Academic literature on the topic 'South Africa, Cape Town. Language and languages'

Purpose This paper aims to determine how cultural values (language and religion) impact on entrepreneurial intentions of students at the University of Cape Town, University of Stellenbosch University of the Western Cape and Cape Peninsula University of Technology. Design/methodology/approach This empirical study was conducted under mixed-methods approach, using survey-correlational strategy. Primary data were collected from a sample of 278 students. A questionnaire survey was used to collect data which were coded and analysed using SPSS version 22. Findings The empirical findings reveal that the cultural variable of language influences entrepreneurial intentions among university students, while the variable of language was not found as such and this is in accordance with the literature reviewed. Research limitations/implications This study only concerned entrepreneurship university students in Cape Town. Though these universities host students from all corners of the country, their views cannot be said to represent the opinions of all other entrepreneurship students in the whole country. Practical implications These findings should encourage the stakeholders (learners, parents and educators) to use and practice the language that present the facilities in understanding more about entrepreneurship, such as the availability of written information. Social implications The study can be a catalyst to some societies which do not encourage their children to speak foreign languages to become aware of the advantages those languages do offer. Originality/value This is a unique study of its kind in Cape Town universities and presents findings that allow to know more than previously known about the topic of entrepreneurial intentions.

The post-apartheid South African government has in principle instituted a new language policy, which changes the country from one with two official languages to one in which there are eleven. The previously ignored indigenous languages are to have equal status with English and Afrikaans. This paper explores the views of some members of an indigenous language group about the language question. Two focus groups were conducted, with Zulu-speaking students at the University of Cape Town. One group contained only male students and the other female students. The discussions of the focus group were translated into English by the second researcher. The translations were thematically analysed. Some of the themes that emerged in the discussions were issues such as the practicality of the language policy, the multiple versus single language debate, ‘tribalism’, the meaning of language and its role in identity. In general, three major positions on the language issue were apparent, one favouring the increased status of the Zulu language, one favouring the pre-eminence of the English language, and one supporting a diglossia position.

AbstractThere is strong evidence that legacies of Apartheid remain in place in South Africa's education system, entangling economic inequality, racial categorization, and de facto language hierarchy. This study draws from an ethnographic study of language diversity in a Cape Town public school, focusing on how classroom practices regulate and school staff frame language diversity and social inequality among their pupils. It uses the concepts of language register, sociolinguistic scale, and racialization to analyze how education policy, classroom practices, and school discourses about language in South Africa implicate class and racial hierarchies. It shows how register analysis reveals multi-scaled connections between linguistic and social inequality. (Language registers, education, social inequality, South Africa)*

This paper examines the status of an informal urban variety in Cape Town known as Tsotsitaal. Similar varieties, going by a plethora of names (Flaaitaal, Iscamtho, Ringas) have been described in other South African cities, especially Johannesburg, Pretoria and Durban (see also Sheng in Kenyan cities). This paper seeks to describe the essential characteristics of Cape Town Tsotsitaal, which is based on Xhosa, and to argue for its continuity with similar varieties in other South African cities. However, this continuity eventually calls into question many of the previous assumptions in the literature about Tsotsitaal and its analogues: e.g. the thesis that these varieties necessarily involve code-switching, or that they are pidgins, even ones that are creolising in some areas. More generally, this paper serves several purposes: (a) to comment on and elucidate why there is a proliferation of often contradictory names, (b) to examine the degree and types of switching in the different varieties, and (c) to clarify the relationship between what are essentially tsotsitaal registers and the urban languages they are part of.

ABSTRACTFocusing on Black Francophone migrants in Cape Town, it is argued that a locally based Francophone identity has emerged in South Africa that questions the institutional discourse of La Francophonie as the organization of French-speaking states. The new identity has little to do with the organization's ideology of a transnational community of people united by a common language and culture. This is shown by deconstructing the category of passeurs de Francophonie (literally ‘smugglers of la Francophonie’ as practice) to which the organization assigns migrants in non-Francophone countries who allegedly spread the French language and Francophone culture. It is argued that the notion of “Francophone” must be grounded empirically and approached in relation to the social environment of the relevant speakers. The post-apartheid South African setting assigns it a meaning different from what it has in Francophone states.

