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Academic literature on the topic 'SOMALILAND (Somalia)'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 28 July 2024

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "SOMALILAND (Somalia)"

1

Madar, Mohamed Jama. "Shaping the Paradox of Somaliland Talks with Somalia." European Journal of Theoretical and Applied Sciences 2, no. 4 (July 1, 2024): 24–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.59324/ejtas.2024.2(4).03.

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Political rigidities created by Somaliland secessionism within Somalia are unsettled, three decades after the failed proclamation of independence in May 1991. Somaliland’s unilateral discourse in search for international recognition encountered significant challenges with no single country officially recognized. Somaliland’s talks with Somalia from 2012 to 2015 collapsed with key issues addressed have not been implemented despite attempts of diplomatic efforts by international facilitators. given the current political landscape in Somaliland's existing political grievances (power arrangements) in the peripherals, recurrent electoral disputes, and the war with Las Anod further exacerbated the political crisis in Somaliland. Despite their protracted and unsuccessful venture, Somaliland should allow internal dialogue with different political actors/stakeholders to debate and discuss the common issues amid future talks through a more inclusive and participatory approach. Consequently, reviving the collapsed talks between Somalia and Somaliland in a situation where Somaliland is facing an internal crisis will weaken Somaliland’s political stand. Yet, both sides should deliberate on the interests of their people. This paper concludes by reshaping the dialogue process by reviewing the factors that led to the collapse of successful dialogue, as well as proposals for future fruitful talks and how to decide the future merger or the relationships between the two sides.

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Abdullah, Abdurisaq Abdurahman. "Legal Basis for Unilateral Secession of Somaliland from Somalia." International Journal of Geopolitics and Governance 2, no. 1 (July 16, 2023): 55–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/ijgg.2.1.1323.

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This article explores the legal basis for Somaliland’s unilateral secession from Somalia and whether it violates Somalia’s territorial integrity under international law. The article provides a brief history of Somaliland’s original independence and its subsequent union with Somalia. Following the collapse of the Somali government, Somaliland declared its secession from Somalia in 1991, while the southern region plunged into anarchy. The article examines the criteria for state recognition, with Somaliland fulfilling three of the four requirements. The article delves into the principles of self-determination, sovereignty, and territorial integrity under international law. Although the right to self-determination is fundamental, some experts argue that it does not apply to unilateral secession, as it is in conflict with territorial integrity. Conversely, others argue that self-determination promotes decolonisation and allows individuals to take part in local decision-making, including secession. The article also discusses the role of the International Court of Justice (ICJ), which considers customary law, and the principle of territorial integrity, which only prohibits foreign interference. Besides, this article provides an overview of the concept of recognition in relation to unilateral secession. It discusses the two main perspectives on recognition, constitutive and declaratory. The article examines several cases of state formation, including Eritrea, South Sudan, Czechoslovakia, and the Soviet Union, and emphasises the importance of mutual consent in the creation of new states. In conclusion, the article provides an overview of the legal basis for Somaliland’s unilateral secession and the principles of self-determination, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. It examines the criteria for state recognition and the role of the ICJ, human rights advocates, and the Security Council in interventions. Ultimately, the recognition of a new state depends on political will, which can have a significant impact on the decision-making process.

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Pijović, Nikola. "Seceding but not Succeeding: African International Relations and Somaliland’s lacking international recognition." Croatian International Relations Review 19, no. 68 (July 1, 2013): 73–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cirr-2013-0004.

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Abstract Somaliland, the northern region of Somalia, declared independence in 1991 and has for the past two decades functioned as an independent political entity with important state-like structures. However, notwithstanding its relatively high accomplishment (especially as compared to Somalia) in state-building, it remains without any international political recognition. This article attempts to expose the politics behind Somaliland’s (non) recognition by analysing key African players and their roles in Somaliland’s international recognition game. The main arguments made are that some continental African states and Somaliland’s neighbours seem to be content keeping the status quo, and Somaliland’s international recognition is not a pressing issue for anyone but Somaliland. The fact that no African country seems to be ready to be the first to recognize Somaliland (while many are happy to be the second) may yet prove the most considerable obstacle for Somaliland’s recognition in the foreseeable future.

