest number of recorded breeding animals of the Ukrainian Black-and-White dairy cattle, of which 144 breeding bulls and 4989 cows, are concentrated in six volumes. In second place is the Ukrainian Red-and-White dairy cattle, namely 4554 animals. Then there is the Simmental with 871 animals, of which 809 cows, and the red steppe 1773 heads, including 1609 cows.
 It is established that 48.7% of breeding animals were born in the period from 1990 to 1999. A small proportion, namely 0.3%, are animals born before 1979, and only 24% after 2000. Younger animals are recorded in the breeding books of Ukrainian Black-and-White dairy cattle and Ukrainian Red-and-White dairy cattle, and older – in the books of the red steppe.
 Of the 14 meat breeds used in Ukraine, only 5 have breeding animals that are registered with the SBBA. The total number of meat-producing animals recorded in the SBBA is 5586, including 4649 cows.
 Of the twelve breeds of pigs bred in Ukraine, only seven breeds, namely the Ukrainian white steppe (1451 heads) and Ukrainian spotted steppe (974), Myrhorod breed (123), Great Black (181), Landrace (727), Poltava meat breed (290) and Ukrainian meat breed (300) during the study period were published state pedigree books. Half (50.7%) of all recorded breeding pigs have a year of birth before 2000. Young (born in 2000) animals are recorded in the breeding books of the Landrace breed and the Ukrainian white steppe, Ukrainian meat breed and Poltava meat breed, where their share varies from 64 to 98%.
 During the study period, 9 volumes of state books of breeding sheep were published. In addition to Tsigai (884 goals), Askanian Karakul (700), fine-wool (1168), meat-wool with crossbred wool (1917) and Sokol (443), in 2003, 2004 and 2009 3 volumes of SBBA sheep of the Prekos breed were published.
 The calculation of potential females that could be recorded in the state breeding books revealed the presence of 1251102 breeding animals, including 100796 ewes, 70678 sows, 71341 beef cows and 1008287 dairy cows.
 The largest number of potential females of different breeds in cattle breeding, sheep breeding and pig breeding in the regions of Ukraine showed a certain pattern, namely the centers for dairy cattle breeding – Vinnytsia (83395 heads), Kyiv (111650), Khmelnytsky (64667), Cherkasy (68035) regions, beef cattle breeding – Volyn (13.466 head), Chernihiv (10.907 head), sheep breeding – Kherson (13.837), Odessa (19078) and pig breeding – Dnipropetrovsk (6452), Poltava (4621).
 The main goal for calculating potential females was to try to determine the size of the breed in dairy and beef cattle, sheep breeding and pigs breeding. Because the more animals included in the breeding model, the better the results of genetic improvement. In addition, it is possible to address the dynamics of the development of breeding traits, identify successful methods of selection and selection, assessment of population and genetic parameters over time and the creation of breeding programs with breeds of farm animals.
 Conclusion. State books of breeding animals are an important element of selection. Animal information databases help to estimate the populations of domestic and transboundary breeds in general by a set of characteristics, to determine the population-genetic parameters over time and to develop programs for the improvement of farm animals. Studies have identified a significant number (1251102 heads) of breeding cows, ewes and sows, which at one time could be recorded in the breeding books of the respective breeds.

This paper examines the phenomenon of inconclusive elections witnessed in the polity since 2011 but with increased frequency since 2015, a development that has put the electoral management body on the spot light. Since the conclusion of the 2015 General elections, there have been seven off-cycle governorship elections, three of these elections in Kogi, Bayelsa and Osun state were initially declared inconclusive. In the 2019 General Election, six governorship contest in Adamawa, Bauchi, Benue, Kano, Plateau and Sokoto were determined inconclusive, this is beside the stalemate in River state. Does the increase in inconclusive elections signal progress or regression in the electoral process? What role has the ‘margin of lead’ principle and other factors such as violence play in the increased number of inconclusive elections in 2019? What are the cost and implications of the widespread nature of inconclusive elections for democratic consolidation? This paper interrogates these questions against a backdrop of mercantilist politics and a rentier economy and contends that the root cause of increased inconclusive elections is traceable to the inordinate ambitions of political gladiators and their desperation to win at all cost that is fueled by the prebendal character of the Nigerian state. The paper concludes that impersonal application of the electoral law and guidelines can only enhance the integrity of the electoral process and strengthen democracy regardless of the associated social and financial cost of inconclusive elections. The methodology is qualitative in approach, data was analysed using the thematic and content analysis style.

The study assessed the developmental impact of poverty eradication programmes in Sokoto state with particular reference to three poverty eradication programmes notably, National Poverty Eradication Programme (NAPEP), Sokoto State Poverty Reduction Agency (SPORA) and Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) project. This is with a view to investigating the degree to which the said programmes have had developmental implications vis-à-vis the target population. Using survey methods expressed in the utility of a total of 1888 household questionnaires that were personally administered, which covered the household survey; and interview (in-depth) guides designed for the key informants’ interviews in addition to focused group discussions, the study collected useful research information. Results from analysis of collected data showed that developmental impact of poverty eradication programmes proves insignificant at 0.324 which is greater than 0.05. This is due largely to the fact that chronic poverty has impacted negatively on the performance of the programmes in Sokoto state. The study concludes that among others, poverty reduction cannot be achieved through government interventions only, and that the three projects (NAPEP, SPORA and MDGs) have only marginally impacted on the development of Sokoto State as many respondents indicated. The data revealed that poverty has increased over the last ten years, as more than half of the respondents endorsed in favour of the stand implying that poverty in the State is not only widespread but chronic. In the same vein, the study has revealed that the projects are not sustainable. Based on the findings and conclusions presented above, the research recommends thus, in Sokoto today there is an urgent need to review the mode of execution of the three poverty reduction programmes. The approach of the poverty reduction programmes from the top needs to be revised. The target beneficiaries need to be involved in the policy formulation so that beneficiaries get what they want which will in turn lead to overall socio-economic development of the state. The poor should therefore be involved in all the programmes’ phases. There is the need to extend the bottom-up concept to include direct participation of benefiting communities in project identification.

