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1

Ingiriis, Mohamed Haji. "The Making of the 1990 Manifesto: Somalia’s Last Chance for State Survival." Northeast African Studies 12, no. 2 (October 1, 2012): 63–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41931314.

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Abstract The Somali elites’ attempt in 1990 to save their society from dissolution has been all but forgotten since Somalia’s government collapsed in 1991; their failure remains a neglected theme in Somali studies. This study examines an attempt made months before the fall of the Somali military regime in January 1991. The study treats such a community-led endeavor as a mused chance that Somalia could have been prevented from plunging into a complete collapse, the phenomenon of all against all that is yet prevalent in Somalia. It departs the quesúon of what can the history of the final months before the ’civil’ war tell us about the alternatives that local actors envisioned? The study argues that to seek a solution to what is currently occurring in Somalia, a glance of history is necessary.
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2

Gele, Abdi A., Bente P. Bø, and Johanne Sundby. "Attitudes toward Female Circumcision among Men and Women in Two Districts in Somalia: Is It Time to Rethink Our Eradication Strategy in Somalia?" Obstetrics and Gynecology International 2013 (2013): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2013/312734.

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Somalia has the highest global prevalence (98%) of female circumcision (FC), and, despite a long history of abandonment efforts, it is not clear as to whether or not these programmes have changed people’s positive attitudes toward the practice. Against this background, this paper explores the attitudes of Somalis living in Hargeisa and Galkayo districts to the practice of FC.Methods. A purposive sampling of 24 Somalis, including activists and practitioners, men and women, was conducted in Somalia. Unstructured interviews were employed to explore the participants' knowledge of FC, their attitudes toward the continuation/discontinuation of the practice, and the type they want to continue or not to continue.Result. The findings of this qualitative study indicate that there is a strong resistance towards the abandonment of the practice in Somalia. The support for the continuation of Sunna circumcision is widespread, while there is a quite large rejection of Pharaonic circumcision.Conclusion. Therefore, since the “zero tolerance policy” has failed to change people’s support for the continuation of the practice in Somalia, programmes that promote the pinch of the clitoral skin and verbal alteration of status, with the goal of leading to total abandonment of FC, should be considered for the Somali context.
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3

Omar, Yusuf Sheikh. "The Role of Islam in Peace and Development in Somalia (Continuity and Change)." Religions 13, no. 11 (November 9, 2022): 1074. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13111074.

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Since 11 September 2001, Islam has been viewed as a threat to global stability rather than as a potential factor for peacebuilding and development. Therefore, most studies on Islam have been framed around security. Although research on the security threat posed by Islamist extremists is understandable, the main purpose of this study is to explore and give more attention to positive and continued contributions of Islamic faith to Somalia’s history and its current situation. To date, Islam has had an enormous constructive impact on Somali society at different stages of its history. It has strengthened peace capacity and development aspects such as literacy, socio-economic factors, justice, urbanisation, common identity and shared future aspirations, which have risen above clan divisions. In terms of methods, this study employs descriptive and analytical research methodologies. In conclusion, despite the current negative interpretation, activities, and actions attributed to the extremist Islamist groups in Somalia and beyond, Islam, on the other hand, has contributed enormously to civilising Somalis, shaping their common identity, nurturing a culture of peace, and improving social development. As it has been in the past, it maintains the potential to provide for Somalia’s future stability and prosperity.
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4

Holla, Abel Bennett. "Fractured Ties: Power Competition and Politics Influencing Security Strategies of Kenya and Somalia in the Horn of Africa Region." Path of Science 7, no. 6 (June 30, 2021): 1010–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.22178/pos.71-6.

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Kenya and Somalia share a common pre- and post-colonial history, and both countries have a substantial ethnic Somali population. They also share a resource-rich marine boundary, which has been the centre of controversy as each country claims it. Additionally, both Kenya and Somalia are critical players in the Horn of Africa region. Their security relations will to a significant extent, determine the peace and stability of the region. Although the consideration of power competition could primarily shape Somalia's security strategy in the Horn of Africa region, the role of domestic politics and economic factors in Somalia's strategic thinking cannot be discounted. Kenya has primarily adopted a pragmatic approach to managing her relations with Somalia over the past decade. With Kenya and Somalia sharing a long porous border, which is frequented by al-Shabaab and other insurgent groups, it is expected that skirmishes will erupt as forces on either side tackle security threats. Other pertinent issues affecting the Kenya-Somalia relations include increased piracy, unlicensed, illegal and unreported fishing along the Gulf of Aden alongside toxic waste dumping in the area. To ensure that these activities are controlled and curtailed, there is a need for solid cooperation, notwithstanding the long-simmering differences between the two nations. Based on a wide range of sources, this article examines salient issues contributing to simmering tension between Kenya and Somalia. It also provides a critical evaluation of Kenya's perceptions of Somalia and their implications.
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5

