Journal articles: 'Sonderweg'

1

Sahm, Astrid. "Riskanter Sonderweg." osteuropa 70, no. 3-4 (2020): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.35998/oe-2020-0018.

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Häußler, Mathias. "Ein britischer Sonderweg?" Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 67, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 263–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/vfzg-2019-0014.

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Vorspann Der Brexit ist in aller Munde - und eigentlich haben wir es ja alle immer schon gewusst: Die Briten, oder besser: die Engländer pflegen anti-europäische Ressentiments und trauern der vergangenen Herrlichkeit des Empire nach, ohne Bereitschaft, sich den Folgen ihrer imperialistischen Vergangenheit zu stellen. Mathias Häußler hält sich nicht mit solchen Stereotypen auf, sondern zeigt auf der Basis einer fundierten Analyse der Forschung, dass die Wahrheit erheblich komplizierter ist und dass sich der Brexit mitnichten als zwangsläufige Konsequenz eines britischen Sonderwegs in Europa verstehen lässt. Die Haltung der britischen Regierungen und der britischen Öffentlichkeit war im Gegenteil wesentlich komplexer und Konjunkturen unterworfen, die innenpolitischen Konflikten ebenso folgten wie internationalen Krisen. Das Ergebnis des Brexit-Referendums vom Sommer 2016 ist letztlich das Resultat einer Koinzidenz von pfadabhängigen Entwicklungen und kontingenten Ereignissen.

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3

Weindling, Paul. "A biological Sonderweg." Nature 380, no. 6573 (April 1996): 399–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/380399a0.

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Wette, Wolfram. "Sonderweg or normality?" Debatte: Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe 4, no. 1 (January 1996): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09651569608454523.

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Бабашкин, Владимир Валентинович. "Особенности национальной дороги, или что русскому здорово…" Мир России 27, no. 4 (September 27, 2018): 163–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1811-038x-2018-27-4-163-175.

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Владимир Валентинович Бабашкин – доктор исторических наук, доцент, Институт ЭМИТ РАНХиГС при Президенте РФ. Адрес: 119571, Москва, пр-т Вернадского, д. 82. E-mail: vbabashkin@ranepa.ru Цитирование: Бабашкин В.В. (2018) Особенности национальной дороги, или что русскому здорово… // Мир России. Т. 27. № 4. С. 163–175. DOI: 10.17323/1811-038X-2018-27-4-163-175 Пословица «что русскому здорово, то немцу смерть», вероятно, возникла из множества житейских ситуаций, которые совершенно по-разному воспринимались в России местными жителями и заезжими европейцами (немцами), равно как и излишне европеизированными соотечественниками. Такие ситуации описаны в русской литературе, они, можно сказать, хрестоматийны. И нет ничего удивительного в том, что основная масса крестьянского населения страны (не все) ощущала непосредственно то, что значительная часть образованного сословия (славянофилы, народники) пыталась выразить рационально (философия) или метафизически (художественные образы) громадную значимость общины как для прошлого, так и для будущего России. Остается сожалеть, что в первую часть книги «“Особый путь”: от идеологии к методу», где разбирается российский контекст концепции «особый путь», не вошла работа, которая была бы специально посвящена таким темам, как общинный менталитет, и то, что некоторые социологи сегодня обозначают как «моральная экономика». Это могло бы сделать особый путь России менее эфемерным, чем это всегда представлялось прогрессистам западнического толка. Вторую часть книги составили тексты европейцев о Европе на тему “Sonderweg” о том, как немецким историкам представляется особая миссия Германии и насколько таковые их представления правомерны. Все эти сюжеты получают очень профессиональное обобщение в завершающей данный цикл статье В.С. Дубиной «Особый путь теории “Sonderweg” в интерпретации национальной истории». Она подчеркивает, что в современной немецкой историографии представления о “Sonderweg” истории Германии довольно разнообразны, и можно говорить даже о разнообразных “Sonderwege”. Любой из них неизбежно связан с идеей того, что следует считать нормой. И такая ситуация, казалось бы, несовместимая с научным характером историографии, парадоксальным образом спасает именно ее научность, с одной стороны, смягчая внешнее принуждение к покаянию, а с другой стороны, способствуя лучшему представлению о том, какого рода компаративистика должна лежать в основе методологии.

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6

Settis, Bruno. "Una Sonderweg economica italiana?" ITALIA CONTEMPORANEA, no. 290 (July 2019): 191–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ic2019-290009.

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7

Husson, Édouard. "Sonderweg et monde rural." Parlement[s], Revue d'histoire politique 5, no. 1 (2006): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parl.005.0109.

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8

Hvalvik, Reidar. "A 'Sonderweg' for Israel." Journal for the Study of the New Testament 12, no. 38 (January 1990): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x9001203807.

