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Journal articles on the topic 'Sophists (Greek philosophy) in literature'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 14 February 2022

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1

Panteleev, Aleksey. "What indeed has Athens to do with Jerusalem? Early Christianity and the Second Sophistic." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 14, no. 2 (2020): 567–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2020-14-2-567-586.

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The article deals with the early Christian literature of the 2nd–3d centuries in the context of the Second Sophistic. Famous sophists and Christian intellectuals were contemporaries, and they were educated by the same teachers. The focus of the article is on such themes as the claims of apologists for the status of ambassadors to the Roman emperors, the desire to demonstrate their education and include Christianity in the mainstream of development of ancient culture, an appeal to Greek history. When Christians tried to prove the truth of their views on the world and the deity and to demonstrate the superiority of their culture and their own tradition, they often used ideas and methods borrowed from the arsenal of Second sophistic.

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Petrovic, Ivana, and Andrej Petrovic. "General." Greece and Rome 65, no. 2 (September 17, 2018): 282–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383518000244.

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I was very excited to get my hands on what was promising to be a magnificent and extremely helpfulHandbook of Rhetorical Studies, and my expectations were matched – and exceeded! This handbook contains no less than sixty contributions written by eminent experts and is divided into six parts. Each section opens with a brief orientation essay, tracing the development of rhetoric in a specific period, and is followed by individual chapters which are organized thematically. Part I contains eleven chapters on ‘Greek Rhetoric’, and the areas covered are law, politics, historiography, pedagogy, poetics, tragedy, Old Comedy, Plato, Aristotle, and closing with the Sophists. Part II contains thirteen chapters on ‘Ancient Roman Rhetoric’, which similarly covers law, politics, historiography, pedagogy, and the Second Sophistic, and adds Stoic philosophy, epic, lyric address, declamation, fiction, music and the arts, and Augustine to the list of topics. Part III, on ‘Medieval Rhetoric’, covers politics, literary criticism, poetics, and comedy; Part IV, on the Renaissance contains chapters on politics, law, pedagogy, science, poetics, theatre, and the visual arts. Part V consists of seven essays on the early modern and Enlightenment periods and is decidedly Britano-centric: politics, gender in British literature, architecture, origins of British Enlightenment rhetoric, philosophy (mostly British, too), science, and the elocutionary movement in Britain. With Chapter 45 we arrive at the modern age section (Part VI), with two chapters on feminism, one on race, and three on the standard topics (law, political theory, science), grouped together with those on presidential politics, New Testament studies, argumentation, semiotics, psychoanalysis, deconstruction, social epistemology, and environment, and closing with digital media. The volume also contains a glossary of Greek and Latin rhetorical terms. As the editor states in his Introduction, the aim of the volume is not only to provide a comprehensive history of rhetoric, but also to enable those interested in the role of rhetoric in specific disciplines or genres, such as law or theatre and performance, to easily find those sections in respective parts of the book and thus explore the intersection of rhetoric with one specific field in a chronological sequence.

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3

Van Hoof, Lieve. "PERFORMINGPAIDEIA: GREEK CULTURE AS AN INSTRUMENT FOR SOCIAL PROMOTION IN THE FOURTH CENTURYa.d." Classical Quarterly 63, no. 1 (April 24, 2013): 387–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838812000833.

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Paideia– i.e. Greek culture, comprising, amongst other things, language, literature, philosophy and medicine – was a constituent component of the social identity of the elite of the Roman empire: as a number of influential studies on the Second Sophistic have recently shown, leading members of society presented themselves as such by their possession and deployment of cultural capital, for example by performing oratory, writing philosophy or showcasing medical interventions. As the ‘common language’ of the men ruling the various parts of the empire, Greek culture became a characteristic of, and thus ade factocondition for, leading socio-political positions. Whilst most elite men would have taken for granted a good cultural education no less than a leading position, an outstanding command of the classical Greek language, literature and tradition as displayed in epideictic performances allowed some orators, philosophers and doctors to move distinctively up the social ladder, sometimes reaching the ears of, and thereby wielding influence over, the emperor himself.