KAPTEIJNS, LIDWIEN. "DISCOURSE ON MORAL WOMANHOOD IN SOMALI POPULAR SONGS, 1960–1990." Journal of African History 50, no. 1 (March 2009): 101–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853708003927.

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ABSTRACTThis article is a study of Somali popular songs of the period 1960–90, which opened with the establishment of the Somali national state and ended with its collapse. It focuses on these songs as a discursive site in which a particular dilemma of the new Somali state clearly comes into focus, namely the desire to be ‘modern’, while at the same time turning to ‘tradition’ (i.e. a particular construction of Somali cultural authenticity and traditional religious morality) to mark and anchor a new Somali collective self-understanding and communal identity. The discursive push-and-pull of ‘modernity’ and ‘tradition’ evident in the songs expresses itself specifically in debates about moral womanhood – that is to say, about what ‘good’ women should be like. Since the collapse of the state in 1991, Somali discourses about common public identity and gender norms have undergone dramatic change, with the sites of popular culture multiplying, especially outside of Somalia, and accessible through the internet. Although an interpretation of Islam that distances itself from Somali ‘tradition’ has been gaining importance as a source of legitimization, as is evident both in the struggle over the state in Somalia and in everyday life in Somalia and the diaspora, this is not a major concern in the Somali popular songs from the period after 1991. It was born auspiciously this flag raised above usWe will not differentiate among any SomalisSince none of us are closer to it than the others,Let us be equal in front of our flag(Waa samo ku dhalayoo calanka noo saaranSoomaali oo dhan, kala sooci maynoUma kala sokeynno, ha loo sinnaado)Somali popular song, articulating the hope of Somali unity and equality, sung by Faduumo Abdillaahi ‘Maandeeq’ in the early 1960s
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6

Omaar, Rakiya. "Somalia." Current History 91, no. 565 (May 1, 1992): 230–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1992.91.565.230.

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7

Maren, Michael. "Somalia." Current History 95, no. 601 (May 1, 1996): 201–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1996.95.601.201.

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8

Menkhaus, Ken. "Somalia." Current History 97, no. 619 (May 1, 1998): 220–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1998.97.619.220.

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9

Essa, Fawzia Osman, Abdulai Abukari, and Byabashaija Deusdedit. "Educators’ Perceptions and Curriculum History in Somalia." Scholars Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 9, no. 9 (September 11, 2021): 417–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.36347/sjahss.2021.v09i09.005.

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This study analysed the connection between educators’ perceptions and curriculum history of secondary schools in Somalia. With the utilisation of descriptive research design, a self administered questionnaire and an interview guide were employed to collect information which was used to achieve the specific objective of assessing the effect of educators’ perceptions on curriculum history of secondary schools in Somalia . The study adopted a mixed methods paradigm with descriptive research design , quantitative and qualitative approaches. A sample of 300 participants were chosen using Slovene’s formula. Data was collected using survey questionnaire and interview schedule and analyzed using descriptive statistics and chi-square test for quantitative data and thematic sythesis was used for analyzing qualitative data .The study findings established a significant relationship between educators’ perceptions and curriculum history of secondary schools in Somalia . The study concluded by proposing a model that can assist policy-makers in Somalia to change current history curricula to construct one that supports a Somalia national identity . From the study findings, the researcher recommended that using a humanistic approach to curriculum evaluation in post-conflict contexts may help teachers to explore people’s perceptions, attitudes, and beliefs.
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10

Barnes, Cedric. "The Somali Youth League, Ethiopian Somalis and the Greater Somalia Idea,c.1946–48." Journal of Eastern African Studies 1, no. 2 (July 2007): 277–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531050701452564.