Abstract Understanding the impact of changes in climatic variables on reference evapotranspiration (ETo) is important for predicting possible implications of climate change on the overall hydrology of an area. This study aimed to determine the effects of changes in ETo with respect to changes in climatic variables. In addition, the specific objective was to determine the sensitivity coefficients of ETo in seven different locations in Nigeria with distinct agroecology, namely Maiduguri (Sahel savannah), Sokoto (Sudan savannah), Kaduna (Guinea savannah), Jos (Montane), Enugu (Derived Savannah), Ibadan (tropical rainforest), and Port Harcourt (coastal). The results showed that ETo is most sensitive to changes in maximum temperature (Tmax) in Maiduguri, Sokoto, Kaduna, and Jos. In Enugu and Ibadan, ETo is most sensitive to changes in solar radiation (Rs), while in Port Harcourt, ETo is most sensitive to relative humidity (RH). Overall, based on the average annual sensitivity coefficients (SCs) of the study area, the SC is ranked in the order: RH > Rs > Tmax > U2 > Tmin. Also, the results showed positive SCs of ETo to Rs, Tmax, U2, Tmin, and negative SC for RH. This study can serve as a baseline for sustainable water management in the context of climate change and adapted to areas with a similar climate.

Background: Zoonotic Yersinia infection has been previously reported in humans and animal hosts in Nigeria, occasionally with fulminant disease. Despite earlier evidence of Yersinia pathogen circulating in human and animal populations in Nigeria, studies and suspicion index to Yersinia is below an acceptable average amongst clinicians, diagnosticians, academics and health policy officers. Methods: The Deoxycholate Citrate Agar (DCA) was used as selective media to culture Yersinia preceded by inoculation in MacConkay agar. Plates with evident growth in the differential media consistent with reported accounts for Yersinia were picked and inoculated in selective medium and left for 48 hours until growth was seen, other samples left until five days before being discarded as negative. Pure cultures were subjected to comprehensive biochemical tests standard and previously applied for diagnosis and discrimination of Yersinia species. Result: This research recorded an overall microbial prevalence of 30%. Prevalence of Yersinia enterocolitica was 18.3% and Y. pseudotuberculosis 11.7%. Male dogs presented a relative prevalence of Y.

Background: Zoonotic Yersinia infection has been previously reported in humans and animal hosts in Nigeria, occasionally with fulminant disease. Despite earlier evidence of Yersinia pathogen circulating in human and animal populations in Nigeria, studies and suspicion index to Yersinia is below an acceptable average amongst clinicians, diagnosticians, academics and health policy officers. Methods: The deoxycholate Citrate Agar (DCA) was used as a selective media to culture Yersinia, preceded by inoculation in MacConkay agar. Plates with evident growth in the differential media consistent with reported accounts for Yersinia were picked and inoculated in selective medium and left for 48 hours until growth was seen, other samples were left until five days before being discarded as negative. Pure cultures were subjected to a comprehensive biochemical test standard and previously applied for diagnosis and discrimination of Yersinia species. Result: This research recorded an overall microbial prevalence of 30%. Prevalence of Yersinia enterocolitica was 18.3% and Y. pseudotuberculosis 11.7%. Male dogs presented a relative prevalence of Y. enterocolitica 40.9% compared with 59.1% recorded for female dogs. Symptomatic dogs presented a relative prevalence of Y. enterocolitica of 86.4% and Y. pseudotuberculosis of 71.4%

Sickle Cell Anaemia is still considered the most common genetic disease worldwide, causing morbidity and mortality in Sub-Saharan Africa, Mediterranean areas, Middle East and India. Nigeria, being the most populous black nation in the world, bears its greatest burden in Sub-Saharan Africa. This study was conducted to determine the incidence of Sickle Cell Anaemia among children attending Maryam Abacha Women and Children Hospital, Sokoto. A total of one hundred (100) blood samples were examined for the disease. Out of the 100 children tested for the disease. (59%) were normal (HbAA), (35%) were carrier (HbAS) and (6%) were Sicklers (HbSS). The result based on gender showed that female has the highest percentage of the disease (5%) against male subjects with only (1%). A child between the age group 6-10 years has the highest rate of sickle cell anaemia (3%) while age group 11-15 years had the lowest rate of the infection. Improved knowledge regarding Sickle cell anaemia disease and its comprehensive care among Nigerian physicians will enhance quality of care for affected childrens and policy for regular genotype test by government and other stakeholders before marriage among Nigerians will help to prevent the disease.

Increases in human activities, land use/cover changes and urbanisation have led to continuous accumulation of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases in the atmosphere, thus threatening the efficiency of natural carbon sinks such as urban trees. This paper assessed the aboveground biomass and carbon stock of trees in Sokoto metropolis, North-Western Nigeria, using an allometric equation. The metropolis was stratified into five broad land use/cover types from which 200 sample plots of 30m × 30m were generated. Data on tree species and diameter at breast height were collected from all trees ? 5cm in diameter within the plots. A total of 722 trees belonging to 30 species in 17 genera and 14 families were identified. The trees stored 854.73 tonnes of biomass equivalent to 427.37 tonnes of carbon with the highest proportion being stored by Azadirachta indica, Mangifera indica, Adansonia digitata, and Ficus polita. There was a significant difference in tree biomass and carbon stock across the land use/cover types (F = 4.730, p < 0.001). The Green Area recorded the highest carbon density of 96.5t ha-1 while Farmland recorded the least carbon density (7.4t ha-1). Urban areas have diverse tree species that could contribute significantly to reducing global atmospheric carbon. This potential, which varies with the species, number, and size of trees, as well as land cover, can be successfully estimated using allometric equations.

