Academic literature on the topic 'Songhai Empire'

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Journal articles on the topic "Songhai Empire"

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Collet, Hadrien. "LANDMARK EMPIRES: SEARCHING FOR MEDIEVAL EMPIRES AND IMPERIAL TRADITION IN HISTORIOGRAPHIES OF WEST AFRICA." Journal of African History 61, no. 3 (November 2020): 341–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853720000560.

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AbstractThe history of medieval West Africa is defined by the age of three great empires that succeeded one another: Ghāna, Māli, and Songhay. How did these empires come to frame our view of the West African past? To answer the question, we have to understand first how the European and Eurocentric concept of an empire was imposed on a specific African context and why it thrived. In this respect, the case of Sudanic empires in particular illuminates the process of history writing and scholars’ relationship with their time and object of study. In the last few years, Sudanic empires have made a prominent return to the historical conversation. I propose here a critical reflection on ‘empire’ and ‘imperial tradition’ in the western Sahel based on europhone and non-europhone (Arabic) historiographies, from the first histories written in postmedieval West Africa to those produced by twenty-first-century scholarship.
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Singleton, Brent. "Rulers, Scholars, and Invaders: A Select Bibliography of the Songhay Empire." History in Africa 31 (2004): 357–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003533.

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The Songhay Empire was a remarkable west African state, flourishing in several areas including territorial and trade expansion, development of a strong military and centralized government, unprecedented support for learning and scholarship, and skilful relations with the greater Sudanic and Islamic lands. Songhay arose out of the remains of the Mali empire under the rule of Sonni Ali ca. 1464. Yet it was the empire's second ruler, Askiya Muhammad, who initiated the century-long golden age of peace and stability, bringing Songhay to its zenith. This era was particularly fruitful for the cities of Gao, Timbuktu, and Jenne, the empire's administrative, scholarly, and trade centers respectively. Timbuktu soared to preeminence in the Sudan and became known in other parts of the Muslim world, producing many respected scholars. However, by the later part of the sixteenth century fractious disarray among the descendants of Askiya Muhammad weakened the state, ultimately leading to the Moroccan invasion of 1591. Songhay's capitulation to the invaders ended the age of the great medieval west African states.
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Hunwick, John. "Secular Power and Religious Authority in Muslim Society: the Case of Songhay." Journal of African History 37, no. 2 (July 1996): 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700035180.

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The relationship between political power and religious authority has been a delicate one in Muslim societies. On the one hand, governments may attempt to silence religious authorities; on the other, they may themselves succumb to revolutions in the name of religion. More often governments have attempted to co-opt religious authorities as allies in exercising control or have worked directly in a power-sharing arrangement with them. In Songhay, as in several other states of pre-colonial Sudanic Africa, a more subtle balance was achieved between the ruling estate and the diverse body of scholars, mystics and holymen who made up the religious estate. The askiyas of sixteenth-century Songhay, while exercising full political power, saw it in their interest to maintain harmonious relations with these men of religion. Gifts in cash and kind, including slaves, grants of land and privilege, especially exemption from taxation, as well as recognition of rights of intercession and sanctuary, ensured their moral support and spiritual services and, importantly, protected rulers from their curse. Such a symbiosis was important for the stability of a large and ethnically diverse empire like Songhay, especially as regards its conquered western reaches, which were ethnically non-Songhay and had a strong Islamic cultural tradition. This delicate balance was upset by the Sacdian conquest of Songhay in 1591. Despite Moroccan assertions of Islamic legitimacy, religious authorities in Timbuktu were unsupportive, and harsh measures against them dealt a lasting blow to the equilibrium which had prevailed under the askiyas.
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Niezen, Ronald, and Thomas A. Hale. "Scribe, Griot, and Novelist: Narrative Interpreters of the Songhay Empire." Journal of Religion in Africa 22, no. 2 (May 1992): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1580969.

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McCall, Daniel F., and Thomas A. Hale. "Scribe, Groit, and Novelist: Narrative Interpreters of the Songhay Empire." International Journal of African Historical Studies 23, no. 3 (1990): 577. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219645.

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Furniss, Graham, and Thomas A. Hale. "Scribe, Griot, and Novelist: Narrative Interpreters of the Songhay Empire." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 28, no. 2 (1994): 315. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485732.

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Gomez, Michael, and Thomas A. Hale. "Scribe, Griot, and Novelist: Narrative Interpreters of the Songhay Empire." International Journal of African Historical Studies 25, no. 1 (1992): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220154.