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9

Kronberg, Inge. "Der Sonderweg der Rippenquallen." Biologie in unserer Zeit 44, no. 5 (October 2014): 292. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/biuz.201490071.

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10

Kautzer, Chad. "The Sonderweg of Social Theory." Radical Philosophy Review 8, no. 1 (2005): 97–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/radphilrev2005815.

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11

Kocka, Jürgen. "Looking Back on the Sonderweg." Central European History 51, no. 1 (March 2018): 137–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938918000183.

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Central European History has opened its pages again and again to the controversial debate about the so-called German Sonderweg. With that in mind, and on the occasion of this important journal's fiftieth anniversary, the following essay presents some very selective and personal thoughts on this topic. Although discussed and promoted much less frequently now than in previous decades, and although there are understandable reasons why it has left the center stage of scholarly debate, the approach to modern German history signified by this problematic concept has not been disproven or become obsolete. But, confronted by severe criticism, it has been—and can be—rethought and revised.

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12

Subrahmanyam, Sanjay. "Beyond the Sonderweg." Historically Speaking 9, no. 2 (2007): 12–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hsp.2007.0080.

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13

Jurkewitsch, Anastasija. "Sozialpolitik in Belarus – ein Sonderweg?" Belarus-Analysen, no. 51 (October 9, 2020): 2–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.31205/ba.051.01.

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14

Heim, Thomas M. "Periphere Nerven als eleganter Sonderweg?" InFo Neurologie & Psychiatrie 20, no. 9 (September 2018): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s15005-018-2733-4.

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15

Zentner, Annette, Anja Tebinka-Olbrich, and Antje Haas. "Sonderweg für Antibiotika im AMNOG-Verfahren?" Gesundheits- und Sozialpolitik 69, no. 2 (2015): 53–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1611-5821-2015-2-53.

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16

Стельмах, М. "Німецький "Sonderweg" в сучасній зарубіжній історіографії." Вісник Київського національного університету імені Тараса Шевченка. Історія, Вип. 113 (2012): 51–53.

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17

Ingrao, Charles W. "A Pre-Revolutionary Sonderweg." German History 20, no. 3 (July 1, 2002): 279–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/0266355402gh257oa.

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18

Ledford, Kenneth F. "Comparing Comparisons: Disciplines and the Sonderweg." Central European History 36, no. 3 (September 2003): 367–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916103771006052.

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Inspired in part by a recent exchange in Central European History in which Volker Berghahn and Margaret Lavinia Anderson debated trends in the historiography of the Wilhelmian era of the Kaiserreich, Marcus Kreuzer offers to historians the perspective of a political scientist on what he calls the neglected issue of the “parliamentarization” of the imperial regime over its last two decades. From the starting point of an interpretive dispute about German exceptionalism among historians, a dispute that to him seems easily solvable, Kreuzer compares the various arguments that historians have made about whether by 1914 the Imperial Reichstag was already, or was developing toward becoming, a truly parliamentary regime; he next categorizes historians into schools of interpretation; and he finally resolves the issue for historians by comparing the imperial Reichstag with an array of other parliaments, showing that, based upon evidence contained in the cumulative scholarship produced by historians, it in most cases ranks toward the more powerful end of the spectrum. In the end, he remains puzzled as to why this easily available method has remained too difficult for historians to grasp, concluding that it has been rather easy to drive a stake through the heart of the German Sonderweg, as it is with any exceptionalism.

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19

Magnusson, Lars. "Cameralism as Sonderweg of German Mercantilism?" History of Political Economy 53, no. 3 (June 1, 2021): 389–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-8993274.

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In recent years there has been a renewed interest in Cameralism, both as a discourse and as an administrative political economy, in both theory and practice. Attention has been drawn to how Cameralism—defined as thought and practice—should be understood. The aim of this article is to take a step back and focus on the historiography of Cameralism from the nineteenth century onwards. Even though many in recent times have challenged old and seemingly dated conceptualizations and interpretations, they are still very much alive. Most profoundly this has implied that Cameralism most often in the past has been acknowledged as an expression of—German. as it were—exceptionalism to the general history of economic doctrine and thinking.

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20

Szymanski, Stefan, and Daniel Weimar. "Insolvencies in Professional Football: A German Sonderweg?" International Journal of Sport Finance 14, no. 1 (February 1, 2019): 54–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.32731/ijsf.141.022019.05.

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21

Hempel, Karl Gerhard. "«(In-)traducibilità» übersetzungstheorien in italien: ein «sonderweg»?" Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Philologia 62, no. 4 (December 15, 2017): 221–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbphilo.2017.4.18.

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22

Breger, Claudia. "Zur Debatte um den «Sonderweg deutsche Medienwissenschaft»." Zeitschrift für Medienwissenschaft 1, no. 1 (May 2009): 124–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/zfmw.2009.0012.