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11

Essa, Fawzia Osman, and Byabashaija Deusdedit. "Post War Education and Curriculum History in Somalia." Scholars Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 9, no. 8 (August 25, 2021): 363–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.36347/sjahss.2021.v09i08.004.

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This study assessed the correlation between post war education and curriculum history of secondary schools in Somalia. With the use of descriptive research design, a survey questionnaire and an interview schedule were utilized to garner data which was used to answer the research question on how post war education leads to curriculum history of secondary schools with an aim of developing a new curriculum to address contemporary issues in education such as helping address the current identity crisis in Somalia. The study adopted a descriptive research design with quantitative and qualitative approaches. A sample of 300 respondents were selected using Slovene’s formula. Data was collected using questionnaire and interview guide and analyzed using descriptive statistics and Pearson’s chi-square statistical test for quantitative data and thematic analysis was used for analyzing qualitative data .The study findings established a significant relationship between post war education and curriculum history in Somalia . The study concluded that post war education has awakened people in Somalia that a relevant curriculum is essential for national development. From the study findings, the researcher recommended that there is a need for a new history curriculum. An integrated thematic instructional model was proposed to deliver a new content and narrative that seeks to develop social cohesion and reconciliation in order to reconstruct national identity in post-conflict Somalia.
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12

Alexey, Antoshin. "Ural Military Officers in the Horn of Africa of the Cold War Era and Their Memoirs: Perceptions of Local Military Conflicts and the Formation of the Refugee Problem." ISTORIYA 13, no. 3 (113) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840020226-7.

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The article is devoted to the problem of local military conflicts in the Horn of Africa region of the Cold War era. The author focuses on the perception of these conflicts (first of all, the Somali-Ethiopian war of 1977—1978) by Soviet military officers, whose life turned out to be connected with the Urals. Particular attention is paid to the memoirs of the captain of the air defense forces Leonid Bersenev, who served in Somalia in 1974—1976. The article uses the theoretical developments of Russian specialists who are engaged in the analysis of the psychological and value attitudes of Soviet combatants in local military conflicts in the second half of the 20th century. The article analyzes the living conditions of Soviet officers in Africa in the 1970s, the specifics of their stay in Somalia, Ethiopia and other countries of the region, shows the features of their relationship with the local population. Considerable attention is paid to Captain L. Bersenev’s perception of the Somali regime of S. Barre and its relations with the Soviet Union and China. The author argues that Soviet military personnel made a significant contribution to Ethiopia’s victory over Somalia in 1978. At the same time, the Somali-Ethiopian war is shown in the context of general political processes in the countries of the Horn of Africa during the Cold War era. The conclusion is substantiated that local military conflicts have become the most important factor in the formation of the problem of refugees and displaced persons, which by the end of the 20th — beginning of the 21st centuries became one of the most acute in African countries.
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13

Ali Abdirahman, Ahmed. "National security of Somalia and it’s challenges." ТЕНДЕНЦИИ РАЗВИТИЯ НАУКИ И ОБРАЗОВАНИЯ 70, no. 7 (2021): 112–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/lj-02-2021-273.

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Ongoing armed conflict, insecurity, lack of state protection, and recurring humanitarian crises exposed Somali civilians to serious abuse. There are an estimated 2.6 million internally displaced people (IDPs), many living unassisted and vulnerable to abuse. Somalia's history of conflict reveals an intriguing paradox--namely, many of the factors that drive armed conflict have also played a role in managing, ending, or preventing war.
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14

Bryden, Matt. "Can Somalia Salvage Itself?" Current History 105, no. 691 (May 1, 2006): 225–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2006.105.691.225.

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15

Ward, Warren. "Psychiatric Morbidity in Australian Veterans of the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Somalia." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry 31, no. 2 (April 1997): 184–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/00048679709073819.