Abstract Based on a long-term ethnography of Sub-Saharan African migrants in Cape Town, South Africa, this article examines how language as ideology and practice shapes the rules of guesting and hosting and helps (re)configure the on-going positionalities of both the nation-state-defined-host and the foreigner-guest, making murky the distinction between the two. The key notion of hospitality developed here is examined as practices rather than as identities. I argue that this theoretical shift makes it possible to unsettle the host and guest positions by not positing them a priori or conceptualizing them as immutable. It likewise makes it possible to deconstruct the categories imposed by the State and by which scholars and policy makers alike abide, such as the dichotomy between migrants and locals. At a broader level, the paper draws attention to the Occidentalism that has plagued academia, particularly in the work done on migration. I show how the South African case challenges many scholarly assumptions on language and migration overwhelmingly based on the examination of South-to-North migrations, which do not adequately represent worldwide migrations.

Background of South African IslamIn 1994, South Africans will celebrate three centuries of Islam inSouth Africa. Credit for establishing Islam in South Africa is usuallygiven to Sheikh Yusuf, a Macasser prince who was exiled to South Africafor leading the resistance against the Dutch colonization of Malaysia. Thefitst Muslims in South Africa, however, were actually slaves who hadbeen imported, beginning in 1677, mainly from India, the Indonesianarchipelago, Malaysia, and Sri Lanka, by the Dutch colonists living in theCape. The Cape Muslim community, popularly but inaccurately knownas "Malays" and known under apattheid as "Coloreds," is the oldest Muslimcommunity in South Africa. The other major Muslim community wasestablished over a century later by indentured laborers and tradespeoplefrom northern India, a minority of whom weae Muslims. The majority ofSouth African Indian Muslims, classified as "Asians" or "Asiatics," nowlive in Natal and Tramvaal. The third ethnically identifiable group, classifiedas "Aftican" or "Black," consists mainly of converts or theirdescendants. Of the entire South African Muslim population, roughly 49percent are "Coloreds," nearly 47 pement are "Asians," and, although statisticsregarding "Africans" ate generally unreliable, it is estimated thatthey are less than 4 percent. Less than 1 percent is "White."Contributions to South African SocietyAlthough Muslims make up less that 2 petcent of the total population,their presence is highly visible. There ate over twenty-five mosques inCape Town and over one hundred in Johannesburg, making minarets asfamiliar as church towers Many are histotic and/or architectuml monuments.More importantly, Muslims ate uniquely involved in the nation'scultwe and economy. The oldest extant Afrikaans-language manuscriptsare in the Arabic script, for they ate the work of Muslim slaves writingin the Dutch patois. South African historian Achrnat Davids has tracedmany linguistic elements of Afrikaans, both in vocabulary and grammar,to the influence of the Cape Muslims. Economically, the Indian Muslimsaxe the most affluent, owing primarily to the cirmmstances under whichthey came to South Africa. Muslim names on businesses and buildingsare a familiar sight in all major cities and on those UniveAty campusesthat non-Whites were allowed to attend during apartheid ...

The Orthodox diaspora has, paradoxically, spread Orthodox Christianity throughout the world, but has not contributed much to Orthodox mission. Even after the third or fourth generation of immigrants, church services are generally held in the language of the countries from which the immigrants came. This is certainly true of South Africa, where most of the Orthodox immigration has been from Greece and Cyprus, with smaller groups of Russians, Serbs, Bulgarians, Lebanese and Romanians. Though there were immigrants from these countries in southern Africa in the middle of the nineteenth century, it was only at the beginning of the twentieth century that Orthodox clergy arrived and churches were built, first in Cape Town and then in Johannesburg. It was only in the twenty-first century that clergy began to be ordained locally in any numbers. The churches therefore tended to be ethnic enclaves, and apathetic towards, or even opposed to, mission and outreach to other ethnic communities.

Abstract:Based on a classroom encounter of the author, this article explores the gendered nature of African university space. It discusses a 2007–8 policy that banned pregnant adult students from living in the student residence halls at the University of the Western Cape in Cape Town, South Africa. The policy was implemented despite protests from the university’s students and staff. The article argues that the more visibly reproductive a student’s body became, the more alien it was considered to be in spaces of knowledge production. This alienation was incongruous at a university widely considered as the most politically progressive in South Africa. It was rooted, however, in Western-oriented traditions of masculinist knowledge production in which there is no space for the female, let alone the pregnant, body in intellectual spaces; and in South African traditions of marginalization, exclusion, and “passing” in public space. Exploring ideas of “body language” and “bodies of knowledge,” the article concludes that there is a need for an interdisciplinary politics and epistemology of “seepage” in higher educational institutions that recognizes women’s minds and their bodies.