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Green, R. P. H. "Still Waters Run Deep: A New Study of theProfessoresof Bordeaux." Classical Quarterly 35, no. 2 (December 1985): 491–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800040325.

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Perhaps the most remarkable feature of the works in which Ausonius of Bordeaux and Libanius of Antioch, writing within a few years of each other, recall their long and varied careers is that there is so little resemblance between them; the impressions given by these experienced and successful teachers could hardly be more disparate. The reader of Ausonius finds in hisProtrepticus(Ep.22 Peiper) a familiar enough picture of the terrors of the schoolroom; hisProfessoresoffer at first sight a series of bland commemorations apparently deficient in the interesting information which might be expected from such an archive. Libanius' many volumes, on the other hand, compared where appropriate with theVitae Sophistarumof Eunapius, present a situation which is well summarised by the following sentences from Walden's workThe Universities of Ancient Greece(still valuable seventy-five years after its publication): ‘There was, among the sophists of the fourth century…little, if any, of that spirit of brotherhood… that usually exists in a community of scholars at the present day. Instead there were jealousy, spite and often unrelenting hatred’. This striking divergence between Ausonius and his Eastern counterparts is unlikely to reflect a basic difference between East and West, or between Latin- and Greek-speaking milieux; the complaints of Augustine about his problems in Africa and Rome warn against such a simple answer. When one adds the evidence provided seven centuries later by the Frenchman Peter Abelard, whose plaintiveHistoria Calamitatum— an account of the disasters he suffered, not those which he caused — is remarkably similar to the prickly self-justification of Libanius in its account of bitter scheming and almost military manoeuvres in the educational world, one is forced to consider whether the evidence of Ausonius is not a serious anomaly, and to seek an explanation.

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5

Montemayor, Alicia. "Homero y Sócrates: dos paideiai." Theoría. Revista del Colegio de Filosofía, no. 14-15 (October 1, 2003): 175–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/ffyl.16656415p.2003.14-15.312.

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For the Greeks, wisdom made the man. That is to say that to become an adult and to be considered truly human, one had to be well educated, which presupposed intelligence, mastery of one’s passions, escaping luck’s dominion. From archaic times, Homer was the basis for this paideia, which we see challenged in the Fifth century, during the so-called Greek Illustration. In Hellenistic times, Homer became literature, and philosophy, a way of life. Socrates’ influence on this change was enormous. His life was his work; he didn’t have to write to demand a radical change of the city’s institutions. What was perhaps impossible to foresee was that those institutions didn’t admit change; that religion couldn’t endure attacks from sophistic relativism and philosophical discussion, and that custom couldn’t hold after so radical a change in the goal of education. Soul, considered by many Socrates’ invention, caused this change.

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6

Rodgers, V. A. "In Search of the Sophists - Edward Schiappa: Protagoras and Logos: a Study in Greek Philosophy and Rhetoric. (Studies in Rhetoric/Communication.) Pp. xvii + 239. Columbia, South Carolina: University of South Carolina press, 1991. $29.95. - Jacqueline De Romilly: The Great Sophists in Periclean Athens. Translated by Janet Lloyd. Pp. xv + 260. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992 (originally published in French, 1988), £35." Classical Review 43, no. 1 (April 1993): 77–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00285879.

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7

Siorvanes, Lucas. "Studies in Eunapius Robert J. Penella: Greek Philosophers and Sophists in the Fourth Century A.D. Studies in Eunapius of Sardis. (ARCA, Classical and Medieval Texts, Papers and Monographs, 28.) Pp. x + 165. Leeds: Francis Cairns, 1990. £20." Classical Review 42, no. 01 (April 1992): 38–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00282085.

