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Journal articles on the topic 'Somali-Ethiopian Conflict'
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1
Van Hauwermeiren, Remco. "The Ogaden War: Somali women’s roles." Afrika Focus 25, no. 2 (February 25, 2012): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-02502003.
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In 1977 Somalia invaded Ethiopia hoping to seize the Ogaden, an Ethiopian region predominantly inhabited by ethnic Somali. Histories of this event are rare and focus exclusively on the political and military aspects of the conflict. This is not surprising given the Cold War backdrop of the conflict. This article, however, shifts the focus away from the political towards the personal. Focus here is on the different roles Ogadeni women took up in the Somali-Ethiopian war, also known as the Ogaden war. Through interviews with former actors in the conflict it became clear that women occupied a range of roles in the war, varying from victims or care-givers to active participants in militias and front-line combat. In conflicts today, Somali women still retain many of these roles. Originally some Somalis did oppose this state of affairs, today most seem to have accepted the phenomenon of female actors in the Ogaden war, even though that approval can be linked with a political agenda. Both Ogadeeni and Somali women were active in the war, transcending Somali clan lines along the way. Accounts of the women interviewed illustrate the effects of their choice to participate in the Ogaden war.
2
Khazanov, Anatoliy. "Ethiopian-Somali Conflict of 1977—1978." Новая и новейшая история, no. 1 (2019): 223–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640002058-1.
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Bekele Bayu, Takele. "Factors of Ethnic Conflict in the Ethiopian Federation." Religación. Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades 6, no. 29 (July 31, 2021): e210804. http://dx.doi.org/10.46652/rgn.v6i29.804.
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Since 1991 Ethiopia has made a change in thinking favoring federalism against the centralized hierarchical power to radically respond to the problem of diversity and better recognize and accommodate the country's ethnolinguistic and cultural diversity. Paradoxically, Ethiopia had experienced more ethnic-based conflict in its post-1991 existence than ever before. Among others, the Somali-Oromo conflict is the worst ethnic-based conflict in the country’s history. Though the two communities, have a long tradition of co-existence and strong socio-cultural integrations due to their shared Muslim-Cushitic identity, economic interdependence, and shared cultural practices; antagonistic relationships, and intermittent conflicts due to resource competition, territorial expansion, bad governance, and other factors have prevailed in the last three decades. It is the objective of this paper, therefore, to investigate and analyze factors of ethnic conflict along the shared border of the Somali and Oromia regional administrations, specifically Bable and Bobas districts, within the context of Ethiopian federalism. Methodologically, the study employed a comparative research approach and made use of key informant interview and survey questionnaires' techniques in gathering the relevant data, and in effect, both qualitative and quantitative data interpretation and analysis methods were utilized in the analysis section. The findings of this study demonstrate that the Somali-Oromo conflict is complex & dynamics and the result of the interplay of historical, institutional/structural/political, economic, socio-cultural, and environmental factors. Furthermore, the result of the study reveals that major drivers of ethnic conflict in both areas are similar.
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Hussein, Wael Nasser, and Ali Hussein Nimr. "Saudi Diplomacy Towards the Somali-Ethiopian Border War 1982 - 1988." International Journal of Religion 5, no. 10 (June 3, 2024): 535–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.61707/r4wyw827.
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The aim of the research is to identify the role of Saudi diplomacy vis-à-vis the 1982-1988 Somali-Ethiopian border war, particularly since the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea are particularly important in Saudi security thinking; The conflicts in the Horn of Africa region represented an important source of security threat to the region's neighbours, particularly Saudi Arabia, because every conflict that erupted in the region had implications for Saudi Arabia; By virtue of the long coastal boundary on the Red Sea.
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Beyene, Fekadu. "Natural Resource Conflict Analysis among Pastoralists in Southern Ethiopia." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 12, no. 1 (April 2017): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2017.1284605.