As Voloshinov has famously argued, ‘the word is the most sensitive index of social changes, and what is more, of changes still in the process of growth’ (Voloshinov, 1986: 19). Scrutiny of young people's discourses on language together with their language practices offers us a window into a society in transition, such as present-day South Africa. This article examines the language ideologies and language practices of Black youth attending previously White, now desegregated, suburban schools in South African cities, important spaces for the production of an expanding Black middle class (Soudien, 2004). Due to their resourcing during apartheid (both financial and human) previously White schools are aligned with quality education and perceived as strategic sites for the acquisition and maintenance of a prestige variety of South African English. This article looks at how mainly African girls (15–16 years) position themselves in relation to English, drawing on data collected using ethnographic approaches in four desegregated schools in South African cities: three in Johannesburg, Gauteng and one in Cape Town, Western Cape. The discussion focuses on two significant themes: English and the [re]production of race; and the place of English in young people's linguistic repertoires. My aim is to show how African youth in desegregated schools orient themselves to English and what their language ideologies and language practices might tell us about macro social processes, including the (re)constitution of race in South Africa. Schooling, as Bourdieu points out, is one of the most important sites for social reproduction and is thus also one of the key sites, ‘which imposes the legitimate forms of discourse and the idea that discourse should be recognised if and only if it conforms to the legitimate norms’ (Bourdieu, 1977: 650). However, co-present with processes of reproduction are practices that work to subvert and unsettle dominant discourses. Suburban desegregated schools are thus productive sites for the re-making of cultural practices (including language) and identities.

This study explored Cameroonian migrants language use and the various language forms they use to manifest their identity. It also dealt with multicultural/multilingual people in an equally multicultural/multilingual society - Cape Town. The study was carried out in the wider and interdisciplinary field of applied linguistics with focus on the specific domain of sociolinguistics.

Bibliography: leaves 110-111.
Cette étude s'est inspirée de la nouvelle voie que l'éducation prend au Mali au premier cycle de l'enseignement fondamental (éducation bilingue). Cette nouvelle voie qui concerne l'introduction des langues nationales à I'école a donné des sueurs froides aux maîtres et aux parents d'élèves. En conduisant cette étude j'espère contribuer à clarifier les points sensibles du programme dont l'amélioration ou la négligence peut conduire à la réussite ou à l'echec de l'éducation bilingue. Ce mémoire a pour but d'explorer les conditions de réussite liées a I'introduction de l'éducation bilingue. A cet effet 5 écoles ont été visitées, dont 3 bilingues et 2 unilingues pour se rendre compte de la performance des élèves dont la langue matemelle est différente de celle de l'école. Cette recherche est faite en Afrique du Sud où l'expérience de l'éducation bilingue s'étend sur des années et où les enfants Noirs ont commencé a fréquenter les ecoles ‘pour Blancs’ don’t la langue d'enseignement est l'anglais après l'abolition de l' Apartheid.

Bibliography: pages 111-118.
This study examines some elements of the language environment, language learning processes, and language inter-actions between child and teacher, and child and child in the changing South African education system. As more classrooms become non-racial, new dimensions are arising in language use and in learning: classrooms are perforce multilingual as different language groups come together to receive instruction through the medium of English. What dynamic do these multilingual elements bring to the standard classroom? I focus on part of the Standard Six population of 5 Western Cape English medium schools. The schools are different in many respects and similar in others; some have more Black pupils than others. By using a variety of research methods, including questionnaires, worksheets, personal observation, interviews and essays, I explore the experiences and attitudes of pupils, teachers and principals. My object is to try to identify trends: to look for positive features arising out of present classrooms and to look for possible points of tension as well, in order to extract central features to analyse. These are highlighted, and cross-referenced with relevant international studies, as matters of interest for practitioners in the classroom and for education planners. The field is immense: the study essentially provides a broad-based platform for further research. I tried not to have any preconceptions about what I would find, so made it a comprehensive and far-ranging study. It uncovers important elements which teachers and schools may attend to, relatively easily, indicates the importance of development of one's Mother Tongue and exposes deeply-felt emotions about Language and identity. It asks questions about Bridging Programmes and about the language of the teacher in the classroom and in testing. I also ask about the future of English in this country, about feelings about learning Afrikaans and about learning Xhosa. The main target in the recommendations is the teacher, as the generator of learning opportunities in the classroom. I call for more specific communication between teacher and pupil and the evolution of child-specific language learning processes. It is every teacher in every classroom who needs to adjust consciously to the new classroom profiles. Differing patterns clearly emerge from the schools with different intake profiles. This suggests the need for further studies to examine these findings for generalisability. The situation in schools is both volatile and exciting, calling for concrete and imaginative attention to aspects emerging from the personal, perceptive and wide-ranging input of the sample studied in this research project.