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23

Corner, Paul. "The Road to Fascism: an Italian Sonderweg?" Contemporary European History 11, no. 2 (May 2002): 273–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302002059.

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The article argues that many of the factors which eventually produced Italian fascism should be identified not in the divisions of the war years nor in the conflicts of the immediate postwar period but in the period 1900–15 and in the failure of Giovanni Giolitti's reformist strategy. The increasing popular disaffection with parliamentary politics before the war reflected the inability of Giolitti to widen the political base of liberalism through significant social reform. It was this failure which made the experience of the First World War especially disastrous in Italy. In particular, it is argued that liberal governments totally failed to understand the kind of social conflict which was developing in the large estates of the Po valley – the area which would provide the specific context for the explosion of Fascism in late 1920. The essay links Fascism, therefore, less to an often cited ‘working class revolutionary threat’ in 1919–20 than to unresolved long-term structural problems in certain areas of rural Italy. Alexander De Grand offers a critical commentary on Paul Corner's conclusions and the author gives his response.

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24

Hilbert, Josef, Christoph Bräutigam, and Michaela Evans. "Berufsbildung im Gesundheitswesen: Ein Sonderweg mit Fragezeichen." WSI-Mitteilungen 67, no. 1 (2014): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0342-300x-2014-1-43.

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25

Heeser, Alexandra. "VdPB: Bayerischer Sonderweg: Freiwillige und kostenfreie Mitgliedschaft." kma - Klinik Management aktuell 24, no. 12 (December 2019): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0039-1701126.

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Seit Anfang dieses Jahres ist es möglich, Mitglied in der Vereinigung der Pflegenden in Bayern (VdPB) zu werden. Mit ihr hat die Bayerische Staatsregierung eine Interessenvertretung für die größte Berufsgruppe im Gesundheitswesen installiert. Ihr Ziel ist es, die Interessen und die Stimme der Pflege zu stärken. kma spricht dazu mit Georg Sigl-Lehner, dem Präsidenten der VdPB.

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26

Zehnder, Adalbert. "Bye-bye deutsche Apotheke." kma - Klinik Management aktuell 13, no. 01 (January 2008): 34–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0036-1574526.

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Dieses Jahr wird zum Schicksalsjahr für deutsche Apotheker. Experten gehen davon aus, dass der Europäische Gerichtshof den deutschen Sonderweg beim Fremd- und Mehrbesitzverbot im deutschen Apothekenrecht kippen wird. Die Konkurrenz ist gewappnet und sitzt in den Startlöchern.

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27

Lütjen, Torben. "Das Ende der Ideologien und der amerikanische Sonderweg." Zeitschrift für Politik 55, no. 3 (2008): 292–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0044-3360-2008-3-292.

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28

Minnerup, Günter. "The German sonderweg revisited: “Stunde null” and reunification." Debatte: Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe 4, no. 2 (January 1996): 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09651569608454540.

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29

Leidag, Thomas, and Ulrike Marotzki. "Sichtweisen zur Akademisierung – „Der deutsche Sonderweg wird bleiben”." ergopraxis 3, no. 04 (April 2010): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0030-1253249.

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30

Mommsen, Margareta. "Surkows "Souveräne Demokratie" – Formel für einen russischen Sonderweg?" Russland-Analysen, no. 114 (October 20, 2006): 2–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31205/ra.114.01.

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31

Eder, Klaus. "Europäische Säkularisierung — ein Sonderweg in die postsäkulare Gesellschaft?" Berliner Journal für Soziologie 12, no. 3 (September 2002): 331–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03204061.

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32

Krüger, Helga. "Berufliche Bildung. Der deutsche Sonderweg und die Geschlechterfrage." Berliner Journal für Soziologie 13, no. 4 (December 2003): 497–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03204688.

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33

Bulisch, Jens. "Bewahrende Erneuerung. Johann Leisentrit und der Lausitzer Sonderweg." Sächsische Heimatblätter 63, no. 2 (April 1, 2017): 135–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.52410/shb.bd.63.2017.h.2.s.135-146.

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34

Rumpler, Helmut. "Der „Sonderweg“ zwischen Parlamentarismus und Konstitutionalismus im alten Österreich." Anzeiger der philosophisch-historischen Klasse 147 (2016): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/anzeiger147_1s7.

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35

Raasch, Sibylle. "Der Bayrische Sonderweg zu § 218 StGB vor dem Bundesverfassungsgericht." Kritische Justiz 30, no. 3 (1997): 310–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0023-4834-1997-3-310.

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36

Lim, Jie-Hyun. "A Postcolonial Reading of the Sonderweg: Marxist Historicism Revisted." Journal of Modern European History 12, no. 2 (May 2014): 280–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944_2014_2_280.

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37

Nützenadel, Alexander. "Abschied vom "Sonderweg". Neuere Forschungen zur Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte." Neue Politische Literatur 2002, no. 2 (January 1, 2002): 277–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/91454_277.