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Objective: Since World War II, an increasing number of soldiers have been deployed in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping forces. However, little is known about the psychiatric impact of such deployments. The present study investigated the nature, prevalence, aetiology and natural history of psychiatric morbidity in Australian veterans of the United Nations peacekeeping force in Somalia. Method: Fifteen months after their return from Somalia, 117 Somalian veterans completed the 28-item version of the General Health Questionnaire (GHQ-28), the Impact of Events Scale (IES), the Combat Exposure Scale (CES), and a checklist of posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms, completed by veterans 12 months previously as part of an evaluation by the Department of Defence. Seventy-seven non-veteran controls also completed the GHQ-28. Results: Veterans scored significantly higher on the GHQ-28 than controls. Twenty-four-point-eight per cent (24.8%) of veterans were GHQ cases (using 4/5 as a cut-off point) compared to 13.0% of controls. Psychiatric morbidity in veterans was associated with combat exposure and a past psychiatric history. Levels of morbidity reduced over time, although they remained substantial at 15 months following soldiers' return to Australia, with posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms being reported by approximately 20% of veterans. Conclusions: At least one-fifth of Australian soldiers who served in Somalia had significant levels of psychiatric morbidity 15 months following their return. This was almost twice that of their non-veteran peers. Risk factors for the development of psychiatric morbidity included combat exposure and past psychiatric history. Levels of psychiatric morbidity were much higher than those reported in previous studies on UN soldiers.
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16

Menkhaus, Ken. "Somalia at the Tipping Point?" Current History 111, no. 745 (May 1, 2012): 169–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2012.111.745.169.

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While transitional politics and the war against Al Shabab are dominating headlines, … a combination of intense pressures is making subsistence livelihoods less and less viable and producing massive, irreversible migrations with enormous long-term implications for Somalia and Kenya.
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17

Menkhaus, Ken. "Saints and Sinners in Somalia." Current History 116, no. 790 (May 1, 2017): 197–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2017.116.790.197.

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18

jackson, donna r. "The Carter Administration and Somalia." Diplomatic History 31, no. 4 (September 2007): 703–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7709.2007.00643.x.

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19

McLaughlin, Rob. "The Continuing Conundrum of the Somali Territorial Sea and Exclusive Economic Zone." International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law 30, no. 2 (May 25, 2015): 305–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718085-12341355.

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Among the many challenges facing Somalia as it seeks to enable its maritime future is the continuing conundrum presented by its historical claim to a 200-nautical-mile territorial sea. However, as a degree of stability has returned, a series of important—but largely forgotten—national and international legislative and policy steps taken by the Somali Democratic Republic just prior to the onset of the civil war have been rediscovered. This has cast the issue in a new light, and raises several questions as to the consequences and evolution of the Somali legal relationship to the maritime domain. This article describes the current status of the Somali claim, with a view to illuminating the legal history behind the Somali legislative ‘start point’ for the recently filed application with the International Court of Justice in relation to its Exclusive Economic Zone delimitation with Kenya.
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20

Ahmed Khalil Ali, Ahmed Khalil Ali. "The importance of the geopolitical location of Yemen and Somalia and their impact on Arab security: أهمية الموقع الجيوبولتكي لليمن والصومال وأثرهما على الأمن العربي." Journal of natural sciences, life and applied sciences 5, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 36–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.26389/ajsrp.d040521.

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It occupies the Yemen Arab Republic, the Republic of Somalia geographical area strategy and is located on the Red Sea entrance to the southwest of the Arabian Peninsula for Yemen and South Horn of Africa for Somalia and a surface area of ​​about two hundred thousand square kilometers, which is in this way, more like the box ever great strategic importance in the chessboard the Middle East region. Yemen and Somalia's recent history, began on the shores of the Red Sea, while the evacuation of Turks from Yemen in 1919 and the Declaration of Independence of the Republic of Somalia until the conflict broke out between the clans civil where these tribes were announced after its agreement to declare its political stabilits. This period, which lasted until the establishment of the Arab League in 1945, a dispute between the three camps, vying for the leadership of the Arab world has seen, namely: the Hashemites camp who are concentrated in Jordan, Iraq, and Camp Saudis who parcels Hashemites of the peninsula, and the camp of the Egyptians who had begun showing some interest Arab affairs. Yemen and Somalia have Anzmt to the League of Arab States The context of the events and indications in the political and economic scene in Yemen and Somalia is moving towards escalation addition overshadowed by the context of the crisis on the Arab arena, helped by the absence of future strategies that the major and important events, dominated the thought of permanence Ostmraraharb against change without analytical reading closer to the reality of the local strategic environment and regional and international Vtozmt data Which contributed to the accumulation of political, economic, social, educational, health, security and other problems in the context of crises warring tribes Under palaces strategic perspective and geostrategic, limited resources, and weak of will and national administration toward reform, as well as the form of violence to the weakness of economic power and political instability that arrived in an anonymous way for the future of Yemen and Somalia so has to be the future vision analysis according to data transformations and changes geostrategic theater Yemen and Somalia, from the consequences up to the expectations and the current implications in the strategic landscape of Yemen and Somalia are the secretions of a cumulative political, ideological, social, security, ethnic, tribal, regional, factional and spatial different in Yemen and Somalia, for this to spectra to be analytical vision for the future of Arab countries about the national security of Yemen and Somalia for political and economic stability to both countries. this means safe for the Arab States.
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21