Introduction: Prescription practices for malaria have been shown to influence the emergence of resistance to antimalarial drugs. Appropriate antimalarial drug use contributes to reductions in morbidity and mortality due to malaria with a consequent socioeconomic benefit, thus the success of a new malaria treatment policy would depend on the adherence of health care providers and patients to treatment recommendations. This study aimed to determine the prescribing pattern of anti-malaria in primary health care facilities in Sokoto State.
 Methods: A cross sectional study was carried-out in the Primary Health Care facilities in Sokoto State. Screening of prescription forms from the patients who presented at the outpatient clinic during the period of the study in the selected health facilities was done at the point of exit, and only those with antimalarial prescription were consecutively selected. An interviewer administered questionnaire was used to obtained brief history of the illness among 276 respondents who were enrolled in to the study. Record of Rapid Diagnostic Test (mRDT) for the diagnosis of the malaria was obtained from the patients and or their caregivers. Data were analyzed using IBM® SPSS version 20 statistical packages.
 Results: Majority 85 (30.8%) of the respondents were aged ≤ 1-10 years followed by 21-30 years 81 (29.3) Of the 276 antimalarial prescription forms obtained from the respondents, artemisinin- based combination therapy (ACT) was 166 (60.1%) and monotherapy was 110 (39.9%). The commonest artemisinin-based combination therapy prescribed for the respondents was Artemether-Lumefantrine 141 (84.9%) followed by Artesunate- Amodiaquine 16 (9.6%). The commonest oral mono-therapy prescribed was Sulphadoxine-pyrimethamine 28 (75.7%) while the most prescribed injectable monotherapy was artemether 59 (80.8%). Rapid Diagnostic Test for malaria (mRDT) was done for 274 (99.3%) respondents; those with mRDT positive were 238 (86.9%). The commonest presenting symptoms was fever 274 (99.3%) flowed by headache 225 (80.7%) and loss of appetite 215 (77.9%). 
 Conclusion: The pattern of antimalarial prescription observed in this study was mainly artemisinin-based combination therapy. However, antimalarial monotherapy is still being prescribed. There is need for regular training of the health care workers on the appropriate treatment of malaria using the national guideline for treatment of malaria. Regular supply and availability of ACTs in all health facilities across the state will ensure full compliance with national guideline for malaria treatment using ACTs.

Background: Alma Ata declaration form the bed rock that link primary health care (PHC) and health promotion to enable individuals and communities to increase control over the determinants of health. The declaration is meant to address the main health problems in the community by providing promotive, preventive, curative and rehabilitative services including visual impairment.
 Objective: To evaluate the landmark achievement of eye health promotion for prevention of visual impairment in Nigeria.
 Methods: A non-systematic review of published literatures was adopted to develop this narrative review. Literatures searches were done through PubMed, google scholar and biomed central. Search terms included primary eye care (PEC), health promotion and Nigeria. 45 articles were reviewed.
 Results: Landmark achievement includes elimination of blinding trachoma and onchocerciasis as a public health problem following the treatment of 120 million people. Evaluation of the collaboration between Sightsavers, UK and the Ministry of Health in Sokoto State (Northern Nigeria) on VISION 2020 – Right to Sight program; showed an increase in the proportion of persons aged 50 years and over without visual impairment from 54.7% in 2005 to 77.3% in 2016. The prevalence of blindness in same age range declined from an estimated 11.6% to 6.8%, severe VI from 14.2% to 4.3% and moderate VI from 19.5% to 11.4%. A reduction in the estimated all‑age blindness prevalence by more than a half from 2.0% in 2005 to approximately 0.75% in 2016 was reported. No known similar evaluation was surveyed in the southern part of Nigeria to the knowledge of the researchers. However, non-integration of eye health promotional policy into PHC have left the Nigerian population in the miry clay of sustained prevalence of avoidable visual impairment.
 Conclusion: Alma Ata Declaration called on all governments to formulate national policies, strategies and plans of action to launch and sustain primary healthcare, integration of PEC and eye health promotional policies into PHC system to reduce the public health burden of avoidable visual impairment.

IntroductionFirmly located within the discourse of visible culture as the lofty preserve of art exhibitions and museum artefacts, the noun “curate” has gradually transformed into the verb “to curate”. Williams writes that “curate” has become a fashionable code word among the aesthetically minded to describe a creative activity. Designers no longer simply sell clothes; they “curate” merchandise. Chefs no longer only make food; they also “curate” meals. Chosen for their keen eye for a particular style or a precise shade, it is their knowledge of their craft, their reputation, and their sheer ability to choose among countless objects which make the creative process a creative activity in itself. Writing from within the framework of “curate” as a creative process, this article discusses how the state banquet for Queen Elizabeth II, hosted by Irish President Mary McAleese at Dublin Castle in May 2011, was carefully curated to represent Ireland’s diplomatic, cultural, and culinary identity. The paper will focus in particular on how the menu for the banquet was created and how the banquet’s brief, “Ireland on a Plate”, was fulfilled.History and BackgroundFood has been used by nations for centuries to display wealth, cement alliances, and impress foreign visitors. Since the feasts of the Numidian kings (circa 340 BC), culinary staging and presentation has belonged to “a long, multifaceted and multicultural history of diplomatic practices” (IEHCA 5). According to the works of Baughman, Young, and Albala, food has defined the social, cultural, and political position of a nation’s leaders throughout history.In early 2011, Ross Lewis, Chef Patron of Chapter One Restaurant in Dublin, was asked by the Irish Food Board, Bord Bía, if he would be available to create a menu for a high-profile banquet (Mahon 112). The name of the guest of honour was divulged several weeks later after vetting by the protocol and security divisions of the Department of the Taoiseach (Prime Minister) and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. Lewis was informed that the menu was for the state banquet to be hosted by President Mary McAleese at Dublin Castle in honour of Queen Elizabeth II’s visit to Ireland the following May.Hosting a formal banquet for a visiting head of state is a key feature in the statecraft of international and diplomatic relations. Food is the societal common denominator that links all human beings, regardless of culture (Pliner and Rozin 19). When world leaders publicly