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Issa-Salwe, Abdisalam M., and Abdullahi Salah Osman. "Why Has Somaliland Not Been Recognised as A Sovereign State?" Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 10, no. 4 (April 8, 2023): 8–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.104.14257.

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After the collapse of the Somali state, civil war followed, leading people to turn to their ancestral homeland. Consequently, rudimental local administrations were formed with a provision of becoming part of a decentralised governance system in Somalia. However, one region stood differently by declaring itself a separate state, Somaliland, within the boundaries of the former British Somaliland Protectorate. To overcome the objections of African countries about the session, Somaliland claimed that its declaration of independence in 1991 was supposed to be a dissolution of the union rather than a declaration of separation. This idea follows in the footsteps of other failed federations, such as the United Arab Republic, which included Egypt and Syria from 1958 to 1961, or the Senegambia Confederation, which existed between Senegal and the Gambia from 1981 to 1989. These failed political unions symbolized the breakup of that union and the restoration of the protectorate's original, pre-1960 borders. (Gordon, 2023) Britain granted Somaliland independence on June 26 1960, and after four days, it joined with the former UN Italian Somaliland Trusteeship Territory to form the Republic of Somalia. Thus, Somaliland's case differed markedly from the other regions as it wanted to stand as a separate nation-state within Africa. Yet, over thirty years have passed, and Somaliland has not been recognised as a sovereign entity. To answer why it happened, we have to look at the historical factors on state formation in Africa and how newly independent countries treated colonially inherited boundaries.

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5

Herring, Eric. "Decolonising Development : Academics, Practitioners and Collaboration." Journal of Somali Studies 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 65–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2056-5682/2020/7n2a4.

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This article explores how academics and practitioners can collaborate to decolonise development in relation to Somalia/Somaliland. It does so through theoretical synthesis followed by an inductive thematic empirical analysis and collaborative autoethnography of the Somali First initiative to promote Somaliled development. The initiative has been run by Somali social enterprise Transparency Solutions and the University of Bristol since 2014. The article argues that underpinning the initiative with commitments to sustainable development as a global issue and to locally led, simple, complicated and complex change has been vital to ensuring that it contributes to decolonising development in Somalia/Somaliland. It argues further that the decolonisation of development in this case has been advanced through long term partnership grounded in a shared purpose and complementary capacities; maximisation of funding for and control of funding by Somali entities; decentring English and centring Somali linguistic diversity; promoting a locally led approach; and employing co-production. It concludes that scaling up or transfer of the approach set out in the article would involve reinterpretation by local actors to suit the context to be an effective contribution to decolonising development.

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Adan, Hassan. "Somalia-Somaliland Relations: Assessing Scenarios for Negotiations and Averting Possibility of Fresh Crises in the Horn of Africa." Technium Social Sciences Journal 43 (May 9, 2023): 454–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v43i1.8867.

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This paper focuses on the Somalia-Somaliland unresolved politico legal issue on their relationship. The contestation between the two has been dragging for a long time as a domestic issue, but due to the growing interest of both western, (re)emerging eastern and middle eastern powers, the Somalia-Somaliland sovereignty dispute is getting a new momentum and started to involve regional geopolitics. Deep political division within Somaliland over the power and resource sharing precipitated by exclusionary politics and failure of democratization efforts as well as insecurity in Somaliland’s eastern regions has finally led to armed conflict and deadly confrontations in Lasanod in Early February 2023. Because of fragility and the sensitivity of the conflicting political agendas between Somalia including Puntland and Somaliland, it attracted the attention of the United Nations Security Council, and regional bodies. Traditionally, the Horn of Africa has always been volatile for political and security dynamics. Over the past five year, the region has been shaken by the Gulf crises, followed by the US-Chinese competition over the Bab al-Mandeb strait that connects red sea to the gulf and the Indian ocean. To avert possibility of fresh escalations that may lead to regionalizing the dispute, consolidating extremism, or importing international proxy, the paper will assess three potential scenarios as methods to pursue by both authorities and by the United Nations in search for a solution of the Somalia-Somaliland question.

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Lewis, Ioan. "Visible and Invisible Differences: The Somali Paradox." Africa 74, no. 4 (November 2004): 489–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2004.74.4.489.