Herzog, Rolf, and Ahmed Artan Hanghe. "Folktales from Somalia." International Journal of African Historical Studies 23, no. 3 (1990): 576. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219644.

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22

Robinson, Colin D., and Jahara Matisek. "Military advising and assistance in Somalia: fragmented interveners, fragmented Somali military forces." Defence Studies 21, no. 2 (February 20, 2021): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14702436.2021.1885976.

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23

Lauderdale, Pat, and Pietro Toggia. "An Indigenous View of the New World Order." Journal of Asian and African Studies 34, no. 2 (1999): 157–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852199x00239.

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In the "New World Order," Somalia is characterized as a deviant society, especially by Western countries. This characterization is magnified by focusing upon armed conflicts among different groups in Somalia and is marked by a neglect of global forces and history, including indigenous perspectives. The benchmark for judging the nature and scale of such crises is the condition of statelessness, measured by the absence of a central political authority and the modem claim of an ostensible universal rule of law. However, the attempted replacement of sacred places and kinship identities of indigenous peoples with the identity of the New World Order that emphasizes self-interested and self-maximizing individuals, i.e., Western individualism, has led not to a melting pot, but a boiling pot. The Somalis, as with many other ethnic and indigenous groups throughout the world, do not find a meaningful sense of life by being defined as modem individuals via the state. Any viable alternative to disentangling Somalia and similar indigenous peoples from current and future crises might benefit from recognition and accomodation to their traditional ways of life and systems of governance. Moreover, future work should include explications of the impact of global hegemony, the increasing role of the United Nations in advancing foreign policy, military interventions under the facade of peacekeeping, and the acceleration of a market economy ostensibly directed by global forces such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.
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Besteman, Catherine. "Public History and Private Knowledge: On Disputed History in Southern Somalia." Ethnohistory 40, no. 4 (1993): 563. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/482588.

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Aden Mohamed, Abdisalan, and Salad Shire Mohamud. "Determinants of Economic Growth in Somalia: ARDL Model." International Journal of Scientific Research and Management 11, no. 01 (January 26, 2023): 4497–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsrm/v11i01.em10.

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Using an autoregressive distributed lag model (ARDL) and error correction technique, this paper investigates the short- and long-run relationships between exports, imports, and FDI on economic growth in Somalia. Secondary data was collected from the SESRIC website. The study spans the years 1995 to 2020. The result of the study revealed short- and long-term relationships between the variables. While FDI and exports have a negative long-term relationship with economic growth, imports have a positive long-term relationship. It also shows that FDI has a negative, short-run insignificant relationship with economic growth, whereas imports and exports have a significant, short-run relationship. Diagnostic tests were applied, and the results demonstrate that the model's validity for Somalia's economic growth is characterized by normality, the absence of serial correlation, and heteroscedasticity
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Jama, Sagal. "Three Stories of the Journey To Canada." Contingent Horizons: The York University Student Journal of Anthropology 7, no. 1 (July 17, 2022): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/2292-6739.152.

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In 1990 a civil war began in Somalia that would change the state of the country for decades. With the war came the countless people who fled from the conflict for a safer life. Since the 90s the rise of Islamic Terrorism has made the conflict even more complicated, further creating more refugees in the 2000s and today. In the Somali diaspora, there are a number of communities in many countries including in Toronto, Canada. As the world has more refugees today than in modern history, understanding the journey they take both physically and mentally is important as it is a traumatic and often grueling experience. Using the many tools from anthropology this article seeks to understand three women who took such a journey to Canada and how it plays into larger themes in the Somali Diaspora.
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Topshee, Angus. "Book Review: Somalia … from the Sea." International Journal of Maritime History 22, no. 1 (June 2010): 404–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/084387141002200176.