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8

Dąbrowska-Kujko, Justyna. "Officina medici philosophi schola est. Terapia słowami (casus Erazma z Rotterdamu)." Roczniki Humanistyczne 67, no. 3 (July 8, 2019): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh.2019.67.3-1.

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The article is devoted to the relationships of rhetoric, philosophy and medicine. The first part concerns the Greek (especially sophistic) roots of dependencies occurring between these domains, processes of penetration of the medical topics into ancient literature and principles of mutual interactions. The purpose of this presentation is to show the ground and find the justification for the fact that medical terminology and medical threads are frequent in the rhetorical discourse of the early modern age, especially in humanistic philosophical literature, focused on verbal therapy and convinced of the healing dimension of the word. The case of Erasmus of Rotterdam was considered particularly interesting for these diagnoses, hence the work of this humanist has been the subject of research in this work. Therefore, attention was drawn to the rich representation of medical motifs in the works of Erasmus, the presence in the author’s texts of imaging, terminology and medical topics, broad interest in the field of medicine, which is reflected in references to Galen’s work and translation of his writings by Erasmus. The most important and the most interesting, however, turned out to be the text in which the medical nomenclature became an aesthetic and ideological component, influenced the shape of the entire discourse, its argumentative platform, influenced the persuasive fabric of the work and at the same time participated in building its philosophical pronunciation. Lingua – the apologetic work of Erasmus with clearly didactic meaning, and at the same time strongly permeated by the epideictic manners of the sophistic diatribe – belongs to this kind of writings.

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9

Sider, David. "VICE'S SECRET: PRODICUS AND THE CHOICE OF HERACLES." Classical Quarterly 69, no. 2 (October 23, 2019): 896–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838819000739.

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In a well-known parable, told by Xenophon but credited by him to the sophist Prodicus, the young Heracles setting out on the road meets two women whose appearance turns out to be in accord with their characters and names, which are soon proclaimed by each to be Virtue and Vice. The former comports herself as a proper Greek woman should, ‘becoming to look at and freeborn by nature, her body (σῶμα) adorned with purity, her eyes with shame, her stature with moderation (τὸ δὲ σχῆμα σωφροσύνῃ), dressed in white’ (transl. Mayhew). Vice, on the other hand, is self-absorbed and slutty: ‘well nourished to the point of fleshiness and softness, made up to appear whiter and redder than she was in fact’, τὸ δὲ σχῆμα ὥστε δοκεῖν ὀρθοτέραν τῆς φύσεως εἶναι, ‘with wide-open eyes, dressed to show off her ripeness, often checking herself out and seeing whether anyone was looking at her, often even looking at her own shadow’.

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10

Brobjer, Thomas H. "Nietzsche’s Disinterest and Ambivalence Toward the Greek Sophists." International Studies in Philosophy 33, no. 3 (2001): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil200133334.

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11

Kerferd, G. B. "Sophistic Political Theory and Early Greek History - Martin Dreher: Sophistik und Polisentwicklung. Die sophistischen Staatstheorieen des fünften Jahrhunderts v.Chr. und ihr Bezug auf Entstehung und Wesen des griechischen, vorrängig athenischen Staates. (Europäische Hochschulschriften, III. 191.) Pp. 183. Frankfurt am Main, Bern: Peter Lang, 1983. Paper." Classical Review 35, no. 1 (April 1985): 62–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00107358.

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12

Jones, Christopher P. "THE SECOND SOPHISTIC AND MORE - (T.) Whitmarsh Beyond the Second Sophistic. Adventures in Greek Postclassicism. Pp. xiv + 278. Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 2013. Cased, £34.95, US$49.95. ISBN: 978-0-520-27681-9." Classical Review 64, no. 2 (June 23, 2014): 423–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x14001115.

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13

Thomason, Steven. "Philosophy and Law: An Interpretation of Plato’s Minos." POLIS, The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 32, no. 1 (May 5, 2015): 55–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340038.