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This paper examines resource-related conflict among pastoralists in southern Ethiopia, specifically the Somali and Oromo ethnic groups. It applies theories of property rights, environmental security and political ecology to discuss the complexity of the conflict, using narrative analysis and conflict mapping. Results reveal that the conflict results from interrelated cultural, ecological and political factors. The systems of governance, including the setting up of regions on an ethnic basis and associated competition for land and control of water-points, have contributed to violent conflict between the two ethnic groups. The creation of new administrative units (kebeles) close to regional boundaries has exacerbated the conflict. Moreover, change in land use, prompted by insecure property rights to communal land, rather than expected increase in economic benefits has caused conflicts among the clans of the Oromo. The findings suggest Ethiopian authorities support the functioning of traditional access options, successful operation of customary courts and penalising opportunistic actors to address inter-ethnic conflicts. Applying land use and administration guidelines and empowering customary authorities would reduce the incidence of inter-clan conflict.
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Bekele Bayu, Takele. "Ethnic conflict in Ethiopia: Federalism as a cause and solution." Religación. Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades 6, no. 30 (November 30, 2021): e210832. http://dx.doi.org/10.46652/rgn.v6i30.832.
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Adopted in 1991, ethnic federalism indeed paved the way for the recognition, accommodation, and institutionalization of ethnocultural diversity for the first time in the country’s history since its modern existence. What is equally important is, the practice of ethnic federalism complicated state-society and inter-group relationships creating a favorable environment for ethnic confrontation and conflict to take place in the country threatening national unity, eroded century-old values of coexistence, a hard ethnic boundary where administrative boundaries are served as political and ethnic differentiators like the Oromo and Somali conflict over contested boundaries. Territorial recognition, and institutionalization of ethnicity gave room for the emergence of ‘ethnic like and ethnic others’ thinking, made minorities in different regions victims of politics and failed to provide sound accommodation mechanisms from them, severely restricted people’s constitutional rights including the right to mobility and right to work, created room for the re-emergence of secessionist tendency. Hence, ethnic federalism while solving old problems of ethnic inequality and injustice; has created new problems of ethnic tensions and conflict across Ethiopia. It is the purpose of this study to investigate how and why federalism is being considered as the source of ethnic conflicts in the Ethiopian context. The study adopted a qualitative comparative approach while FGDs and key informant interviews were used to gather data. The finding of the study shows that though multinational federation plays an irreplaceable role to accommodate and institutionalize ethnocultural diversity, the notion and implementation of federalism instigate ethnic conflict in the Ethiopian context.
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Katumanga, Musambayi chrisanthus. "0,4° au nord de l’équateur : une souveraineté à l’abandon." Politique africaine 70, no. 1 (1998): 22–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polaf.1998.6126.
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0,4° north of the equator : sovereignty in a state of neglect. In the regions North of the Equator, the Kenyan State has left all sovereignty to warlords who use their control of a territory to terrorise neighbours and steal their livestock. In the West, the Pokots have remained unpunished and become the unquestioned masters of the livestock theft which supplies the markets of the rebellions in Uganda and Southern Sudan. In the East, the taking of sides of the regime in the Somali conflict and the fear of the Ethiopian threat leave the way clear for the most murderous feuds between different armed factions.
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Woldearegay, Amanuel Gebru. "Interstate Media Wars: The Experience of the Ethiopian Federation." Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 10, no. 2 (December 13, 2022): 59–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v10i2.345.
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The present study interrogates the interstate media wars that erupted following the emergence of relational troubles among the parties of Ethiopia’s coalition: the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). Data from archives and interviews were used to understand the causes and characteristics of the media wars that were mostly fought out on television and other mass media. Findings show that the states used offensive and defensive strategies that included delegitimation, narrativisation and moralisation. Findings further indicate that the most open media war involved the Somali and Oromia states, which used Facebook as their major platform to express an open political hostility relating to their ethnoterritorial disputes in the earliest phases of the conflict. The present study highlights the potential dangers of inflammatory state media deployment in the context of fractured and fragile federations.