share a meal, that meal is laden with symbolism, illuminating each diner’s position “in social networks and social systems” (Sobal, Bove, and Rauschenbach 378). The public nature of the meal signifies status and symbolic kinship and that “guest and host are on par in terms of their personal or official attributes” (Morgan 149). While the field of academic scholarship on diplomatic dining might be young, there is little doubt of the value ascribed to the semiotics of diplomatic gastronomy in modern power structures (Morgan 150; De Vooght and Scholliers 12; Chapple-Sokol 162), for, as Firth explains, symbols are malleable and perfectly suited to exploitation by all parties (427).Political DiplomacyWhen Ireland gained independence in December 1921, it marked the end of eight centuries of British rule. The outbreak of “The Troubles” in 1969 in Northern Ireland upset the gradually improving environment of British–Irish relations, and it would be some time before a state visit became a possibility. Beginning with the peace process in the 1990s, the IRA ceasefire of 1994, and the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, a state visit was firmly set in motion by the visit of Irish President Mary Robinson to Buckingham Palace in 1993, followed by the unofficial visit of the Prince of Wales to Ireland in 1995, and the visit of Irish President Mary McAleese to Buckingham Palace in 1999. An official invitation to Queen Elizabeth from President Mary McAleese in March 2011 was accepted, and the visit was scheduled for mid-May of the same year.The visit was a highly performative occasion, orchestrated and ordained in great detail, displaying all the necessary protocol associated with the state visit of one head of state to another: inspection of the military, a courtesy visit to the nation’s head of state on arrival, the laying of a wreath at the nation’s war memorial, and a state banquet.These aspects of protocol between Britain and Ireland were particularly symbolic. By inspecting the military on arrival, the existence of which is a key indicator of independence, Queen Elizabeth effectively demonstrated her recognition of Ireland’s national sovereignty. On making the customary courtesy call to the head of state, the Queen was received by President McAleese at her official residence Áras an Uachtaráin (The President’s House), which had formerly been the residence of the British monarch’s representative in Ireland (Robbins 66). The state banquet was held in Dublin Castle, once the headquarters of British rule where the Viceroy, the representative of Britain’s Court of St James, had maintained court (McDowell 1).Cultural DiplomacyThe state banquet provided an exceptional showcase of Irish culture and design and generated a level of preparation previously unseen among Dublin Castle staff, who described it as “the most stage managed state event” they had ever witnessed (Mahon 129).The castle was cleaned from top to bottom, and inventories were taken of the furniture and fittings. The Waterford Crystal chandeliers were painstakingly taken down, cleaned, and reassembled; the Killybegs carpets and rugs of Irish lamb’s wool were cleaned and repaired. A special edition Newbridge Silverware pen was commissioned for Queen Elizabeth and Prince Philip to sign the newly ordered Irish leather-bound visitors’ book. A new set of state tableware was ordered for the President’s table. Irish manufacturers of household goods necessary for the guest rooms, such as towels and soaps, hand creams and body lotions, candle holders and scent diffusers, were sought. Members of Her Majesty’s staff conducted a “walk-through” several weeks in advance of the visit to ensure that the Queen’s wardrobe would not clash with the surroundings (Mahon 129–32).The promotion of Irish manufacture is a constant thread throughout history. Irish linen, writes Kane, enjoyed a reputation as far afield as the Netherlands and Italy in the 15th century, and archival documents from the Vaucluse attest to the purchase of Irish cloth in Avignon in 1432 (249–50). Support for Irish-made goods was raised in 1720 by Jonathan Swift, and by the 18th century, writes Foster, Dublin had become an important centre for luxury goods (44–51).It has been Irish government policy since the late 1940s to use Irish-manufactured goods for state entertaining, so the material culture of the banquet was distinctly Irish: Arklow Pottery plates, Newbridge Silverware cutlery, Waterford Crystal glassware, and Irish linen tablecloths. In order to decide upon the table setting for the banquet, four tables were laid in the King’s Bedroom in Dublin Castle. The Executive Chef responsible for the banquet menu, and certain key personnel, helped determine which setting would facilitate serving the food within the time schedule allowed (Mahon 128–29). The style of service would be service à la russe, so widespread in restaurants today as to seem unremarkable. Each plate is prepared in the kitchen by the chef and then served to each individual guest at table. In the mid-19th century, this style of service replaced service à la française, in which guests typically entered the dining room after the first course had been laid on the table and selected food from the choice of dishes displayed around them (Kaufman 126).The guest list was compiled by government and embassy officials on both sides and was a roll call of Irish and British life. At the President’s table, 10 guests would be served by a team of 10 staff in Dorchester livery. The remaining tables would each seat 12 guests, served by 12 liveried staff. The staff practiced for several days prior to the banquet to make sure that service would proceed smoothly within the time frame allowed. The team of waiters, each carrying a plate, would emerge from the kitchen in single file. They would then take up positions around the table, each waiter standing to the left of the guest they would serve. On receipt of a discreet signal, each plate would be laid in front of each guest at precisely the same moment, after which the waiters would then about foot and return to the kitchen in single file (Mahon 130).Post-prandial entertainment featured distinctive styles of performance and instruments associated with Irish traditional music. These included reels, hornpipes, and slipjigs, voice and harp, sean-nόs (old style) singing, and performances by established Irish artists on the fiddle, bouzouki, flute, and uilleann pipes (Office of Public Works).Culinary Diplomacy: Ireland on a PlateLewis was given the following brief: the menu had to be Irish, the main course must be beef, and the meal should represent the very best of Irish ingredients. There were no restrictions on menu design. There were no dietary requirements or specific requests from the Queen’s representatives, although Lewis was informed that shellfish is excluded de facto from Irish state banquets as a precautionary measure. The meal was to be four courses long and had to be served to 170 diners within exactly 1 hour and 10 minutes (Mahon 112). A small army of 16 chefs and 4 kitchen porters would prepare the food in the kitchen of Dublin Castle under tight security. The dishes would be served on state tableware