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AbstractIn exploring the difficulties experienced by the traditionally politically uncentralised Somalis in establishing a stable and effective state, based on their ethnicity, this article compares ethnicity, nationalism and lineage identity. In this case, ethnicity and nationalism are local products, influenced but not created by the colonial experience. They have had to contend with the intractable force of segmentary lineage identity, which has proved extremely difficult to adapt and accommodate to the requirements of modern statehood. In its cultural context, agnation is all the more pervasive and powerful in constituting an ‘invisible’ bond, conceived by Somalis as a biologically based distinction like ‘race’. Unlike race, it is almost infinitely elastic and divisible. Ethnic identity, which rests on external distinctions such as language, culture and religion, cannot be broken down into a series of formally equivalent segments, but is less binding as a social force. Today, after the collapse of the state of Somalia in 1991, following protracted grass‐roots peace‐making between clans, two parts of the nation—the former British Somaliland, and the north‐eastern region of Somalia (‘Puntland’, based on the Majerteyn clan, and other closely related clans)—have developed separate local states. Although Somaliland claims complete independence, which Puntland does not, both polities incorporate parliamentary institutions that accommodate traditional, and modern political leaders and processes. The ex‐Italian residue, Southern Somalia, still without any form of government, is in what appears to be the final throes of its long‐running, fourteenth grandiose international ‘peace’ conference in Kenya. Thousands of delegates, in various configurations, have already spent over eighteen months in these talks. Although its embryonic constitution now recognises ‘clans’ as constituent political units, this attempt to re‐establish Somalia is based on the usual ‘top‐down’ approach, rather than on spontaneous local negotiations amongst ‘stakeholders’ on the ground, such as those on which Somaliland and Puntland are founded. With contingents of foreign ‘experts’, the whole process seeks to reinstate a familiar Eurocentric state model, unadapted to Somali conditions.

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Bile, Abdillahi Mohamed. "A Legal Analysis of Somaliland’s Quest for Statehood under International Law." Journal of Modern Law and Policy 4, no. 1 (January 10, 2024): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.47941/jmlp.1609.

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Purpose: The military dictatorship of Siad Barre in Somalia was overthrown, and Somaliland immediately declared its independence, withdrawing from the union with Somalia on May 18, 1991. Nearly three decades have passed since Somaliland proclaimed its independence, established its own government, maintained stability, and preserved peace. However, the international community has not yet recognized its claim. Among the remaining territories of the former Somali Republic, Somaliland stands out as the only one that has successfully established a democratic, stable government and long-lasting peace in the region. Somaliland, like many other African nations, was once a colony of the British Empire and contends that it should be recognized as an independent state.Methodology: This essay employs a qualitative research methodology, relying on desk reviews and content analysis, as methods for data collection. Findings: It examines the legal conceptions of statehood, from the Montevideo Convention to the more recent emphasis on self- determination, before addressing the situation in Somaliland. Unique contributor to theory, policy and practice: It argues that Somaliland deserves statehood status, and that other nations should recognize it as such, as there is no legal basis under international law to do otherwise.

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BRYDEN, MATT. "SOMALIA AND SOMALILAND." African Security Review 13, no. 2 (January 2004): 23–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2004.9627282.

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Warbrick, Colin, and Zeray W. Yihdego. "II. Ethiopia's Military Action Against the Union of Islamic Courts and Others in Somalia: Some Legal Implications." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 56, no. 3 (July 2007): 666–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei188.

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Somalia has been without government since 1991. A transitional government was established in 2004 under the presidency of Abdullahi Yusuf, with the backing of the United Nations, the African Union (AU), the Arab League and the Inter-governmental Agency for Development (IGAD). The Government sat in Baidoa in southern Somalia from June 2005 until December 2006. In June 2006 the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) took control of much of southern and central Somalia, including the capital, Mogadishu, but not Puntland and Somaliland. They declared and tried to establish an Islamic State. Somalis were told to comply with stringent Islamic rules or face harsh punishment. In the meantime, efforts to achieve national reconciliation were ongoing under the auspices of IGAD, though without much success. It was reported that on 20 July 2006 Ethiopian troops crossed into Somalia. Ethiopia only admitted to having military trainers to help the Somali Government (estimated to be 400 military personnel). On 21 July, the UIC declared a ‘holy war’ against Ethiopia. In September 2006 the Somali interim President survived an assassination attempt in Baidoa. On 25 October 2006 Ethiopia said that it was ‘technically at war’ with the Islamic Courts. After few days the UIC claimed to have ambushed and killed Ethiopian troops near the Ethiopian border.1