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Desportes, Isabelle, Hone Mandefro, and Dorothea Hilhorst. "The humanitarian theatre: drought response during Ethiopia's low-intensity conflict of 2016." Journal of Modern African Studies 57, no. 1 (March 2019): 31–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x18000654.
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AbstractThis article aims to rekindle the debate on the politics of aid in the increasingly common – yet still under-studied – authoritarian and low-intensity conflict settings, detailing the case of Ethiopia in 2016, when a 50-year drought coincided with a wave of protests and a state of emergency. During four months of qualitative fieldwork in 2017, state, civil society, Ethiopian and international actors were approached – from humanitarian headquarters to communities in the Amhara, Oromiya and Somali regions. Research participants relayed stark discrepancies between the humanitarian theatre's ‘frontstage’, where disaster responders showcase an exemplary response, and its ‘backstage’, where they remove their frontstage masks and reflect on the information, the decision-making monopoly of the state and the intrusion of conflict dynamics into the humanitarian response. In humanitarian research and in policy, a collective conversation is necessary on where to draw the line between respect for governments’ sovereignty and the intrusion of humanitarian principles.
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Mohamed, Abduselam Abdulahi. "Pastoralism and Development Policy in Ethiopia: A Review Study." Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal) : Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 4 (November 6, 2019): 01–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/birci.v2i4.562.
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Pastoralism is a culture, livelihoods system, extensive use of rangelands. It is the key production system practiced in the arid and semi-arid dryland areas. Recent estimates indicate that about 120 million pastoralists and agro-pastoralists life worldwide, of which 41.7% reside only in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). Pastoralists live in areas often described as marginal, remote, conflict prone, food insecure and associated with high levels of vulnerability. Pastoral communities of Ethiopia occupy 61% of the total land mass and 97% of Ethiopian pastoralists found in low land areas of Afar, Somali, Oromiya, and SNNPR. In spite pastoral areas have significance role in national economy, yet very little consideration was given to pastoral development and policy makers often neglect them, focusing on the interests of agriculture and urban people. The constitution of Ethiopia gives pastoral communities the right to free land grazing, fair use of natural resources, have market access and receive fair price, and not displaced from their own lands. However, pastoralists have faced new problems in recent years, including competition for water and pasture; unrepresented in socio-economic and political activities, ethnic based conflicts, poverty, and uneven drought and climate changes. The government of Ethiopia began large scale efforts to develop the pastoral areas and initiated different projects, but pastoral development policies and strategies seem to be state centrally-driven. In Ethiopia the current nature of pastoralism and pastoral communities’ life style is changing. Therefore, government needs to develop policies and strategies which are based on local customs and practical knowledge.
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Bakewell, Oliver, and Caitlin Sturridge. "Extreme Risk Makes the Journey Feasible: Decision-Making amongst Migrants in the Horn of Africa." Social Inclusion 9, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 186–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v9i1.3653.
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This article explores how some potential migrants in the Horn of Africa incorporate the prospects of extreme danger into their journeys. It draws on evidence from qualitative interviews and focus group discussions with over 400 respondents, mainly from Ethiopian and Somali communities. It shows that the risks of migration within the Horn of Africa are often well known, thanks to strong migrant networks and improved mobile communications. Indeed, migrants may be better informed of the risks of the journey than they are about their prospects of securing a good living upon arrival. However, rather than discouraging people’s migration, high risk may open up new possibilities. This article supports this argument with two examples. First, as Yemen descended into civil war, the breakdown of state control created new opportunities to move undetected, notwithstanding the threat of injury and death. This helps explain why the number of Ethiopians passing through Yemen increased with the conflict, contrary to expectations. Second, some young Somalis are soliciting the services of smugglers to help them move towards Europe, knowing that they are likely to be abused and held for ransom en route. They gamble on their captors’ demands being met by family members, who would not otherwise have endorsed or paid for their journey. These findings challenge common assumptions about risk and decision-making, and suggests that some migrants may move because of, rather than in spite of, the risks involved. It also calls into question initiatives that seek to deter migration by raising awareness about the risks of the journey.