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38

Weindling, Paul. "The ‘Sonderweg’ of German Eugenics: Nationalism and Scientific Internationalism." British Journal for the History of Science 22, no. 3 (September 1989): 321–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087400026182.

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The history of eugenics has become a classic arena for examining how the interplay of culture, social interests and social structures affects the advancement of science. At the same time eugenics demonstrates how in the first half of the twentieth century, the expectation arose that science could offer the solution of social problems; for biology intruded into many areas of social policy during the 1920s and 30s. Historians of science have been struck by the coincidence between the rise of genetics and eugenics after 1900. Genetics underpinned techniques of family reconstruction, which were deployed for the screening of population groups. Areas of social policy such as the prediction of potential criminals and other types of social deviancy relied on eugenic rationales. This poses intriguing problems concerning the extent to which genetic research was motivated by eugenic ideals, particularly in the field of human genetics. At the same time, it is important to recognize that eugenics was a heterogenous agglomeration of sciences: in addition to genetics, a prominent place was taken by anthropology, clinical medicine, statistics, and psychology. These diverse constituents were welded together by cultural and social movements peculiar to respective national contexts.

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40

Semmens, K. "Das Motorrad: Ein deutscher Sonderweg in die automobile Gesellschaft." German History 31, no. 2 (October 1, 2012): 263–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghs103.

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41

Kocka, Jürgen. "Asymmetrical Historical Comparison: the Case of the German Sonderweg." History and Theory 38, no. 1 (February 1999): 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0018-2656.751999075.

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42

Ganßmann, Heiner. "30 Jahre Massenarbeitslosigkeit in der Bundesrepublik — ein deutscher Sonderweg." Leviathan 32, no. 2 (June 2004): 164–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11578-004-0013-9.

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43

Lee, Jinil. "Alternatives to the Description of National History — From ‘Sonderweg’ to ‘Ankunft in Westen’." Historical Journal 77 (July 31, 2021): 109–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.20457/sha.77.4.

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Dunkhase, Jan Eike. "Sonderweg ins Morgenland. Suzanne Marchands große Geschichte der deutschen Orientalistik." Zeitschrift für Ideengeschichte 4, no. 2 (2010): 114–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1863-8937-2010-2-114.

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45

Priemel, Kim Christian. "Der Sonderweg vor Gericht. Angewandte Geschichte im Nürnberger Krupp-Prozess." Historische Zeitschrift 294, no. 2 (April 2012): 391–426. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/hzhz.2012.0015.

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Donaldson, Terence L. "Jewish Christianity, Israel’s Stumbling and the Sonderweg Reading of Paul." Journal for the Study of the New Testament 29, no. 1 (September 2006): 27–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x06068384.

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47

De Grand, Alexander. "Comment on Corner: Giolitti's Italy – Sonderweg or Well-Travelled Road?" Contemporary European History 11, no. 2 (May 2002): 296–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302002060.

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The idea of an Italian Sonderweg is interesting, but it is not exactly a new interpretation of the Giolittian era. Gaetano Salvemini was very clear in blaming Giolitti for distorting Italy's path to democracy. I agree with Paul Corner's cautionary remark that nothing before the First World War made fascism inevitable. Still, we should look closely at the fifteen years before the Great War, if for no other reason than the fact that the great hopes for reform that marked the period gave rise to little structural reform. Giolitti simply did not bring about the modernisation of the liberal parliamentary system. However, I have my doubts that this adds up to a Sonderweg. Nowhere on the Continent did a modern mass party of the bourgeoisie emerge before 1914. Moreover, in no country did the middle-class movement for reform develop solid links with the growing socialist movement. It is curious in this regard that Corner never mentions France. Certainly the Giolittian era resembles the post-Dreyfus period in French politics more than anything that happened in Germany. It would be interesting for Professor Corner to expand on the viability of the British Lib–Lab pact of 1906; it is implied that this was a model that worked elsewhere on the Continent (p. 286). I also find it surprising that he finds the roots of the Weimar coalition in prewar imperial Germany (p. 294).

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48

Engel, Thomas, Ulrich Brinkmann, and Karina Becker. "Differenz in der Einheit: Ein ostdeutscher Sonderweg im betrieblichen Gesundheitsschutz." WSI-Mitteilungen 63, no. 7 (2010): 365–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0342-300x-2010-7-365.

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49

Kocka, Jürgen. "German History before Hitler: The Debate about the German Sonderweg." Journal of Contemporary History 23, no. 1 (January 1988): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200948802300101.

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50

JENKINS, JULIAN. "War Theology, 1914 and Germany's Sonderweg: Luther's Heirs and Patriotism." Journal of Religious History 15, no. 3 (June 1989): 292–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9809.1989.tb00535.x.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Sonderweg'

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