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "SOMALILAND (Somalia)"

1

Holzer, Georg-Sebastian. "Somaliland : ein Beispiel für erfolgreiche Staatsbildung in Afrika /." Frankfurt, M. Berlin Bern Bruxelles New York, NY Oxford Wien Lang, 2009. http://d-nb.info/997135077/04.

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Odenwald, Michael. "The use of the stimulant khat, war-related trauma and psychosis in Somalia how changed use patterns of a traditional drug are related to psychiatric problems in a country in the transition from war to peace /." [S.l. : s.n.], 2006. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:352-opus-23510.

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3

Osman, Mohamed Farhiya. "Somaliland and Secession : Does the self-proclaimed state of Somaliland have a moral right to secede?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-341649.

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This paper aims to inquire whether Somaliland’s secession from Somalia is morally right considering Buchanans theories regarding secession. The paper analyses the notion of self-determination and secession from the perspective of Somaliland. Further the analysis also discusses the deficiencies when it comes to international law and secession. The analysis also inquires regarding the insubstantial criteria for the right to secede and the unwillingness from the outside world to shed light on the case of Somaliland. The material for this paper consists mainly of literature, published work and research from political scholars. The paper concludes that Somaliland does in fact have a moral right for secession and formal statehood. However, the absence of a negotiating partner (Somalia) and geopolitical location suppresses the chances for international recognition.

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4

Sandstrom, Karl. "Modes of mobilisation : socio-political dynamics in Somaliland, Somalia, and Afghanistan." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2088.

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This thesis provides a framework for viewing socio-political contexts and how these relate to interventionist projects. The framework draws on and combines strands from international relations and sociological perspectives of social interaction. The central question becomes how intervention and existing social contexts interact to produce unintended outcomes. It applies the analysis to two separate wider contexts: Afghanistan and Somalia, with a particular focus on the self-declared independent Somaliland as an internally generated and controlled transformational process. Unlike abstract directions of theoretical development the framework seeks to provide a platform that sets aside ideological assumptions and from which interventionist projects can be observed and evaluated based on literature, field observations and interviews. Drawing on such diverse influences as fourth generation peace and conflict studies, Morphogenetics, and social forces theory, the framework explores conditions and interest formations to capture instances of local agency that are part of a continuity of local realities. It views social interaction without imposing Universalist value assumptions, but also without resorting to relativism or raising so many caveats that it becomes impractical. It exposes the agency of local interest formations hidden beneath the discourses of ideologically framed conflicts. These social agents are often dismissed as passive victims to be brought under the influence of for example the state, but are in reality able to subvert, co-opt, constrain or facilitate the forces that are dependent on them for social influence. In the end, it is the modes of mobilisation that emerge as the most crucial factor for understanding the relevant social dynamics.

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Tahir, Abdifatah I. "Urban governance, land conflicts and segregation in Hargeisa, Somaliland : historical perspectives and contemporary dynamics." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2017. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/70417/.

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This thesis offers an explanation for why urban settlement in Somaliland's capital city of Hargeisa is segregated along clan lines. The topic of urban segregation has been neglected in both classic Somali studies, and recent studies of post-war state-building and governance in Somaliland. Such negligence of urban governance in debates over state-making stems from a predominant focus on national and regional levels, which overlooks the institutions governing cities. Yet urban governance can provide key insights into the nature and quality of interaction between people and the local state, and the processes of making and unmaking of Somali urban spaces. Given the rapid urban growth in the Somali populated territories, I propose a shift in focus to explore city spaces, as a means of deepening understanding of Somali social, political and spatial organisation. In advancing this proposed shift, the thesis scrutinises the nexus between governance and segregation in Hargeisa, drawing on urban ethnographic methods, interview and archival sources. I argue that segregation in the city can be understood as the spatial manifestation of governance practices across colonial and postcolonial periods, in intersection with bottom up processes, particularly the quest for security and peacebuilding in what is largely characterised as a hybrid order. The concept of hybrid governance – while capturing important aspects of control over city space - is often insufficiently historicised and politicised to convey the complex intersection of state institutions, clan and sub-clan allegiance and traditional authorities. My analysis thus situates recent urban governance and conflicts over land in a longer history of municipal governance, urban land administration and conflict adjudication. This historical perspective is important for the understanding of how segregation has been reproduced over time, and adds a new dimension to the understandings of the drivers and dynamics of Hargeisa's spatial character.