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Stoller, Paul, and Thomas A. Hale. "Scribe, Griot, and Novelist: Narrative Interpreters of the Songhay Empire." Ethnohistory 38, no. 4 (1991): 484. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/482497.

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Bühnen, Stephan. "In Quest of Susu." History in Africa 21 (1994): 1–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171880.

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The political history of the medieval Western Sudan was dominated by a succession of empires exerting their domination over the region: Ghana, Mali, and finally Songhay. Oral tradition is our only evidence for the existence of yet another empire. It was called Susu and exerted its supremacy after the decline of Ghana and before the rise of Mali. Most historical treatises locate enigmatic Susu in the Kaniaga region northwest of Segou. These treatises are mainly based on oral traditions and medieval Arabic chronicles.After rereading the conventional historical sources and examining passages in Portuguese sources thus far untapped for the history of the Western Sudan, I feel induced to present a new identification for Susu. The Portuguese evidence appears to point to a vast but nearly forgotten kingdom in the Futa Jalon and Upper Niger region as the historical descendant of ancient Susu, thus indicating the latter's location. This kingdom was called Jalo and Concho. Its ethnic core were the Susu and Jalonke, and it was on its ruins that the Muslim Fula conquerors erected the state of Futa Jalon in the eighteenth century. My interpretation of oral traditions and Arabic sources also leads me to assume an identity of Susu with the kingdoms of Sankaran and Do. I will attempt to demonstrate the identity of the polities bearing these different names in sections introducing these polities, most of which have never been subjected to close historical investigation.
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IRVINE, JUDITH T. "Scribe, Griot, and Novelist: Narrative Interpreters of the Songhay Empire. THOMAS A. HALE." American Ethnologist 19, no. 4 (November 1992): 846–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1992.19.4.02a00310.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Songhai Empire"

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El, Hmidi Lahsen. "Les aspects sociaux et politiques de la diffusion de l'Islam au Mali et au Songhai, 14-16e siècles." Grenoble 2, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993GRE29067.

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Le "miracle arabe" n'avait pas permis seulement le bouleversement de la carte geopolitique du monde ancien, mais avait e galement ouvert l'afrique noire a l'ere de la revelation divine et des lois universelles. C'est en tekrour que l'islam trouva son second souffle et son extraordinaire renaissance faisant du sahara-soudanais une econde terre de predication. Cette renaissance etait due, en grande partie, a l'habilite, aux talents des commercants arabo-berberes et surtout a l'esprit guerrier du mouvement almoravide. Ainsi, en introduisant leur culture, leur religion et leur langue, les arabes avaient contribue puissament au grand mouvement d'arabisation du soudan qui, du 11eme au 16eme siecle, a pousse les adeptes de mohamed a faconner le monde soudano-sahelien a leur image en persuadant les chefs locaux a mener une vie plus inspiree du modele oriental que de l'heritage ancestral soudanais. Cependant, cette persuation n'avait engendre qu'une influence tres superficielle. Les masses paysanes etaient restees profedement animistes et etrangeres au dialogue qui s'instaurait entre leur chefs et les ressortissants arabo-berberes. Mais si les cites nigeriennes ont connu une vie religieuse et culturelle tres animee aunmoyen-age, c'est grace, il faut le dire, a la politique bienveillante des souver ains soudanais ( les mansas et les askias ) qui ne cesserent de couvrir les lettres musulmans d'honneurs et de presents. Quoiqu'il en soit, la rencontre de l'islam avec l'afrique noire a permis a celle-ci de s'ouvrir sur le monde et d'appre hender les temps modernes avec une mentalite nouvelle
The "arabe miracle" did not only allow the compete change of the geopolitic map of the ancien world, but also allowed bl ack africa to have access to the divine revelation era of universal laws. It is in tekrur that islam found its second br eathe and its extraordinary rebith turning the sudaness sahara into a second earth of predication. This rebith was mostl y due to the gifted arabo-berbertradesmen and more particularly to the warlik spirit of the almoravid movement. Thus, by introducing their culture, religion and language, the arabe had greatly contributed to the great arabization movement of sudan, which from the 11 th century to 16 th century drove mohamed followers to build the sudano-sahelian world in their own image, persuading the local cheifs to live in a more oriental way, rather than in the ancestral sudanese herit age. The agricultural work forces were still strongly animist and did not take part in the dialogue which involved their cheifs and the arabo-berber peopole ( or citizen ). But , if the nigerian cities knew a lilively religious and cultural life during the middle -age, we must say that it is thanks to the benevolent politics of the sudanese sovereigns ( the mansas and askias ) who never stopped honoring muslim scholars. Although, the meeting between islam and black africa permitted the latter to open us itself
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Sanni, Bachirou Mohamed. "Recherches sur les structures des empires du soudan occidental du quatorzieme au dix-septieme siecle et leurs relations avec le bassin mediterraneen." Toulouse 2, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986TOU20053.