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Alexey, Antoshin. "Ural Military Officers in the Horn of Africa of the Cold War Era and Their Memoirs: Perceptions of Local Military Conflicts and the Formation of the Refugee Problem." ISTORIYA 13, no. 3 (113) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840020226-7.
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The article is devoted to the problem of local military conflicts in the Horn of Africa region of the Cold War era. The author focuses on the perception of these conflicts (first of all, the Somali-Ethiopian war of 1977—1978) by Soviet military officers, whose life turned out to be connected with the Urals. Particular attention is paid to the memoirs of the captain of the air defense forces Leonid Bersenev, who served in Somalia in 1974—1976. The article uses the theoretical developments of Russian specialists who are engaged in the analysis of the psychological and value attitudes of Soviet combatants in local military conflicts in the second half of the 20th century. The article analyzes the living conditions of Soviet officers in Africa in the 1970s, the specifics of their stay in Somalia, Ethiopia and other countries of the region, shows the features of their relationship with the local population. Considerable attention is paid to Captain L. Bersenev’s perception of the Somali regime of S. Barre and its relations with the Soviet Union and China. The author argues that Soviet military personnel made a significant contribution to Ethiopia’s victory over Somalia in 1978. At the same time, the Somali-Ethiopian war is shown in the context of general political processes in the countries of the Horn of Africa during the Cold War era. The conclusion is substantiated that local military conflicts have become the most important factor in the formation of the problem of refugees and displaced persons, which by the end of the 20th — beginning of the 21st centuries became one of the most acute in African countries.
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Zeleke, Wondim Tiruneh. "Leading Factors for the Somalian Invasion of Ogaden: Foreign Intervention, and the Ethiopian Response (1977-1978)." International Journal of Social Science Studies 6, no. 6 (May 25, 2018): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v6i6.3301.
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The main objective of this paper is to assess the historical out line on the Dynamics of Conflict and Intervention in North -East Africa: The Case Study on the Second Ethio- Somalian (Ogaden) War of 1977-1978. Hence, the Ogaden war, a brief but costly war fought between Ethiopia and Somalia that ended by the defeat of Somalia and her withdrawal in January, 1978 was seen differently by different sides. Opposing foreign intervention in civil wars has also been a central phenomenon of international politics. The war was aggravated by outsiders for many years and in 1970s, above all by the superpowers, namely, the USA and USSR, and also by their contingents. At the heart of the issues underlying the War in the Horn of Africa lie three legacies of the past: namely; European colonial rule; Somali irredentism; and superpowers intervention/ Afyare Abdi Elmi and Abdullahi Barise; 2006:45/. This conflict can be viewed as a meaningless tragedy for the people of the Horn of Africa in general and Somalia in particular. I argue that competition for resources and power, repression by the military regime and the colonial legacy are the background causes of the conflict. Politicized clan identity, the availability of weapons and the presence of a large number of unemployed youth have exacerbated the problem. With regard to the obstacles to peace, we contend that Ethiopia’s hostile policy, the absence of major power interest, lack of resources and the warlords’ lack of interest in peace are the major factors that continue to haunt the Somali peace process. Finally, the study propose ambitious peace-building mechanisms that attempt to address the key areas of security, political governance, economic development and justice in order to build a durable peace in Somalia.
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Erlich, Haggai. "IDENTITY AND CHURCH: ETHIOPIAN–EGYPTIAN DIALOGUE, 1924–59." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 1 (February 2000): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800021036.