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Hersi, Mohamed Farah. "The possibilites of international prosecution against the former Somali militry regime for human rights abuses in Somaliland from 1981 - 1991: establishing individual criminal and civil responsibility under international law." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/8055.

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Since the aftermath of the brutal civil war in Somaliland, no one has systematically considered the human rights atrocities committed by one of the most brutal regimes in sub-Saharan Africa. Therefore, it is the objective of this study, firstly, to throw light on the international rules which govern those crimes committed in Somaliland during the military regime. Secondly, the study will apply those rules to the case of Somaliland, based on the available evidence. Thirdly, the study will establish a case for the international prosecution of those who bear the greatest responsibilities for the human rights atrocities that occurred in Somaliland. Fourthly, this study will investigate which international mechanism provides the best chance of serving as an adequate prosecutorial mechanism. Finally, the study will analyse the role of individual criminal responsibility under international criminal law
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008.
A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Frans Viljoen of the Faculty of Law, University of Pretoria
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

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7

Lochery, Emma. "Generating power : electricity provision and state formation in Somaliland." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0d386359-b711-4137-bd3c-0aeb78a12c39.

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The dissertation uses the lens of electricity provision to examine processes of state formation in Somaliland, an unrecognized, self-declared independent state in the northwest of the former Somali Republic. The dissertation focuses on Hargeisa, the capital city at the heart of Somaliland's state-building project. After the collapse of the Somali state in 1991, private companies arose from the ruins of Hargeisa and turned the lights back on, navigating a fragmented post-war landscape by mobilizing local connections and transnational ties. However, being dependent on the political settlement that engendered the peace necessary for business, emerging private power providers were tied into a state-building project. The dissertation analyses the resulting tensions at the heart of this project, by examining the struggle to define the role, extents and limits of an emerging state in an interconnected world. Based on interviews in Somaliland and a survey of news media and grey literature, the dissertation has three aims. First, it provides a view into how social order and service provision persist after the collapse of the state. Secondly, it investigates how patterns of provision emerging in the absence of the state shape subsequent processes of state formation. Finally, it discusses how patterns of provision affect the interaction of state-building and market-making. In order to fulfil these aims, the dissertation examines how people invest in the project of building a state, both materially and discursively. The chapters present a narrative history of the electricity sector, explaining the attempts of both private companies and the government to claim sovereignty over the market and shape statehood in their own interests. The struggles shaping Somaliland's economic order reveal the contemporary significance of transnational connections, interconnected systems of capital flows, and the rise of corporate business actors. At the same time, they underline the abiding power of social structure, local identities, and historical memory.

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8

Balthasar, Dominik. "State-making in Somalia and Somaliland : understanding war, nationalism and state trajectories as processes of institutional and socio-cognitive standardization." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/572/.

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Although the conundrums of why states falter, how they are reconstituted, and under what conditions war may be constitutive of state-making have received much scholarly attention, they are still hotly debated by academics and policy analysts. Advancing a novel conceptual framework and analysing diverse Somali state trajectories between 1960 and 2010, this thesis adds to those debates both theoretically and empirically. The core issues examined are why and how Somaliland managed to establish state-run structures of governance, how far its development paralleled or diverged from past Somali state trajectories, and under what conditions violent conflict advanced or abridged the polities’ varied state-making projects. Drawing on diverse strands of literature on state-building, nationalism and warfare, the thesis develops an original analytical frame to better understand processes of state-making and state-breaking. It argues not only for the need of ‘bringing the nation back in’, but proposes to conceptualize state trajectories in terms of changing levels of institutional and socio-cognitive standardization. Scrutinizing received wisdom, the empirical research presented finds, amongst others, that Somali state trajectories have been less unique than commonly claimed, and proposes that Somaliland’s alleged state-making success between 1991 and 2010 hinged at least as much on autocratic governance, top-down policies and coercive means as on frequently emphasized elements of grassroots peace-making, ‘traditional’ reconciliation and ‘home-grown’ democracy. Conceptually, the project is located at the intersection of political-economy and historical and institutional approaches to state-making. Applying qualitative research framed in comparative case studies the thesis not only advances the theoretical debate surrounding issues of state fragility and state-making, but also offers novel insights into Somalia’s history and presents new empirical findings on the frequently romanticised case of Somaliland. Yet, the research results are significant beyond Somali boundaries as they provide relevant insights for our general understanding of state trajectories and the role of conflict in statemaking and state-breaking.