The study investigated the practice of codeswitching within the Cape Flats speech community of Cape Town. Members of this speech community have always been exposed to both English and Afrikaans in formal as well as informal contexts. Due to constant exposure to both languages, as well as historical and political experiences, members of the speech community have come to utilize both languages within a single conversation and even within a single utterance. Codeswitching is an integral part of the community's speech behaviour. The main purpose of this research was to uncover and analyze the motivations behind codeswitching in the bilingual communities of Cape Town, while also providing a strong argument that codeswitching patterns evident in their speech do not always correspond completely with linguistic constraints that are regarded as 'universal'.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD (Linguistics, Language and Communication)
This study is an exploration of the different trajectories of a selected number of African migrants into and around South Africa, focusing on the effects of these different trajectories on their language use patterns and linguistic identities. Informed by the interpretive paradigm, the study was done in order to show the effects of space, migration, trauma and ethno-linguistic tensions such as xenophobia on people's language use. Ultimately, the study is an analysis of a number of migrants' language biographies. South Africa is a multilingual and multicultural country with eleven official languages and many migrant languages, resulting from the flow of people from other countries, especially from highly multilingual and multicultural African countries, to this major economic hub on the continent. New trends in globalization witnessed across the globe and socio-political and economic instabilities witnessed in some countries, have prompted some of these migrants to move to South Africa, they see as more economically and politically stable than their home countries. Among those who have migrated to Cape Town South Africa are Cameroonian migrants whose living conditions will never be the same again. The study was conducted because there is a need for a better understanding of the strategies multilingual people employ to negotiate language and cultural differences in a globalized world, often under very trying conditions (as is the case in South Africa). The study critically explores the language biographies, the full repertoire of communicative resources of selected Cameroonian migrants in Cape Town as well as making visible their polylingual repertoires and associated attitudes and beliefs in the research domain. The theoretical framework for this study is shaped by theories of late modernity with reference to traditional sociolinguistics, globalization and migration. A multi-dimensional analytical approach is employed in this study, incorporating Discourse Analysis (DA), Narrative Analysis (NA), Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), Thematic Analysis (TA) and Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MDA) that incorporates the Multimodal Biographic Approach.

Masters of Art
This study is an exploration of the motivations of a particular group of Cameroonian and Nigerian migrants in Cape Town for learning isiXhosa. South Africa is a multilingual and multicultural country with eleven official languages and many migrant languages, resulting from the flow of people from other countries, especially African countries, to this major economic force on the continent. Among these migrants are West African migrants who have managed to acquire some of the local languages. Forced by new trends in globalization witnessed across the globe, and by the socio-political instabilities in their respective countries, some of these West Africans from Cameroon and Nigeria have moved to South Africa for greener pastures. South Africa to these migrants is economically, socially and politically better than their countries. In the Western Cape Province, the major and official languages are isiXhosa, Afrikaans and English. These West African migrants in Cape Town find themselves in another multicultural and multilingual environment in which the use of particular languages are important for their survival in school, community and other domains. The research also seeks to find out to what extent these migrants have succeeded in acquiring isiXhosa and also to what extent has their acquisition of this language enabled them to survive in Cape Town. Is there any evidence that their identities have been changed and modified in this new space? The research paradigm followed for this study is qualitative in nature, drawing from short questionnaires followed by individual interviews and focus group interviews that were tape recorded. Data was analyzed by using thematic content analysis as well as discourse analysis. Discourse analysis since people have different identities and the creation and use of such identities can only be understood by trying to study the language that people use (Fulcher 2005). Appraisal theory (from the Systemic Functional Perspective) was used to categorize the data. The findings suggest that both the Cameroonian and Nigerian migrants have almost the same motivation for learning isiXhosa. They were both instrumentally and integratively motivated to learn the language, and most believed that they had attained a satisfactory level of proficiency. The findings also suggest that the multicultural and multilingual environment of Cape Town had affected the identities of these migrants.

Magister Artium - MA
Globalization has evidently led to an increase in the flow of immigrants across the world, a fact that has and continues to play a significant role in the development of studies on immigration, immigration patterns and the psycho-social struggles that immigrants face; of which identity negotiation in the new context is included. A number of works have been done on the identity negotiation and identity-forming process of immigrant youth. This study attempts to highlight, rather specifically, the unique challenges that 1.5 generation immigrant youth have in forming their identities. Rumbaut coined the term “one-and-a-half generation” to describe “children of Cuban exiles who were born in Cuba but have come of age in the United States” (1976:8). Thus the 1.5 generation immigrant youth constitutes children who were born in their country of origin but was raised and received the education and important experiences in the host country. Hence, the issue of identity becomes important for adolescents such as the 1.5 generation growing up in Diasporic settings. How they come to define who they are, their place in the world and others’ perception of them have significant implications for their successful integration into their new societies (Ogbuagu, 2013). This study takes a socio-cultural approach to investigating the identity negotiation and construction of 1.5 generation Congolese immigrant youth. Sociocultural linguistics refers to an interdisciplinary field which considers language as a sociocultural phenomenon; hence positioning identity as a phenomenon that is socially constructed through language and hence, performed within interaction and conversations.