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Essa, Fawzia Osman, Abdulai Abukari, and Byabashaija Deusdedit. "Post-War and Development of a Historical Curriculum in Somalia." Scholars Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 9, no. 10 (October 14, 2021): 489–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.36347/sjahss.2021.v09i10.003.

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This qualitative approach article assessed the relationship between post war and the development of a Historical Curriculum for secondary schools in Somalia. Relevant knowledge and understanding of history encourages reconciliation and unity. Besides, poor curriculum and inadequate pedagogical practices undermine the merit of the history curriculum as an educational timely intervention. This may be linked to the mismatch between theory and practice. The study was anchored on the Social Identity Theory. The semi-structured interviews were used to garner information for the research study. A total of 11 people participated in the interviews. Results reveal that history curricula of Somalia has no relevancy in terms of developing national social identity. Qualitative interviews discovered five themes that appeared to be traits of a good curriculum: Relevancy, Powerful Knowledge, Cause and Consequences, Change and Continuity, and Difficult History. The results enabled the curriculum developers to possess knowledge for the development of a historical thematic curriculum. It was concluded that establishing a national relevant curriculum may encourage national identity and patriotism. Therefore, there is need for the government to increase funding for the development of a relevant national curriculum for secondary schools in Somalia.
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Kapteijns, Lidwien, and Peter D. Little. "Somalia: Economy without State." International Journal of African Historical Studies 36, no. 3 (2003): 675. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3559454.

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30

McMullen, Ronald K., and Augustus Richard Norton. "Somalia and Other Adventures for the 1990s." Current History 92, no. 573 (April 1, 1993): 169–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1993.92.573.169.

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31

ABDI, ALI A. "Education in Somalia: History, destruction, and calls for reconstruction." Comparative Education 34, no. 3 (November 1998): 327–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050069828171.

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32

SHEIKH ALIO, MOHAMED. "Kenyan NFD Muslim Communities: The Painful Past and Pending Justice." International Journal of Islamic Thought 6 (June 1, 2022): 74–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.24035/ijit.21.2022.227.

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The political history of Muslim minorities in the world is one of the emerging areas in the Muslim world’s contemporary issues that need to be addressed. This research examines the political history of Muslim communities in Kenya’s former Northern Frontier District (NFD), which was part of Somali Jubaland but annexed to Kenya Colony by British authorities in 1925, and the challenges they confronted during British colony (1895-1963); in terms of isolation measures, political marginalization and disregarding the 1962 referendum which expressed their will to unite with Somalia. Furthermore, the study discloses the harder difficulties that encountered NFD natives after Kenya independence in 1963; which appeared through the Shifta War (1963-1967), human rights violations, chronic marginalization and pending justice over historical grievances. The research will contribute to discovering the political and social history of Muslim communities in NFD and its impact on the current situation of former NFD’s residents in Kenya towards gaining a long-lasting stability in Kenya.
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Finan, William W. "The Pirates of Puntland." Current History 111, no. 745 (May 1, 2012): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2012.111.745.198.

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34

Massey, Garth, Abdi Ismail Samatar, and I. M. Lewis. "Somalia before the Fall." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 28, no. 1 (1994): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485830.

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35

Omar, Abdifetah Ibrahim, Amina Dahir Mohamed, Mohamed Garad Farah, Ismail Abukar Mahad, Suban Abdullahi Mohamed, Abyan Hassan Dimbil, Nadifo Salad Mohamud, Fowziya Ahmed Abshir, and Umayma Abdinasir Abdulkadir. "Maternal Risk Factors Associated with Preterm Births among Pregnant Women in Mogadishu, Somalia." Children 9, no. 10 (October 4, 2022): 1518. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/children9101518.