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Plato’s Minos presents a twofold argument. In part it is a facile defense of law directed at a typical Athenian citizen. On another level it is a sophisticated teaching that ponders the question what is law for the would-be philosopher or student of Socrates. These arguments are made in three parts. First, it becomes clear that Socrates’ interlocutor has been influenced or corrupted by the teachings of sophists. Second, Socrates attempts to reform the interlocutor’s opinion of law by suggesting there is a science of law. Finally, Socrates argues that present day Greek laws are derived from the oldest Greek laws, which were revealed and taught by Zeus himself. With this twofold argument Socrates counters his interlocutor’s sophists’ influenced opinion of law and reveals to the careful reader the complexity of the question: what is law?

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14

Taylor, C. C. W. "The Sophists and Legal Philosophy." Classical Review 55, no. 1 (March 2005): 47–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clrevj/bni029.

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15

Huseynova, Anastasia. "Sophists. Origin of the concept learning motivation." KANT 36, no. 3 (September 2020): 195–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.24923/2222-243x.2020-36.37.

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The paper deals with the formation of philosophical thought about the motivation for teaching by Greek thinkers. Special attention is paid to the views of Aristotle, Socrates, Protagoras and the sophists. The scientific novelty of the paper is due to the comparison of theories of motivation by various philosophical schools of that time, and the modern response based on the commenting literature.

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Balberg, Mira. "Rabbinic Authority, Medical Rhetoric, and Body Hermeneutics in Mishnah Nega‘im." AJS Review 35, no. 2 (November 2011): 323–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009411000419.

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The second century CE has long been recognized as a time of intense preoccupation with medicine and health in the Graeco-Roman world. Medicine had always been a part of the Greek paideia, and acquaintance with it was traditionally required of every aristocrat, but it was during the second Sophistic period that a new form of medical self-presentation emerged in which the knowledge of medicine was hailed not only as one of the apices of the intellectual habitus, but also as indispensable to everyday life. As Michel Foucault observed, the literature of this period placed an enormous emphasis on the body not just as a tool to be used but also as an end in itself, and the classic philosophical ideal of “caring for the Self” (epimeleia heautou) came to entail unrelenting attention to one's health and physical well-being. In this setting, the doctor—the bearer of medical knowledge and the ultimate caretaker of the Self—was seen as offering more than physical relief: The doctor was both a healer and a mentor, and functioned as a watchperson and a guide to right living. Indeed, it is in this period that we first come across the appellations iatrophilosophos (doctor-philosopher) and iatrosophistes (doctor-sophist). Medical knowledge had thus become a most esteemed form of knowledge during the Antonine period of the Roman Empire, and doctors, as its guardians, interpreters, and practitioners, were invested with substantial power and authority.

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17

Jones, Christopher P. "Lives of the Sophists." Classical Review 55, no. 1 (March 2005): 82–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clrevj/bni049.

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18

Mirhady, David C. "ALCIDAMAS ON THE SOPHISTS." Classical Review 54, no. 2 (October 2004): 331–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/54.2.331.

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Gajda-Krynicka, Janina. "The Propedeutic of the Theory of Judgment in Ancient Philosophy from the Sophists to Plato’s Theaetetus." Folia Philosophica 42, no. 2 (December 30, 2019): 21–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/fp.8513.