by 40 waiters, 6 restaurant managers, a banqueting manager and a sommélier. Lewis would be at the helm of the operation as Executive Chef (Mahon 112–13).Lewis started by drawing up “a patchwork quilt” of the products he most wanted to use and built the menu around it. The choice of suppliers was based on experience but also on a supplier’s ability to deliver perfectly ripe goods in mid-May, a typically black spot in the Irish fruit and vegetable growing calendar as it sits between the end of one season and the beginning of another. Lewis consulted the Queen’s itinerary and the menus to be served so as to avoid repetitions. He had to discard his initial plan to feature lobster in the starter and rhubarb in the dessert—the former for the precautionary reasons mentioned above, and the latter because it featured on the Queen’s lunch menu on the day of the banquet (Mahon 112–13).Once the ingredients had been selected, the menu design focused on creating tastes, flavours and textures. Several draft menus were drawn up and myriad dishes were tasted and discussed in the kitchen of Lewis’s own restaurant. Various wines were paired and tasted with the different courses, the final choice being a Château Lynch-Bages 1998 red and a Château de Fieuzal 2005 white, both from French Bordeaux estates with an Irish connection (Kellaghan 3). Two months and two menu sittings later, the final menu was confirmed and signed off by state and embassy officials (Mahon 112–16).The StarterThe banquet’s starter featured organic Clare Island salmon cured in a sweet brine, laid on top of a salmon cream combining wild smoked salmon from the Burren and Cork’s Glenilen Farm crème fraîche, set over a lemon balm jelly from the Tannery Cookery School Gardens, Waterford. Garnished with horseradish cream, wild watercress, and chive flowers from Wicklow, the dish was finished with rapeseed oil from Kilkenny and a little sea salt from West Cork (Mahon 114). Main CourseA main course of Irish beef featured as the pièce de résistance of the menu. A rib of beef from Wexford’s Slaney Valley was provided by Kettyle Irish Foods in Fermanagh and served with ox cheek and tongue from Rathcoole, County Dublin. From along the eastern coastline came the ingredients for the traditional Irish dish of smoked champ: cabbage from Wicklow combined with potatoes and spring onions grown in Dublin. The new season’s broad beans and carrots were served with wild garlic leaf, which adorned the dish (Mahon 113). Cheese CourseThe cheese course was made up of Knockdrinna, a Tomme style goat’s milk cheese from Kilkenny; Milleens, a Munster style cow’s milk cheese produced in Cork; Cashel Blue, a cow’s milk blue cheese from Tipperary; and Glebe Brethan, a Comté style cheese from raw cow’s milk from Louth. Ditty’s Oatmeal Biscuits from Belfast accompanied the course.DessertLewis chose to feature Irish strawberries in the dessert. Pat Clarke guaranteed delivery of ripe strawberries on the day of the banquet. They married perfectly with cream and yoghurt from Glenilen Farm in Cork. The cream was set with Irish Carrageen moss, overlaid with strawberry jelly and sauce, and garnished with meringues made with Irish apple balsamic vinegar from Lusk in North Dublin, yoghurt mousse, and Irish soda bread tuiles made with wholemeal flour from the Mosse family mill in Kilkenny (Mahon 113).The following day, President McAleese telephoned Lewis, saying of the banquet “Ní hé go raibh sé go maith, ach go raibh sé míle uair níos fearr ná sin” (“It’s not that it was good but that it was a thousand times better”). The President observed that the menu was not only delicious but that it was “amazingly articulate in terms of the story that it told about Ireland and Irish food.” The Queen had particularly enjoyed the stuffed cabbage leaf of tongue, cheek and smoked colcannon (a traditional Irish dish of mashed potatoes with curly kale or green cabbage) and had noted the diverse selection of Irish ingredients from Irish artisans (Mahon 116). Irish CuisineWhen the topic of food is explored in Irish historiography, the focus tends to be on the consequences of the Great Famine (1845–49) which left the country “socially and emotionally scarred for well over a century” (Mac Con Iomaire and Gallagher 161). Some commentators consider the term “Irish cuisine” oxymoronic, according to Mac Con Iomaire and Maher (3). As Goldstein observes, Ireland has suffered twice—once from its food deprivation and second because these deprivations present an obstacle for the exploration of Irish foodways (xii). Writing about Italian, Irish, and Jewish migration to America, Diner states that the Irish did not have a food culture to speak of and that Irish writers “rarely included the details of food in describing daily life” (85). Mac Con Iomaire and Maher note that Diner’s methodology overlooks a centuries-long tradition of hospitality in Ireland such as that described by Simms (68) and shows an unfamiliarity with the wealth of food related sources in the Irish language, as highlighted by Mac Con Iomaire (“Exploring” 1–23).Recent scholarship on Ireland’s culinary past is unearthing a fascinating story of a much more nuanced culinary heritage than has been previously understood. This is clearly demonstrated in the research of Cullen, Cashman, Deleuze, Kellaghan, Kelly, Kennedy, Legg, Mac Con Iomaire, Mahon, O’Sullivan, Richman Kenneally, Sexton, and Stanley, Danaher, and Eogan.In 1996 Ireland was described by McKenna as having the most dynamic cuisine in any European country, a place where in the last decade “a vibrant almost unlikely style of cooking has emerged” (qtd. in Mac Con Iomaire “Jammet’s” 136). By 2014, there were nine restaurants in Dublin which had been awarded Michelin stars or Red Ms (Mac Con Iomaire “Jammet’s” 137). Ross Lewis, Chef Patron of Chapter One Restaurant, who would be chosen to create the menu for the state banquet for Queen Elizabeth II, has maintained a Michelin star since 2008 (Mac Con Iomaire, “Jammet’s” 138). Most recently the current strength of Irish gastronomy is globally apparent in Mark Moriarty’s award as San Pellegrino Young Chef 2015 (McQuillan). As Deleuze succinctly states: “Ireland has gone mad about food” (143).This article is part of a research project into Irish diplomatic dining, and the author is part of a research cluster into Ireland’s culinary heritage within the Dublin Institute of Technology. The aim of the research is to add to the growing body of scholarship on Irish gastronomic history and, ultimately, to contribute to the discourse on the existence of a national cuisine. If, as Zubaida says, “a nation’s cuisine is its court’s cuisine,” then it is time for Ireland to “research the feasts as well as the famines” (Mac Con Iomaire and Cashman 97).ConclusionThe Irish state banquet for Queen Elizabeth II in May 2011 was a highly orchestrated and formalised process. From the menu, material culture, entertainment, and level of consultation in the creative content, it is evident that the banquet was carefully curated to represent Ireland’s diplomatic, cultural, and culinary identity.The effects of the visit appear to have been felt in the years which have followed. Hennessy wrote in the Irish Times