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In June 1959, Emperor Haile Sellassie of Ethiopia paid a visit to President Gamel Abdel Nasser of the United Arab Republic, during which the two leaders aired matters of acute strategic importance. Several issues, some touching the very heart of ancient Ethiopian–Egyptian relations, were in the stages of culmination. These included a bitter dispute over the Nile waters (some four-fifths of the water reaching Egypt originates in Ethiopia1), the emergence of an Arab-inspired Eritrean movement, Egyptian support of Somali irredentism, the Ethiopian alliance with Israel, the future of Pan-African diplomacy, and Soviet and American influences.2 Both leaders did their best to publicly ignore their conflicts. They were able to use a rich, though polarized, reservoir of mutual images in their speeches to emphasize the dimensions of old neighborliness and affinity.3 In a joint announcement issued during the farewell party of 28 June, they even underlined a common policy of non-alignment. Though they hinted at the issues mentioned earlier in all their public speeches, they refrained from referring to one culminating historical drama.4 On that very same day, in the main Coptic church of Cairo, the Egyptian Coptic Patriarch Kyrillos VI had ceremonially appointed the head of the Ethiopian church, Abuna Baselyos, as a patriarch in the presence of Haile Sellassie and Egyptian officials. In so doing, he declared the Orthodox Ethiopian church autocephalous, and for the first time since the early 4th century, the Ethiopian church had become independent of the Egyptian church.
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Van Hauwermeiren, Remco. "The Ogaden War: Somali women’s roles." Afrika Focus 25, no. 2 (September 14, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/af.v25i2.4944.
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In 1977 Somalia invaded Ethiopia hoping to seize the Ogaden, an Ethiopian region predominantly inhabited by ethnic Somali. Histories of this event are rare and focus exclusively on the political and military aspects of the conflict. This is not surprising given the Cold War backdrop of the conflict. This article, however, shifts the focus away from the political towards the personal. Focus here is on the different roles Ogadeni women took up in the Somali-Ethiopian war, also known as the Ogaden war. Through interviews with former actors in the conflict it became clear that women occupied a range of roles in the war, varying from victims or care-givers to active participants in militias and front-line combat. In conflicts today, Somali women still retain many of these roles. Originally some Somalis did oppose this state of affairs, today most seem to have accepted the phenomenon of female actors in the Ogaden war, even though that approval can be linked with a political agenda. Both Ogadeeni and Somali women were active in the war, transcending Somali clan lines along the way. Accounts of the women interviewed illustrate the effects of their choice to participate in the Ogaden war. Key words: Ogaden, Somalia, Ethiopia, gender, women’s history
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"Somalia." International Review of the Red Cross 30, S1 (December 1990): 28–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400083315.
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In 1990, the ICRC was the only humanitarian organization with a regular presence in northern Somalia, where the conflict between government forces and the SNM continued unabated. The fighting compounded ethnic tensions, leading to an extremely complicated situation where the various Somali tribes in the area found themselves aligned with the combatant groups; the circumstances of the conflict were rendered still more complex by the presence of thousands of Ethiopian refugees in the area.
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"Africa—Asia—Latin America—Middle East." International Review of the Red Cross 28, no. 265 (August 1988): 390–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400074192.
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At the beginning of June the ICRC was compelled to put an end to its protection and assistance operations in aid of the victims of drought and conflict in the provinces of Eritrea, Tigray, Gondar and Wollo. In the interest of these victims, the ICRC sought agreement from the donor governments to transfer its foodstocks and logistic means in Ethiopia to other organizations. This was done after the Ethiopian authorities had confirmed the decisions conveyed to the ICRC in April and May and forced the ICRC to withdraw all its expatriate staff involved in the assistance operation. The ICRC nevertheless maintained a presence in Ethiopia to continue its activities on behalf of Somali prisoners of war. This aspect of its work, which falls within the Geneva Conventions, had not been called in question by the Ethiopian Government.
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Pieterse, Pieternella. "Conducting rapid research to aid the design of a health systems governance intervention in the Somali Region of Ethiopia." Frontiers in Sociology 7 (September 8, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.3389/fsoc.2022.947970.