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In the ancient epistemology, precisely stated definition of judgment (axioma) appears only in the 3rd century B.C. It was formulated by Chrysippus of Soli, the founder of the Stoic logic. However, on the other hand, the analysis of the extant utterances in which the knowledge had been objectified since the first Greek thinkers, allows us to state that the evolution of the theory of judgment was a long process. In this development, Greek epistemology had to deal with a number of problems connected with the object of the judgment –– knowledge, with the form of its objectification –– predication, and also with the predicates of the true and false judgment –– categories of “truth” (aletheia) and “falsehood” (pseudos). The first definition of the false judgement (logos pseudes) and the true judgment (logos alethes) can be found only in the late dialogue of Plato, Sophist, which delivers precisely established terminology of the theorem. Yet, such a definition could be formulated only when Greek epistemology re-defined the scope of the meaning of the key terms-concepts, aletheia and pseudos. The term-concept aletheia was identified with the term-concept being, functioning in the ontological-axiological sphere. On the other hand, pseudos did not mean false in the sense of negating the truth, but something, which is different than truth, is its imperfect copy. Thus, the pre-Platonic philosophy has not yet formulated the terminology in which predication of something inconsistent with the actual state of being, with the truth, could be verbalized. Often to express such a form of predication, a phrase “to utter things, which are not” was used. The other problem was connected with –– characteristic ofthe Greek language –– dual function of the verb to be/einai, which included both existential and truthful function. Accordingly, every utterance, in which the predicate was the verb einai or its derivates, was ex definitione a true predication –– “it spoke beings (things, which are).” In such a situation, there was noneed in epistemology to precisely define judgment as such, and to state the conditions which the true judgment hadto meet. The problem is definitely solved by Plato in his dialogue Theaetetus, in which the philosopher defines the object of the judgment, which is knowledge (however, its object is not stated yet) and introduces the project of verification of the utterances/opinion, thanks to which an opinion ––doxa can reach the status of judgment ––logos. An opinion needs to be verified with the dialectical procedures.

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20

Brancacci, Aldo. "Il frammento gnoseologico di Eutidemo." Elenchos 39, no. 1 (August 28, 2018): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/elen-2018-0002.

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Abstract Euthydemus is included neither in Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker by Diels–Kranz nor in Sofisti. Testimonianze e frammenti by Untersteiner nor in Early Greek Philosophy by Laks and Most. Likewise, the great twentieth century works on the Sophists do not give space to him, at best mentioning him briefly. Yet Euthydemus is the author of a fragment, which was quoted by Plato in his Cratylus, and on which again there is no modern study. This paper sets out to study this fragment in depth, to review and discuss the various translations, both existing and possible, to study the context of Plato’s quotation, to clarify the exact meaning and the theoretical scope of this important fragment, and lastly to place Euthydemus in the Protagorean tradition, of which he is a notable product.

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21

Taylor, C. C. W. "DESCRIBING GREEK PHILOSOPHY." Classical Review 50, no. 1 (April 2000): 140–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/50.1.140.

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Miller, Char Roone. "GREEK POPULAR LITERATURE." Classical Review 52, no. 2 (September 2002): 284–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/52.2.284.

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23

Stephens, S. A. "Greek Literature Surveyed." Classical Review 55, no. 2 (October 2005): 387–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clrevj/bni215.

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Mcglew, James F. "STATUES IN GREEK LITERATURE." Classical Review 53, no. 1 (April 2003): 120–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/53.1.120.

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Ruth Asirvatham, Sulochana. "No Patriotic Fervor for Pella: Aelius Aristides and the Presentation of the Macedonians in the Second Sophistic." Mnemosyne 61, no. 2 (2008): 207–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852507x195763.

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AbstractThis paper examines four speeches by Aelius Aristides that contrast the image of Macedonian history negatively with Greek past and Roman present. Aristides' literary milieu of the 'Second Sophistic' is characterized by Greek self-consciousness and nostalgia in the Roman Empire. While writers like Plutarch and Arrian mythologize the figure of Alexander as a second Achilles and a philosopher-of-war as a means of offering subtle proof of 'Hellenic' primacy over the Romans, Aristides chooses to focus on the more negative aspects of the Macedonian legacy. To the Thebans I and II elaborately update the 'barbaric' image of Philip II found in Demosthenes, making him parallel not only, perhaps, to the Persian enemy of old but also to Rome's contemporary Parthian enemy. The Panathenaic Oration and To Rome, on the other hand, idealize the world of the present, where Athens reigns supreme in culture, Rome in conquest. Aristides' stance suggests that, despite the attractions of the 'Hellenic' Alexander, pride in Greece does not necessarily have to include Macedonian history. What is more important is that writers have some means of Hellenizing Rome, whether by idealizing a 'Greco-Roman' Alexander, or by seeing Rome as the ultimate polis.