newspaper that Queen Elizabeth is privately said to regard her visit to Ireland as the most significant of the trips she has made during her 60-year reign. British Prime Minister David Cameron is noted to mention the visit before every Irish audience he encounters, and British Foreign Secretary William Hague has spoken in particular of the impact the state banquet in Dublin Castle made upon him. Hennessy points out that one of the most significant indicators of the peaceful relationship which exists between the two countries nowadays was the subsequent state visit by Irish President Michael D. Higgins to Britain in 2013. This was the first state visit to the United Kingdom by a President of Ireland and would have been unimaginable 25 years ago. The fact that the President and his wife stayed at Windsor Castle and that the attendant state banquet was held there instead of Buckingham Palace were both deemed to be marks of special favour and directly attributed to the success of Her Majesty’s 2011 visit to Ireland.As the research demonstrates, eating together unites rather than separates, gathers rather than divides, diffuses political tensions, and confirms alliances. It might be said then that the 2011 state banquet hosted by President Mary McAleese in honour of Queen Elizabeth II, curated by Ross Lewis, gives particular meaning to the axiom “to eat together is to eat in peace” (Taliano des Garets 160).AcknowledgementsSupervisors: Dr Máirtín Mac Con Iomaire (Dublin Institute of Technology) and Dr Michael Kennedy (Royal Irish Academy)Fáilte IrelandPhotos of the banquet dishes supplied and permission to reproduce them for this article kindly granted by Ross Lewis, Chef Patron, Chapter One Restaurant ‹http://www.chapteronerestaurant.com/›.Illustration ‘Ireland on a Plate’ © Jesse Campbell BrownRemerciementsThe author would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their feedback and suggestions on an earlier draft of this article.ReferencesAlbala, Ken. The Banquet: Dining in the Great Courts of Late Renaissance Europe. 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A politician’s political and personal selves have been in the spotlight of academic scholarship for hundreds of years, but only in recent years has a political ‘persona’ obtained new modes of mediation via networked media. New advancements in politics, technology, and media brought challenges to the traditional politics and personal self-representation of major leaders. Vladimir Putin’s divorce announcement in June 2013, posed a new challenge for his political self-mediation. A rather reserved leader (Loshak), he nonetheless broadcast his personal news to the large audience and made it in a very peculiar way, causing the media professionals and public to draw parallels with Soviet-era mediated politics and thereby evoke collective memories. This paper studies how Vladimir Putin’s divorce announcement was constructed and presented and also what response and opinion threads—satirical and humorous, ignorant and informed feedback—it achieved via media professionals and the general Twitter audience. Finally, this study aims to evaluate how Vladimir Putin’s political ‘persona’ was represented and perceived via these mixed channels of communication.According to classic studies of mediated political persona (Braudy; Meyrowitz; Corner), any public activity of a political persona is considered a part of their political performance. The history of political marketing can be traced back to ancient times, but it developed through the works of Renaissance and Medieval thinkers. Of particular prominence is Machiavelli’s The Prince with its famous “It is unnecessary for the prince to have all the good qualities I have enumerated, but it is very necessary to appear to have them” (cited in Corner 68). All those centuries-built developments and patterns of political self-representation have now taken on new forms as a result of the development of media industry and technology. Russian mediated politics has seen various examples of new ways of self-representation exercised by major politicians in the 2010s. For instance, former president Dmitry Medvedev was known as the “president with an iPad” (Pronina), as he was advocating technology and using social networks in order to seem more approachable and appear to be responsive to collecting feedback from the nation. Traditional media constantly highlighted Medvedev’s keen interest in Facebook and Twitter, which resulted in a growing public assumption that this new modern approach to self-representation may signify a new approach to governance (see Asmolov).Goffman’s classic study of the distinction between public and private life helps in linking political persona to celebrity persona. In his view the political presentation of self differs from the one in popular culture because politicians as opposed to entertainers have to conform to a set of ideals, projections, social stereotypes and cultural/national archetypes for their audience of voters (Goffman; Corner). A politician’s public persona has to be constantly reaffirming and proving the values he or she is promoting through their campaigns. Mediations of a political personhood can be projected in three main modes: visual, vocal, and kinetic (Ong; Mayhew; Corner). Visual representation follows the iconic paintings and photography in displaying the position, attitude, and associative contexts related to that. Vocal representation covers both content and format of a political speech, it is not only the articulated message, but also more important the persona speaking. Ong describes this close relation of the political and personal along with the interrelation of the message and the medium as “secondary orality”—voice, tone and volume make the difference. The third mode is kinetic representation and means the political persona in action and interaction. Overlapping of different strategies and structures of political self-representation fortifies the notion of performativity (Corner and Pels) in politics that becomes a core feature of the multidimensional representation of a mediated political self.The advancement of electronic media and interactive platforms has influenced political communication and set the new standard for the convergence of the political and personal life of a politician. On its own, the President Clinton/Monica Lewinsky affair raised the level of public awareness of the politician’s private life. It also allowed for widely distributed, contested, and mediated judgments of a politician’s personal actions. Lawrence and Bennett in their study of Lewinsky case’s academic and public response state that although the majority of American citizens did not expect the president to be the moral leader, they expressed ambivalence in their rendition of the importance of “moral leadership” by big politicians (438). The President Clinton/Lewinsky case adds a new dimension to Goffman and Corner’s respective discussions on the significance of values in the political persona self-representation. This case proves that values can not only be reinforced by one’s public persona, but those values can be (re)constructed by the press or public opinion. Values are becoming a