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Sheik, Mohamedamin. "Fredsbyggande från insidan : En jämförande kvalitativ studie om interna partiska- och externa neutrala-medlare i fredsbyggandeprocesser i Somalia." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-155791.

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Medling är ett viktigt verktyg i verktygslådan för hantering av konflikter. Mycket av forskningen har fokuserat på externa aktörer som kommer från utanför konflikten och som är neutrala till konfliktparterna och sammanhanget, men interna aktörer som är partiska har mindre uppmärksamhet i medlingslitteraturen. Baserat på detta syftar studien till att förstå effekterna av olika typer av medlare, nämligen medling av extern-neutrala och interna-partiska medlare och effektivitetensom dessa medlare kan ha i fredsavtal. Baserat på detta är studiens forskningsfråga, Vilken medling är effektivaste för att nå ett hållbart fredsavtal i bräckliga stater, Inter-partisk eller Extern-neutral medling? För att svara på forskningsfrågan använder studien den kvalitativa metoden av fokuserad och strukturerad jämförelsemetod. Empirisk analys, som omfattar perioden 1991–1998, baserad på medlingsprocesserna i de två fallen av studien, nämligen södra Somalia och den självdeklarerade republiken Somaliland (norra Somalia) används. Studiens hypotes är att interna-partiska medlare är mer sannolikt att generera ett hållbart fredsavtal vilket bygger på förhandlingsteori där trovärdiga bärare av information kan förhindra informationsproblem och därmed skapa hållbar fred. Det empiriska resultatet av studien stödjer denna hypotes.

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10

Blaha, David Ryan. "Pushing Marginalization: British Colonial Policy, Somali Identity, and the Gosha 'Other' in Jubaland Province, 1895 to 1925." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/76774.

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Throughout the 19th century, large numbers of enslaved people were brought from southeastern Africa to work on Somali plantations along the Benadir Coast and Shebelle River. As these southeast Africans were manumitted or escaped bondage, many fled to the west and settled in the heavily forested and fertile Gosha district along the Juba River. Unattached, lacking security, and surrounded by Somalis-speaking groups, these refugees established agricultural communities and were forced to construct new identities. Initially these riverine peoples could easily access clan structures and political institutions of surrounding Somali sub-clans, which in pre-colonial Jubaland were relatively fluid, open, and—in time—would have allowed these groups to become assimilated into Somali society. British colonial rule however changed this flexibility. Somali identity, once porous and accessible, became increasingly more rigid and exclusive, especially towards the riverine ex-slave communities—collectively called the Gosha by the British—who were subsequently marginalized and othered by these new "Somali." This project explores how British colonial rule contributed to this process and argues that in Jubaland province a "Somali" identity coalesced largely in opposition to the Gosha.
Master of Arts

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Books on the topic "SOMALILAND (Somalia)"

1

Catholic Institute for International Relations., ed. Becoming Somaliland. London: Progressio, 2008.

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Omaar, Rakiya, De Waal Alexander, McGrath Rae, African Rights (Organization), and Mines Advisory Group (Organization), eds. Violent deeds live on: Landmines in Somalia and Somaliland. London: African Rights, 1993.

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Somalia, NOVIB, ed. Donor assistance towards Somalia and Somaliland: Development policy and coherence. Nairobi, Kenya: NOVIB, 2003.