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Background: Premature birth impacts millions of newborns annually. Sixty percent of the world’s preterm births occur in Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia. Somalia’s premature birth rates and maternal risk factors are poorly studied; hence, this study aims to identify maternal risk factors related to premature births in Mogadishu, Somalia. Methods: This unmatched case-control study was conducted at four maternity hospitals in Mogadishu, Somalia. The cases were newborns with gestational ages of less than 37 weeks; controls were newborns with gestational ages of 37 to 42 weeks. All were live singletons. Cross-tabulation and binary logistic regression were used to analyze the data; a p-value of 0.05 was deemed statistically significant. Result: Of the total of 499 newborns, 70 were cases, and 429 were controls. Adequate prenatal care, maternal urine analysis, tetanus toxoid (TT) vaccination, hemoglobin (Hb) measurement, ultrasound monitoring, intake of iron + folic acid (IFA) supplement, blood pressure (BP) measurement during the current pregnancy, as well as partograph usage during labor all significantly decreased risk of having premature births. A prior history of preterm delivery and preeclampsia, obstetric complications, and female genital mutilation (FGM) significantly increased the risk of preterm births. Conclusion: The utilization of antenatal care services, use of a partograph, obstetric complications, and prior history of premature birth and preeclampsia had a substantial effect on preterm birth rates. This study identifies female genital mutilation (FGM) as a previously unidentified risk factor for preterm birth that needs additional investigation.
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36

Geiger, Tim. "Landshut in Mogadischu. Das außenpolitische Krisenmanagement der Bundesregierung angesichts der terroristischen Herausforderung 1977." Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 57, no. 3 (July 15, 2009): 413–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/vfzg.2009.0049.

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Vorspann Somalia und Mogadischu waren nicht erste Wahl. Andreas Baader, der Chef der Roten Armee Fraktion, und seine Mitgefangenen wollten im Falle einer Freipressung in andere Länder ausreisen. Die Bundesregierung vereitelte diese Pläne und legte sich dann auch auf eine Politik der Unnachgiebigkeit fest, als ein palästinensisches Kommando die Lufthansa-Maschine „Landshut“ entführte und die Freilassung der Häftlinge in Stammheim verlangte. Der Historiker Tim Geiger vom Institut für Zeitgeschichte schildert diese Ereignisse und die geschickte Verhandlungstaktik von Hans-Jürgen Wischnewski in Somalia. Er zeigt aber auch, mit welchen Mitteln Bundeskanzler Helmut Schmidt und sein Mann vor Ort operierten, als sie die Regierung von Siad Barre zur Mithilfe veranlassten. Vor allem mit Blick auf die selbstauferlegte Verpflichtung, keine Waffen in Krisenregionen zu liefern, gingen sie bis hart an die Grenze des Erlaubten.
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37

Ahmed Abdulle, Abdulkhaliq. "The Effect of Trade Balance on Economic Growth of Somalia (1980 - 2020)." International Journal of Scientific Research and Management 10, no. 01 (January 14, 2022): 2914–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsrm/v10i1.em9.

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The Prime aim of the study was to investigate the relationship between the trade balance and Economic growth of Somalia during the period between 1980 and 2020. The study employed secondary time series data obtained from the World Bank, World Development Indicators (WDI), and African Development Bank. An augmented Dickey-Fuller test (ADF) was adopted in the study to test the Stationarity of data variables in the study. the Econometric model that was employed in the study was Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) which aims to find out the short-run and long-run relationships between the dependent variable (RGDP) and independent variable (trade balance). The study revealed that the trade balance (TB) has a significant negative relationship with the real gross domestic product (RGDP) of Somalia in both the Short-run and long run. Furthermore, the Unemployment rate have a significant negative relationship with the gross domestic product (GDP) of Somalia in both the short-run and long run. However, the foreign direct investment (FDI) and gross domestic product (GDP) had a significant negative relationship in the long run while there have an insignificant relationship between them in the short-run. The study recommends that the government of Somalia should improve the countries trade balance by increasing the production, productivity, and export of the country.
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38

Waldron, Sidney R., and Anna Simons. "Networks of Dissolution: Somalia Undone." International Journal of African Historical Studies 30, no. 2 (1997): 376. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221244.

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39

Kapteijns, Lidwien, and Mohamed Diriye Abdullahi. "Culture and Custom of Somalia." International Journal of African Historical Studies 34, no. 3 (2001): 682. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3097578.

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40

Samreen, Sana. "Book Review: Stig Jarle Hansen (Ed.), Al-Shabaab in Somalia: The History and Ideology of a Militant Islamist Group." Insight on Africa 10, no. 1 (December 21, 2017): 121–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087817707646.

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41

Cassanelli, Lee V., David D. Laitin, and Said S. Samatar. "Somalia: Nation in Search of a State." American Historical Review 94, no. 4 (October 1989): 1148. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1906722.

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42

ADAM, HUSSEIN M. "ISLAM AND POLITICS IN SOMALIA." Journal of Islamic Studies 6, no. 2 (1995): 189–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/6.2.189.