contested trait in the contemporary mediated political persona. This view can be supported by Dmitry Medvedev’s case: although modern technology was known as his personal passion, it was publicised only with reference to his role as a public politician and specifically when Medvedev appeared with an iPad talking about modernisation at major meetings (Pronina). However, one can argue that one’s charisma can affect the impact of values in public self-representation of the politician. In addition, social networks add a new dimension to personified publicity. From Barack Obama’s ‘Yes We Can’ networked campaign in 2008 and through many more recent examples, we are witnessing the continuing process of the personalisation of politics (Corner and Pels). From one point of view, audiences tend to have more interest and sympathy in political individuals and their lifestyles rather than political parties and their programmes (Lawrence and Bennett; Corner and Pels). It should be noted that the interest towards political individuals does not fall apart from the historical logics of politics; it is only mediated in a new way. Max Weber’s notion of “leadership democracy” proves that political strategy is best distributed through the charismatic leadership imposing his will on the audience. This view can be strengthened by Le Bon’s concept of emotive connection of the leader and his crowd, and Adorno’s writings on the authoritarian personality also highlight the significance of the leader’s own natural and mediated persona in politics. What is new is the channels of mediation—modern audiences’ access to a politician’s private life is facilitated by new forms of media interactivity (Corner and Pels). This recent development calls for the new understanding of “persona” in politics. On one hand, the borderline between private and public becomes blurred and we are more exposed to the private self of a leader, but on the other hand, those politicians aware of new media literacy can create new structures of proximity and distance and construct a separate “persona” online, using digital media for their benefit (Corner and Pels). Russian official politics has developed a cautious attitude towards social networks in the post-Medvedev era - currently, President Vladimir Putin is not known for using social networks personally and transmits his views via his spokesperson. However, his personal charisma makes him overly present in digital media - through the images and texts shared both by his supporters and rivals. As opposed to Medvedev’s widely publicised “modernisation president” representation, Putin’s persona breaks the boundaries of limited traditional publicity and makes him recognised not only for his political activity, but looks, controversial expression, attitude to employees, and even personal life. That brings us back to Goffman, Corner and Lawrence and Bennett’s discussions on the interrelation of political values and personal traits in one’s political self-representation, making it evident that one’s strong personality can dominate over his political image and programme. Moreover, an assumption can be made that a politician’s persona may be more powerful than the narrative suggested by the constructed self-representation and new connotations may arise on the crossroads of this interaction.Russian President Divorce Announcement and Collective MemoryVladimir Putin’s divorce announcement was broadcast via traditional media on 6 June 2013 as a simple news story. The state broadcasting company Vesti-24 sent a journalist Polina Yermolayeva from their news bulletin to cover Vladimir Putin and Lyudmila Putin’s visit to a ballet production, Esmeralda, at the state Kremlin theatre. The news anchor’s introduction to the interview was ordinarily written and had no hints of the upcoming sensation. After the first couple and the journalist had discussed their opinion of the ballet (“beautiful music,” “flawless and light moves”), the reporter Yermolayeva suddenly asked: “You and Lyudmila are rarely seen together in public. Rumour has it that you do not live together. It is true?” Vladimir Putin and his wife exchanged a number of rather pre-scripted speeches stating that the first couple was getting a divorce as the children had grown old enough, and they would still stay friends and wished each other the best of luck. The whole interview lasted 3:25 minutes and became a big surprise for the country (Loshak; Sobchak).When applying the classification of three modes of political personhood (Corner; Ong) to Vladimir Putin’s divorce announcement, it becomes evident that all three modes—visual, vocal, and kinetic—were used. Television audiences watched their president speak freely to the unknown reporter, explain details of his life in his own words so that body language also was visible and conveyed additional information. The visual self-representation harkens back to classic, Soviet-style announcements: Vladimir Putin and Lyudmila Putina are dressed in classic monochrome suit and costume with a skirt respectively. They pose in front of the rather dull yet somewhat golden decorations of the Kremlin Theatre Hall, the walls themselves reflecting the glory and fanfare of the Soviet leadership and architecture. Vladimir Putin and his wife both talk calmly while Lyudmila appears even more relaxed than her husband (Sobchak). Although the speech looks prepared in advance (Loshak), it uses colloquial expressions and is delivered with emotional pauses and voice changes.However, close examination of not only the message but the medium of the divorce announcement reveals a vast number of intriguing symbols and parallels. First, although living in the era of digital media, Vladimir Putin chose to broadcast his personal news through a traditional television channel. Second, it was broadcast in a news programme making the breaking news of the president’s divorce, paradoxically, quite a mundane news event. Third, the semiotic construction of the divorce announcement bore a lot of connotations and synergies to the conservative, Soviet-style information distribution patterns. There are a few key symbols here that evoke collective memories: ballet, conservative political report on the government, and the stereotype of a patriarchal couple with a submissive wife (see Loshak; Rostovskiy). For example, since the perestroika of the 1990s, ballet has been widely perceived as a symbol of big political change and cause of public anxiety (Kachkaeva): this connotation was born in the 1990s when all channels were broadcasting Swan Lake round the clock while the White House was under attack. Holden reminds us that this practice was applied many times during major crises in Soviet history, thus creating a short link in the public subconscious of a ballet broadcast being symbolic of a political crisis or turmoil.Vladimir Putin Divorce: Traditional and Social Media ReceptionIn the first day after the divorce announcement Russian Twitter generated 180,000 tweets about Vladimir Putin’s divorce, and the hashtag #развод (“divorce”) became very popular. For the analysis that follows, Putin divorce tweets were collected by two methods: retrieved from traditional media coverage of Twitter talk on