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L'etude des structures des empires islamises du soudan occidental (mali, songhay) et celles de l'empire mossi animiste nous permet de souligner que ces etats ont des caracteristiques analogues et que ces societes medievales soudanaises presentent une originalite par rapport a la civilisation arabo-musulmane a l'exception de l'emergence negligeable pour le mali et preponderante pour le songhay des lettres musulmans. Les relations entre ces empires et le bassin mediterraneen constituent en fait une penetration islamique au soudan sur le plan economique, humain, religieux, scientifique et litteraire dont la consequence du point de vue africain est l'epanouissement sur les rives du niger d'une civilisation islamico-negre. Au point de vue economique, les produits d'echanges soudanais (or, esclaves) contribuerent a l'enrichissement du bassin mediterraneen tant musulman que chretien (italie, midi de la france, espagne, portugal). La politique economique de ces empires pour briser le monopole maghrebin a partir du quatorzieme siecle, l'intervention economique portugaise sur les cotes atlantiques et guineennes aux quinzieme et seizieme siecles ont entraine la crise economique et de l'or au maroc. Ces faits economiques sont parmi les causes de la conquete marocaine sur le songhay en mille cinq cent quatre-vingt et onze. L'action conjuguee de tous ces faits y compris la traite negriere en direction des pays mediterraneen portent le coup de grace a la structure des vieux empires soudanais. En effet, apres la conquete de l'empire songhay par les marocains, le soudan occidental tombe dans une decadence irremediable
The study of the structures of the islamic empires of western sudan (mali, songhay) and those of animistic mosi empire us to emphasize the fact that those states possess fimilar characteristics and that those mediaeval sudanese societies are original when compared to islamic civilization except the negligible presence of learned muslims in mali and their preponderant emergence in the songhay empire. The connections between these empires and the mediterranean basin really show an islamic penetration into sudan in economic, human, religious, scientific and literary fields. For african people the consequence of this penetration is the development of a negro-islamic civilization on the banks of niger. In the economic field, sudanese goods (gold, slaves) contributed to the wealth of the moslem as weel as the christian mediterranean basin (italy, the south of france, of the maghreb from the fourteenth century, the portuguese economic interference in the atlantic and guinean coasts during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries brought about the economic and gold crises in morocco. These economic facts are among the causes of moroccans conquest of the songhay in fifteen ninety-one. The interconnected action of all those facts, including the slave-trade towards mediterranean countries aims a finishing stroke to the structure of the old sudanese empires. In fact, after the conquest of the songhay empire ley the moroccans, the western sudan falls into an irremediable decay
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Books on the topic "Songhai Empire"

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Songhay: The empire builders. New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 1995.

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Discovering the Songhay Empire. New York: Rosen Publishing, 2014.

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John, Haywood. West African kingdoms. Chicago, Ill: Raintree, 2008.

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Hale, Thomas A. Scribe, griot and novelist: Narrative interpreters of the Songhay empire. Orlando: University of Florida Press, 1990.

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1986, Malio Nouhou d., ed. Scribe, griot, and novelist: Narrative interpreters of the Songhay Empire. Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1990.

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O, Hunwick John, ed. Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʻdī's Taʼrīkh al-sūdān down to 1613, and other contemporary documents. Leiden: Brill, 2003.

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ʻAbd al-Raḥmān ibn ʻAbd Allāh Saʻdī. Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʻdi's Taʼrīkh al-Sūdān down to 1613, and other contemporary documents. Leiden: Brill, 1999.

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West African kingdoms. Austin, TX: Raintree Steck-Vaughn, 2001.

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Conrad, David C. The Songhay empire. New York: F. Watts, 1998.

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Klobuchar, Lisa. Africans of the Ghana, Mali, and Songhai empires. Chicago: World Book, 2009.

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Book chapters on the topic "Songhai Empire"

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Bovill, E. W. "The Fall of the Songhai Empire." In Caravans of the Old Sahara, 170–82. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351033343-15.