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Brovkin, Vladimir V. "On the Role of Greek Philosophy in the Formation of Hellenistic Monarchies." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 460 (2020): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/460/7.

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The article deals with the question of the influence of Greek philosophy on the formation of Hellenistic monarchies. According to one point of view, theories of Greek philosophers on kingship played an important role in the formation of absolutism in the Hellenistic monarchies. It is believed that it is in the classical Greek philosophy that the ideas on absolute monarchy as the best state structure and on the legal rights of an outstanding person to royal power were developed. In the course of the study, the author infers that Greek philosophy did not have a significant impact on the formation of absolutism in Hellenistic monarchies. The Greek philosophers’ doctrines of kingship were significantly different from the type of power that was characteristic of the Hellenistic monarchies. Leading political philosophers of the IV century BC Plato and Aristotle were supporters of two types of monarchy: a moderate monarchy in which the royal power is limited by law and an absolute monarchy based on the exceptional virtue of the king. In the Hellenistic monarchies, the unlimited power of the king was originally associated with military-political power. At the same time, the author finds that Greek philosophy had an indirect influence on the formation of absolute monarchies in the period of early Hellenism. This influence consisted in the fact that Greek philosophers criticized the sociopolitical system of Greece and the main types of polity of the state – democracy and oligarchy. Plato and Aristotle sharply criticized extreme forms of oligarchy and democracy in their works. At the same time, as the author has established, philosophers were supporters of moderate democracy and oligarchy. The sophists, the cynics and the Cyrenaics also actively criticized the values and traditions of polis. Thus, Greek philosophers unwittingly contributed to the weakening of the polis and the formation of absolute monarchies. The author has also found that Greek philosophers influenced the formation of the enlightened character of the rule of individual Hellenistic kings. Philosophers contributed to the upbringing of high moral qualities in the Hellenistic kings. This influence was especially evident in Alexander the Great, Ptolemy I Soter, Ptolemy II Philadelphus and Antigonus II Gonatas. In the final part of the article, the author comes to the conclusion that the main role in the formation of absolute monarchies in the period of early Hellenism was played by the ancient Eastern political traditions, as well as by the nature of the formation of Hellenistic kingdoms and their ethnic composition.

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Larsen, Øjvind. "Fra Perikles til Platon – Fra demokratisk politisk praksis til totalitær politisk filosofi." Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, no. 59 (March 9, 2018): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/sl.v0i59.104730.

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Plato is normally taken as one of the founders of Western political philosophy, not at least with his Republic. Here, he constructs a hierarchy of forms of governments, beginning with aristocracy at the top as a critical standard for the other forms of governments, and proceeding through timocracy and oligarchy to democracy and tyranny at the bottom. Following Karl Popper, the article argues that Plato’s political philosophy is a totalitarian philosophy that emphasizes the similarities between democracy and tyranny, which it considers to be the two worst forms of government. Plato’s denigration of democracy has dominated the tradition of political philosophy until recent times. This article, however, shows that political philosophy in fact originates in democracy, especially as developed by the sophists, and that philosophy is only a form of sophism with a similar origin in ancient Greek democracy. A discussion of Pericles’ funeral oration is used to show that Pericles presented a democratic political philosophy that can serve as a counterpoint to Plato’s political philosophy in the Republic.

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Syrotinski, Michael. "On (Not) Translating Lacan: Barbara Cassin's Sophistico-Analytical Performances." Paragraph 43, no. 1 (March 2020): 98–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/para.2020.0323.