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43

Menkhaus, Ken. "Somalia: In the Crosshairs of the War on Terrorism." Current History 101, no. 655 (May 1, 2002): 210–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2002.101.655.210.

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One lesson learned since September 11 is that the expanded war on terrorism has created a lens that tends to distort our vision of the complex political dynamics of countries like Somalia. Local political realities are not always assessed in their own right, but instead are interpreted through, and reduced to, the logic of the war on terrorism.
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44

Bourque, Stephen A., and Lawrence E. Casper. "Falcon Brigade: Combat and Command in Somalia and Haiti." Journal of Military History 65, no. 4 (October 2001): 1172. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2677710.

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45

O'Sullivan, Kevin. "‘Ah, Ireland, the caring nation’: foreign aid and Irish state identity in the long 1970s." Irish Historical Studies 38, no. 151 (May 2013): 476–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400001607.

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On a plane leaving Baidoa refugee camp in Somalia in late 1992, an Arab doctor offered John O'Shea, head of the relief agency Goal, a glimpse of how the Irish were viewed in that civil war-ravaged state. ‘Ah, Ireland’, he remarked on learning of O'Shea's country of origin, ‘the caring nation’. He had reason to be complimentary. In addition to the aid agencies and aid workers involved in the ongoing relief effort, Somalia had recently hosted two highprofile visitors from the Irish state. In August 1992 the minister for Foreign Affairs, David Andrews, spent three days in the country to view at first-hand its escalating civil war. He was followed less than two months later by President Mary Robinson, whose arrival at Baidoa on 2 October marked the beginning of a tour – the first by a Western head of state – of the feeding stations and refugee camps that provided succour to those displaced by the conflict.
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46

Ingiriis, Mohamed Haji. "From Grievance to Greed in Somalia." Cahiers d'études africaines, no. 235 (September 15, 2019): 783–814. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.26951.

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47

Dua, Jatin. "Hijacked: Piracy and Economies of Protection in the Western Indian Ocean." Comparative Studies in Society and History 61, no. 3 (June 28, 2019): 479–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417519000215.

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AbstractFrom 2007–2012, a dramatic upsurge in maritime piracy off the coast of Somalia captivated global attention. Over three hundred merchant vessels and some three thousand seafarers were held hostage with ransom amounts ranging from $200,000 to $10 million being paid to release these ships. Somali piracy operated exclusively on a kidnap-and-ransom model with crew, cargo, and ship held captive until a ransom was secured. Ransom, unlike theft or seizure, requires willing parties and systems of exchange. Ransom economies, therefore, bring together disparate actors and make visible the centrality of protection as a mode of accumulation and jurisdiction. As an analytic, this article proposes an anthropology ofprotectionto undercut divides between legality and illegality, trade and finance, piracy and counter piracy. It argues that protection is key to apprehending processes of mobility and interruption central to global capitalism.
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Loubser, Helge-Mari, and Hussein Solomon. "Responding to state failure in Somalia." Africa Review 6, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2014.883753.

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49

I. M. Lewis. "Recycling Somalia from the Scrap Merchants of Mogadishu." Northeast African Studies 10, no. 3 (2009): 213–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nas.0.0031.

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50

Kapteijns, Lidwien, and Alessandra Vianello. "Women’s Legal Agency and Property in the Court Records of Late Nineteenth-Century Brava." History in Africa 44 (April 3, 2017): 133–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2017.2.

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Abstract:Drawing on the Islamic court records of Brava, a small Indian Ocean port city on the southern Benadir coast of Somalia, dating from the period 1893–1900, this essay analyzes the legal agency and economic roles of the women of Brava and sheds new light on social (especially family) relations in this town. The qāḍī’s court records give evidence of married women’s fully recognized (even if qualified) legal personhood and their full-fledged financial and economic agency. The free, married women of Brava of this period contributed fully and autonomously to the economic endeavors of their families and also interacted with non-related businessmen in and beyond Brava. They also had the legal and social capacity to defend their interests in court and to get a fair hearing in accordance with the law. Given that both Somali women’s history and East African legal history suffer from a scarcity of concrete evidence for this time-period, the aspects of everyday life in Brava that come into view in the town’s qāḍī’s court records are of great interest.
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