Putin’s divorce and from Twitter directly, using Topsy engine. Tweets were collected for one week, from the divorce announcement on 6 June to 13 June when the discussion declined and became repetitive. Data was collected using Snob.ru, Kommersant.ru, Forbes.ru, other media outlets and Topsy. The results were then combined and evaluated.Some of those tweets provided a satirical commentary to the divorce news and can be classified as “memes.” An “Internet meme” is a contagious message, a symbolic pattern of information spread online (Lankshear and Knobel; Shifman). Memes are viral texts that are shared online after being adjusted/altered or developed on the way. Starting from 1976 when Richard Dawkins coined the term, memes have been under media scholarship scrutiny and the term has been widely contested in various sciences. In Internet research studies, memes are defined as “condensed images that stimulate visual, verbal, musical, or behavioral associations that people can easily imitate and transmit to others” (Pickerel, Jorgensen, and Bennett). The open character of memes makes them valuable tools for political discourse in a modern highly mediated environment.Qualitative analysis of the most popular and widely shared tweets reveals several strong threads and themes round Putin’s divorce discussion. According to Burzhskaya, many users created memes with jokes about the relationship between Vladimir Putin and Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev. For instance, “He should have tied up his relationship with Dmitry Anatolyevich long ago” or “So actually Medvedev is the case?” were among popular memes generated. Another collection of memework contained a comment that, according to the Russian legislation, Putin’s ex-wife should get half of their wealth, in this case—half of the country. This thread was followed by the discussion whether the separation/border of her share of Russia should use the Ural Mountains as the borderline. Another group of Twitter users applied the Russian president’s divorce announcement to other countries’ politics. Thus one user wrote “Take Yanukovich to the ballet” implying that Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovich (who was still a legitimate president in June 2013) should also be taken to the ballet to trigger changes in the political life in Ukraine. Twitter celebrity and well-known Russian actress and comedian Tatiana Lazareva wrote “In my opinion, it is a scam”, punning on the slang meaning of the word “razvod” (“divorce”) in Russian that can also mean “fraud” or “con”. Famous Russian journalist Dmitry Olshansky used his Twitter account to draw a historical parallel between Putin and other Russian and Soviet political leaders’ marital life. He noted that such Russian leaders as Tsar Nikolay the Second and Mikhail Gorbachev who loved their wives and were known to be good husbands were not successful managers of the state. In contrast, lone rulers of Russia such as Joseph Stalin proved to be leaders who loved their country first and gained a lot of support from their electorate because of that lonely love. Popular print and online journalist Oleg Kashin picked up on that specific idea: he quoted Vladimir Putin’s press secretary who explained that the president had declared that he would now spend more time working for the prosperity of the country.Twitter users were exchanging not only 140 symbol texts but also satirical images and other visual memes based on the divorce announcement. Those who suggested that Vladimir Putin should have divorced the country instead portrayed Lyudmila Putina and Vladimir holding candles and wearing funereal black with various taglines discussing how the country would now be split. Other users contributed visual memes jamming the television show Bachelor imagery and font with Vladimir Putin’s face and an announcement that the most desirable bachelor in the country is now its president. A similar idea was put into jammed images of the Let’s Get Married television show using Vladimir Putin’s face or name linked with a humorous comment that he could try those shows to find a new wife. One more thread of Twitter memes on Putin’s divorce used the name of Alina Kabaeva, Olympic gymnast who is rumoured by the press to be in relationship with the leader (Daily Mail Reporter). She was mentioned in plenty of visual and textual memes. Probably, the most popular visual meme (Burzhskaya; Topsy) used the one-liner from a famous Soviet comedy Ivan Vasylievich Menyaet Professiyu: it uses a joyful exclamation of an actress who learns that her love interest, a movie director, is leaving his wife so that the lovers can now fly to a resort together. Alina Kabaeva, the purported love interest of Putin, was jammed to be that actress as she announced the “triumphal” resort vacation plan to a girlfriend over the phone.Vladimir Putin’s 2013 divorce announcement presented new challenges for his personal and political self-representation and revealed new traits of the Russian president’s interaction with the nation. As the news of Vladimir and Lyudmila Putin’s divorce was broadcast via traditional media in a non-interactive television format, commentary on the event advanced only through the following week’s media coverage and the massive activity on social networks. It has still to be examined whether Vladimir Putin’s political advisors intentionally included many symbols of collective memory in the original and staid broadcast announcement. However, the response from traditional and social media shows that both Russian journalists and regular Twitter users were inclined to use humour and satire when discussing the personal life of a major political leader. Despite this appearance of an active counter-political sphere via social networks, the majority of tweets retrieved also revealed a certain level of respect towards Vladimir Putin’s privacy as few popular jokes or memes were aggressive, offensive or humiliating. Most popular memes on Vladimir Putin’s divorce linked this announcement to the political life of Russia, the political situation in other countries, and television shows and popular culture. Some of the memes, though, advanced the idea that Vladimir Putin should have divorced the country instead. The analysis also shows how a charismatic leader can affect or reconstruct the “values” he represents. In Vladimir Putin’s divorce event, his personality is the main focus of discussion both by traditional and new media. However, he is not judged for his personal choices as the online social media users provide rather mild commentary and jokes about them. The event and the subsequent online discourse, images and texts not only identify how Putin’s politics have become personified, the research also uncovers how the audience/citizenry online often see the country as a “persona” as well. Some Internet users suggested Putin’s marriage to the country; this mystified, if not mythologised view reinforces Vladimir Putin’s personal and political charisma.Conclusively, Vladimir Putin’s divorce case study shows how political and private persona are being mediated and merged via mixed channels of communication. 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