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Trust, Rock Foundation, and United Nations Development Fund for Women. East and Horn of Africa Regional Office., eds. Gender justice: Barriers hindering women's access to justice in Somaliland/Somalia. Nairobi, Kenya: Rock Foundation Trust, 2005.

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Swayne, H. G. C. Early days in Somaliland and other tales: A pioneer's notebook. Edinburgh: Pentland Press, 1996.

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Holzer, Georg-Sebastian. Somaliland: Ein Beispiel für erfolgreiche Staatsbildung in Afrika. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 2009.

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Beershiya, Cabdillaahi. Xog-warran: Buug ka warramaya taariikhda iyo waayo-aragnimada tiro aqoonyahanno ah. [Hargeysa, Somaliland]: ASAL, 2018.

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Abdi, Umar, IUCN Eastern Africa Programme, and Somali Natural Resources Management Programme., eds. An ecological assessment of the coastal plains of north western Somalia (Somaliland). Nairobi, Kenya: IUCN Eastern Africa Regional Office, 2000.

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Farah, Barwaaqo. Mahadho: Sooyaalkii iyo Waxqabadkii Maxamed Xaashi Dhamac 'Gaarriye' (1949-2012). [Sweden]: Hal-aqoon Publishers, 2015.

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Cali, Maxamad. Midowgii iyo burburkii Soomaaliya. Hargeysa: Sagaljet, 2017.

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Book chapters on the topic "SOMALILAND (Somalia)"

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Ali, Maryan. "Language Policy in Somaliland and Somalia." In The Palgrave Handbook of Language Policies in Africa, 511–24. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-57308-8_24.

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Ismail, Abdirashid A. "‘Mum, I Sleep Under a Bridge’: Everyday Insecurities of the Families of Rejected Asylum Seekers in Somalia." In IMISCOE Research Series, 111–28. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-24974-7_7.

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AbstractIn this chapter, I examine the impact of prolonged family separation on the families of rejected Somali asylum seekers in Europe. The focus is on the everyday security of family members left behind in Somalia. During the past 10 years, many young people have migrated from Somalia as a result of socio-political developments in the Horn of Africa. Coupled with recent policy changes in Europe, these developments have significantly increased the time migrants spend in transit countries and in Europe as rejected asylum seekers, profoundly affecting the everyday life and wellbeing of their families in Somalia. The chapter draws on 42 semi-structured, in-depth individual interviews with family members of rejected Somali asylum seekers in Europe; the interviews were conducted in Somaliland and Puntland, Somalia, in March–April 2019 and January–February 2020. The findings show that family separation affects family members’ everyday security in Somalia through four broad dimensions of family life, namely, emotional, health-related, material and social dimensions. The chapter provides a unique translocal analysis that connects the effects of immigration policies in Europe to the everyday (in)securities of families in Somalia.

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Lewis, Alexandra. "Somali Boundaries and the Question of Statehood: The Case of Somaliland in Somalia." In Security, Clans and Tribes, 39–64. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137470751_3.

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Ali, Nasir M. "Somaliland—Negotiating with Somalia: Is it an Option or a Foreign Imposition?" In State Building and National Identity Reconstruction in the Horn of Africa, 49–68. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-39892-1_3.

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Hoehne, Markus Virgil. "Against the Grain: Somaliland’s Secession from Somalia." In Secessionism in African Politics, 229–61. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90206-7_9.

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Yusuf Duale, Abdirahman. "Reconciliation and Peacemaking: The Somali National Movement and the Somaliland Experience of State Building." In State Building and National Identity Reconstruction in the Horn of Africa, 69–87. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-39892-1_4.

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Schneider, Marius, and Vanessa Ferguson. "Somalia (including Somaliland)." In Enforcement of Intellectual Property Rights in Africa. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198837336.003.0048.

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Somalia is located in the Horn of Africa. It has a total area of 637,657 km with an estimated population of 10.4 million. The capital is Mogadishu. In 1960, the two regions of British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland united to form the Somali Republic. Somalia collapsed into anarchy following the overthrow of the military regime of President Siad Barre in 1991. Official working hours in Somalia are from Saturday to Thursday, beginning at 0800 and ending at 1400. The currency of Somali is the Somali shilling (Sh.So).