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Barbara Cassin's Jacques the Sophist: Lacan, Logos, and Psychoanalysis, recently translated into English, constitutes an important rereading of Lacan, and a sustained commentary not only on his interpretation of Greek philosophers, notably the Sophists, but more broadly the relationship between psychoanalysis and sophistry. In her study, Cassin draws out the sophistic elements of Lacan's own language, or the way that Lacan ‘philosophistizes’, as she puts it. This article focuses on the relation between Cassin's text and her better-known Dictionary of Untranslatables, and aims to show how and why both ‘untranslatability’ and ‘performativity’ become keys to understanding what this book is not only saying, but also doing. It ends with a series of reflections on machine translation, and how the intersubjective dynamic as theorized by Lacan might open up the possibility of what is here termed a ‘translatorly’ mode of reading and writing.

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Shokri, Mehdi. "Rhetoric Tradition and Democracy: Isocrates’ Role in Ancient Greek Political Idea. Start Point of Western Political Philosophy." Studia Humana 4, no. 3 (July 1, 2015): 14–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sh-2015-0017.

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AbstractPolitical participation and the public education that have always been deployed to support the incipient progress of the civic life are revived in the modern political discourses. It has been believed that the age of pre-Socrates was the age of the Sophists whose acrid fallacy works occupied the political sphere, a malaise in government. However, speaking non-traditionally in the modern pedagogical system, there were some pre-Socratic thinkers and political philosophers/orators who’s works are the backbone of modern discourse on this matter. It will be examined whether any part of the classical rhetoric apparatus can be recovered and put to a good practice in the modern education and modern political participation. This point will be illustrated, furthermore, in this paper by alleging the importance of rhetoric, its role in Ancient Greek Democracy, and its influence on the modern concepts of power and democracy, as a continual element in a historical-political life. The further consideration is whether there was any democraticPolisexisted in Ancient Athens and then, if there was, what characteristics it consisted of. Moreover, whether such concept can or should be considered in modern political discourses. In this sense, the liberal, non-dogmatic strain of the sophistry of Isocrates tradition urges us to indicate that the findings of this educational principles are, if not necessary, but adjutant complementary metes to our modern political knowledge of the states. In the end, it is inquired to see comparatively that how the tradition of rhetorical art and the concept of power in the Ancient Greek society have pertained to the modern democratic elements and whether we are able to empower this influential element in modern states.

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Elkana, Yehuda. "Experiment as a Second-Order Concept." Science in Context 2, no. 1 (1988): 177–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889700000545.

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The ArgumentWhen we actually perform an experiment, we do many different things simultaneously – some belonging to the realm of theory, some to the realms of methodology and technique; however, a great deal of what happens is expressible in terms of socially determined images of knowledge or in terms of concepts of reflectivity – second-order concepts – namely thoughts about thoughts.The emergence of experiment as a second-order concept in late antiquity exemplifies the historical development of second-order concepts; it is shown to be rooted in the Sophists' cunning reason (Greek metis) and is followed up in the work of Ptolemy, Copernicus and Galileo.Then, by way of epistemological explication, the three levels of representation of an experiment are shown to be analogous to Baxandall's three levels of representation of a picture.Finally it is shown that such an interpretation only makes sense in terms of two-tier thinking: realism, inside a conceptual framework which is chosen or arrived at, relativistically.

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31

König, Götz. "The Pahlavi Literature of the 9th Century and Greek Philosophy." Iran and the Caucasus 22, no. 1 (May 15, 2018): 8–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20180103.

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Since the Hellenistic times (if not earlier) Iran participates in the philosophical development of classical Greece. In the times of the Sasanians some knowledge of Aristotelian and Neo-Platonic thinking is detectable, and treatises were written for Xosrō I by philosophers who were well acquainted with the writings of Aristotle. It was always maintained that also Sasanian Zoroastrianism was affected through these Greek-Iranian contacts. But it is remarkable that among the Zoroastrian writings of the 9th-10th centuries only two books–Dēnkard 3 and Škand Gumānīg Wīzār–seem to be substantially influenced by Aristotelian/Neo-Platonic terms and concepts. The paper deals with the question whether the Greek elements within these texts should not better be understood as the fruit of a Zoroastrian participation in the general interest of the Islamic world in Greek thinking in Abbasid Baghdad.