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Bovill, E. W. "The Rise of the Songhai Empire." In Caravans of the Old Sahara, 82–91. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351033343-8.

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Gomez, Michael A. "Sunni ‘Alī and the Reinvention of Songhay." In African Dominion, 168–92. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691196824.003.0009.

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This chapter studies the onset of Songhay, which was in fact a reemergence, in that it recentered the ancient town of Gao, capital of the novel experiment. Inheriting the mantle of Mali, Songhay would undertake important innovations in meeting the demands of international commerce, ethnic diversity, and Islam's expansion. By way of serial effort, experimentation, and even regime change, Songhay boldly attempted the realization of a pluralist society fully reflective of its multiple constituencies—an approach premised on a new theory of governance in which spheres of influence were distributed to shareholders as self-organized groupings or communities. Informed by both local practice and international engagement, Songhay would eventually achieve a remarkable social compact by which new levels of mutual respect and tolerance were reached, and through which Songhay came to be characterized. In this way, it distinguished itself from its Malian predecessor, for the Malian empire was first and foremost a Mande operation, in which the Mande sought to control all levers of political, social, and cultural power. In contrast, Songhay would evolve differently, becoming a much more ethnically heterogeneous society in which allegiance to the state transcended loyalties to clan and culture, with its leadership becoming much more diverse.
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"Notes on Slavery in the Songhay Empire." In Slaves and Slavery in Africa, 30–45. Routledge, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203988176-8.

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Toulmin, Camilla. "History of Dlonguébougou and the wider region." In Land, Investment, and Migration, 29–49. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198852766.003.0002.

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Chapter 2 sets the village of Dlonguébougou within its wider region. Long-term shifts in rainfall have shaped the landscape and societies, from prehistory through to the emergence of the Ghana, Mali, and Songhai Empires, relying on trans-Saharan trade in gold, salt, and slaves. The Bambara kingdom of Ségou used warfare to exact tribute and control trade, but by the time of the French conquest, much of the region had been taken under the jihadist rule of El Hajj Oumar Tall. The colonial administration had profound, long-lasting impacts on village life, taxation, forced labour, military recruitment, and legal and political systems. Economic and political events since Independence in 1960 are described, including the growing conflict in the north and centre of the country, sparked by demands for Tuareg autonomy, but now spread into widespread instability.
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Gomez, Michael A. "Of Fitnas and Fratricide: The Nadir of Imperial Songhay." In African Dominion, 315–33. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691196824.003.0013.

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This chapter examines Songhay's twenty-year nadir, which was first and foremost a time of myopia relative to the expansive, internationalist age of Askia Muḥammad that preceded it, its parochialism a function of an unprecedented rivalrous spirit invested in sanguinary practice distinctive in both elevation and scope, reaching the most privileged while encompassing a broad expanse of social formations. A collective royal neurosis of the most toxic variety enveloped Songhay's elite, as a result of which many sons, and even daughters, of amīr al-mu'minīn were cut down by blood relatives, and precisely for that reason. Because intimacies necessarily attended these intrafamilial conflicts, the level of intrigue must have been extraordinary, aided by privileged slaves who stepped into breaches left by the serial elimination of their masters, advantaged by administrative experience combined with their nonthreatening, liminal status. In Songhay, the process was led by eunuchs, who leveraged their skills in both their own interests as well as those of their patrons, becoming indispensable. As a result, royal slaves and the royal women they served became a powerful component of the “people of Songhay.” The growth of the servile estate, in turn, was enabled by an apparent surge in slaving, swelling not only the ranks of the dispossessed but constituting the principal “commodity” for which mounts could be imported into the empire, stimulating further slaving.
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Gomez, Michael A. "The Rending Asunder: Dominion’s End." In African Dominion, 355–68. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691196824.003.0015.

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This chapter describes how, between Askia Dāwūd's death in 990–91/1582–83 and the Battle of Tondibi in 999/1591 that marked the beginning of Morocco's occupation, the empire endured the tumultuous reigns of four askias, the depravations of famine, and a civil war so destructive that Timbuktu's religious elites felt compelled to intervene. Less than ten years following the death of Askia Dāwūd, imperial Songhay lay in utter ruin, never more to rise. It is no small irony that an enslaved official was at the epicenter of exigency, nor that slaves were strategically positioned to influence events, nor that those events prominently featured enslaved soldiers. Elites, whether political actors or shaykhs, were therefore as dependent on as they were dominant over slaves. The Moroccan invasion would arrive at a most unpropitious time.
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