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"Somalia and Somaliland." In Status and (Human Rights) Obligations of Non-Recognized <i>De Facto</i> Regimes in International Law: The Case of 'Somaliland', 97–139. Brill | Nijhoff, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047413561_015.

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Phillips, Sarah G. "Introduction." In When There Was No Aid, 1–23. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501747151.003.0001.

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This introductory chapter lays out the case of Somaliland and the role of international intervention within the region’s troubled history. Somalilanders’ historically grounded fear about the velocity of war—and the irrelevance of international actors to containing its spread—is foregrounded such that in times of crisis, mobilizing for political violence is largely bracketed out as a viable, or perhaps even logical, course of action. The chapter briefly lays the groundwork for this case study by delving into the history of Somaliland with respect to its parent state, the Republic of Somalia. It notes the unusual divergence in the levels of violence experienced by Somaliland and the Republic of Somalia since the 1990s. In addition to Somaliland’s history, the chapter also lays out the methodology for conducting Somaliland’s case study as well as the impact of discourse literature upon the study.

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The Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue. "Challenges and Opportunities." In War and Peace in Somalia, 227–36. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190947910.003.0019.

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Somalia and Somaliland had parallel colonial experiences under Italian and British rule, respectively. In 1960, both gained independence and entered into a union. However, in 1969, the civilian government of the Somali Republic in Mogadishu was overthrown in a coup organized by the military, precipitating a brutal civil war. With the collapse of the military government in Mogadishu in 1991, Somaliland declared its independence from the Somali Republic. Since then, the two sides followed quite different trajectories. This chapter takes a detailed look at the recent history of dialogue between the two parties and offers recommendations on how best to establish an effective process. It suggests that the political stalemate will be resolved by the agreement of some form of mutually acceptable political association or official recognition of Somaliland as an independent state.

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Reports on the topic "SOMALILAND (Somalia)"

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Fanning, Emma. Drought, Displacement and Livelihoods in Somalia/Somaliland: Time for gender-sensitive and protection-focused approaches. Concern Worldwide; Danish Refugee Council; Norwegian Refugee Council; Oxfam; Plan International; REACH; Save Somali Women and Children, June 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2018.2845.

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Poplack, David, and Kelsey Coolidge. Powering Progress 2: Realizing the Potential of Renewable Energy in Somaliland, Puntland, and South Central Somalia. One Earth Future Foundation, February 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18289/oef.2016.003.

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Delbridge, Victoria. Enhancing the financial position of cities: Evidence from Hargeisa. UNHabitat, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-igc-wp_2022/4.

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The City of Hargeisa, despite being in the very early stages of enhancing its financial position, has achieved significant reform in just a few years since its democratic establishment in 2002. The successes achieved are even more remarkable, considering the fragile context of Somaliland after 30 years of civil war within Somalia, which left widespread destruction and devastation in the city. This is compounded by Somaliland’s lack of recognition as a sovereign state by the international community. The case provides an illustrative example of leveraging urbanisation to raise municipal revenues for public service delivery, and in building local government legitimacy to better deliver to the populace. Given the context, the reforms are those that are easy to implement and effective, including the application of a simple digitised accounting and billing system, and a fit-for-purpose area-based property tax system. Where other cities have struggled to service more people with a stagnant revenue base, Hargeisa’s reforms have meant that population growth has resulted in increased revenues from property taxes and daily vendor collections. At the same time, private contributions of land on the peri-urban fringes offer an opportunity for in-kind land value capture and planned development in the future. Their successes are reinforced by the legitimacy built through participatory governance, which demonstrates what is achievable when communities, local government and the private sector work together. While Hargeisa has made progress on the basics of own-source revenue, much more is yet to be done to finance future development. Local government capital expenditure, for instance, is often far below what is budgeted. This is influenced by public demand for current and visible service delivery over and above less visible long-term investments. Furthermore, due to Somaliland’s internationally unrecognised status as an independent country, Hargeisa received limited development assistance when compared to other cities in similar contexts. However, a small coordinated effort through a coalition of UN agencies has fundamentally shaped some of the city’s reforms. As the country begins to formalise its financial sector, opening up to commercial banking and international investment, development support will be needed to ensure local governments and the private sector are able to capitalise on the opportunities this presents.

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