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Brod, Artemis. "The Upright Man: Favorinus, his Statue, and the Audience that Brought it Low." Ancient Narrative 15 (February 14, 2019): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/5c643aaa4cc86.

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This article analyzes the performative strategies employed by Favorinus in his Corinthian Oration. Previous scholarship has focused on two aspects of this speech: on the ways in which Favorinus agonistically alludes to Corinthian history, thereby challenging the city’s authority to dismantle his statue; and second, on his insistence that identity is constructed by paideia, a claim that is representative of second century Greek elite culture. I follow the general line of interpretation elaborated in these readings but draw out an aspect of Favorinus’ rhetorical strategy that has been overlooked. Inspired by recent feminist critiques of rectitude and straightness, I argue that Favorinus relies on an orientating rhetoric in order to both resurrect his statue and assert his masculinity against imputations of effeminacy.Artemis Brod is a Visiting Assistant Professor in the Classical Studies department at Indiana University, Bloomington. Currently, she is working on a book project called As Myself: Recognition and Performance in Greek Imperial Oratory in which she investigates techniques of self-presentation used by sophists to gain recognition—aesthetic and social—from their audiences. More broadly, she is interested in representations of the body and narrative form in second century CE literature. She received her PhD from Stanford University in 2016.

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33

Clackson, James. "Greek Lexicography." Classical Review 49, no. 1 (April 1999): 136–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/49.1.136.

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Colvin, Stephen. "Greek Semantics." Classical Review 49, no. 1 (April 1999): 139–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/49.1.139.

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35

Humphries, Mark. "Greek Historiography." Classical Review 49, no. 1 (April 1999): 174–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/49.1.174.

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36

Carter, Françoise. "Greek Dance." Classical Review 49, no. 1 (April 1999): 189–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/49.1.189.

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van Nijf, Onna M. "Greek Civilization." Classical Review 49, no. 1 (April 1999): 192–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/49.1.192.

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Livingstone, N. R. "Greek Rhetoric." Classical Review 49, no. 2 (October 1999): 424–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/49.2.424.

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Rubinstein, Lene. "Greek Law." Classical Review 49, no. 2 (October 1999): 455–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/49.2.455.

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40

Ogden, Daniel. "GREEK HISTORY." Classical Review 50, no. 1 (April 2000): 176–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/50.1.176.

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Dench, Emma. "GREEK ETHNICITY." Classical Review 50, no. 1 (April 2000): 209–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/50.1.210.

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Gill, David W. J. "GREEK GOLD." Classical Review 50, no. 1 (April 2000): 233–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/50.1.233.

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Gagarin, Michael. "GREEK ORATORY." Classical Review 50, no. 2 (October 2000): 422–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/50.2.422.

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Whitley, J. "Greek Cults." Classical Review 51, no. 1 (March 2001): 73–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/51.1.73.

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Mastronarde, Donald J. "Greek Philology." Classical Review 51, no. 1 (March 2001): 83–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/51.1.83.

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Probert, Philomen. "Greek Prosody." Classical Review 51, no. 1 (March 2001): 87–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/51.1.87.

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Pakkanen, Petra. "Greek Eschatology." Classical Review 51, no. 2 (October 2001): 279–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/51.2.279.

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Sourvinou-Inwood, Christiane. "Greek Ritual." Classical Review 51, no. 2 (October 2001): 283–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/51.2.283.

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Viano, Cristina. "GREEK ALCHEMISTS." Classical Review 52, no. 1 (March 2002): 17–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/52.1.17.

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Dillon, Matthew P. J. "GREEK PIETY." Classical Review 52, no. 1 (March 2002): 92–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/52.1.92.

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