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IntroductionThe rapid research described in this chapter was conducted as an assignment for a UN agency in Ethiopia's Somali Region. The agency's aim was support the implementation of an interim citizen engagement intervention, with a view of supporting of the Ethiopian Government's Citizen Score Card at primary healthcare facilities and hospitals in future. Many health facilities in Somali Region struggle with budget shortages related to ineffective budget planning and budget execution at woreda health office levels. In this context, an intervention to first improve budget accountability, through the implementation of citizen audits, was proposed.MethodologyThe rapid study focused on five woredas (districts) within Somali Region, where interviews were conducted with the heads of woreda health offices. In the same five woredas, directors of healthcare facilities were interviewed and offices and healthcare facilities were observed. The framework of assessment and analysis was based on health systems literature on fragile and conflict affected states guided the questions for the health authorities and health facility management.FindingsThe research yielded five distinct mini case studies covering woreda health office planning and budgeting capacity and support (or lack thereof), and related impressions of challenges regarding healthcare delivery at health facilities in the same five woredas.ResultsThe findings demonstrated that the capacity for healthcare planning and budgeting Somali Region at woreda level varied significantly and that little guidance was available from regional level health authorities. Frontline health services clearly suffered from budget shortages as a result.ConclusionThe research provided an evidence base for the delay of the roll-out of the Community Scorecard implementation across Somali Region. In a context whereby health facilities remain under-resourced due to budgeting constraints, a citizen-service provider-focused accountability intervention would have been of limited utility. The rapid case study research, conducted by condensing the usual case study research process, allowed for the production of evidence that was “robust enough” to demonstrate heterogeneity and challenges regarding budgeting quality across the five research sites. This evidence clearly transcended the hitherto anecdotal evidence that woreda-level health budget planning remains an area that faces significant shortcomings.
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Muhumed, Ahmed, and Saleh Ahmed. "Educational inequality in the Kebribeyah Somali refugee camp in Ethiopia: an autoethnography." Journal of International Humanitarian Action 7, no. 1 (January 3, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s41018-021-00109-4.
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AbstractDue to the Somali Civil War of 1991, more than 10,000 Somali refugees resettled in Kebribeyah, a town in the Somali region of Ethiopia. For nearly three decades, the local and resettled refugee communities shared the resources the region had to offer, adopted a new common cultural norm, and fostered some levels of social cohesions. It is the education sector, however, that caused social conflicts and hatred between resettled Somalis and the native Somali-Ethiopians. Currently, the education of Somali refugee children is funded by various international organizations, such as the United Nations. On the contrary, the local Somali-Ethiopian children pay their way to schools which leads to poor educational experiences. Using autoethnography as the research method, this article examines the formation of educational gaps between the local and refugee children. Findings suggest that educational inequality can exist between refugee and host communities, if not properly managed, and can ultimately impact social cohesion and stability in the refugee-hosting regions.
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Ismagilova, Roza. "Afars of Ethiopia in the system of ethnic federalism." Journal of the Institute for African Studies, September 20, 2018, 126–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2018-43-2-126-146.
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The article pioneers the analyses of the results of ethnic federalism introduced in Ethiopia in 1991 – and its influence on Afar. Ethnicity was proclaimed the fundamental principle of the state structure. The idea of ethnicity has become the basis of official ideology. The ethnic groups and ethnic identity have acquired fundamentally importance on the political and social levels . The country has been divided into nine ethnically-based regions. The article exposes the complex ethno-political and economic situation in the Afar State, roots and causes of inter- and intra-ethnic relations and conflicts with Amhara, Oromo, Tigray and Somali-Issa, competition of ethnic elites for power and recourses. Alive is the idea of “The Greater Afar”which would unite all Afar of the Horn of Africa. The protests in Oromia and Amhara Regions in 2015–2017 influenced the Afar state as welll. The situation in Ethiopia nowadays is extremely tense. Ethiopia is plunging into serious political crisis. Some observers call it “the beginning of Ethiopian spring”, the others – “Color revolution”