Magister Artium - MA
In this thesis, I explore the code-switching practices of long-term Angolans migrants in Cape Town when they interact with those who have been here for a much shorter period. In my Honours research essay, I revealed a tendency among those who have lived in Cape Town for some time to code-switch from Portuguese to English even in the presence of more recent migrants from Angola, who have little or no mastery of English. This thesis thus considers the effects of space, discourses of power, language ideologies and attitudes on the patterns of inter- and intra-sentential code-switching by these long-term migrants in interaction with each other as well as with the more recent “Angolan arrivals” in Cape Town. Twenty Angolan migrants participated in this study. Of these, ten were long-term migrants to South Africa, while a further ten were relative newcomers. While the long-term migrants could claim to be bilingual in Portuguese and English, the newcomers were largely limited to a few English words in their repertoire. However, both groups could speak one or more of the indigenous languages of Angola, like Kimbundu, Umbundu, Kikongo and even Lingala (which is an indigenous language from Republic Democratic of Congo). Some of the long-term migrants had even acquired South African indigenous language such as isiXhosa and Afrikaans. The study made use of qualitative ethnographic methodologies to collect the data. These included recorded conversations, individual and focus group interviews, both general observation and participant observation.
South Africa

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The conciliatory discourse of the South African Deaf social movement claims a commonality across South Africa's historical divides on the basis of a 'Deaf culture'. This claim in view of South Africa's deeply entrenched 'racial' divisions triggered this study. The study investigates the construction of Deaf identity and emphasizes the crossing of social boundaries in Cape Town, a society with a long history of discriminatory boundaries based on race. The study was carried out among adults who became deaf as children, the group for whom deafness, commonly viewed as both sensory and social deficit, is said to pose considerable linguistic, social and cultural challenges. It focused on strategies that deal with being deaf in a predominantly hearing world. To identify strategies, for this population without a geographical base, the study traced networks of social relationships. Fieldwork was carried out from September 1995 to December 2001. Between September 1995 and December 1997 research included systematic participant observation and informal interviews. Between January 1998 and December 2001 , continuing with participant observation and informal interviews, the study added formal interviews with a sample population of 94 deaf people across Cape Town, collected by the snowball method. The profile of this sample shows a relatively heterogeneous population on the basis of demographic factors and residential area but similarity on the basis of first language, Sign. The study demonstrates that history imposed boundaries. It categorized the Deaf as different from the hearing and in addition, in South Africa, produced further differentiation on the basis of apartheid category, age, Deaf school attended, method of education and spoken language. In this historical context the study identified a key strategy, 'Signing spaces'. A Signing space, identifiable on the basis of Sign-based communication, is a set of networks that extends from the deaf individual to include deaf and hearing people. On analysis it comprises a Sign-hear and a Sign-Q.e.gfspace. In Sign-~ networks, hearing people predominate. Relationships are domestic and near neighbourhood. In Sign-~ networks, deaf people predominate. Relationships are sociable and marked by familiarity. The study found that via the Signing space, the Deaf subvert deafness as deficit to recoup a social identity that is multi-faceted and dispersed across context. Boundaries crossed also vary by context and by networks. Sign-~ networks address the hearing boundary. Limits could be identified in the public arena, when barriers to communication and a poor supply of professional Sign language interpreters again rendered deafness as deficit. The boundaries of the Sign-deaf networks were difficult to determine and suggest the potential, facilitated by Sign language, to transcend South Africa's spoken languages and the related historical divisions. Sign-~ networks also suggest the additional potential, in sociable contexts, to transcend spoken language, trans-nationally. But mutual intelligibility of Sign language and the familiarity, communality and commonality it offered did not deny an awareness of historical differentiation and discrimination, as a case of leadership succession presented as a 'social drama' shows. However, the process of the 'social drama' also demonstrates that conflict, crises, and a discourse that reflects South Africa's historical divisions need not threaten a broader commonality.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die oorsteek van maatskaplike grense en verbreiding van maatskaplike identiteit: die nagaan van netwerke vir Dowes van Kaapstad Die bemiddelende diskoers van die Suid-Afrikaanse maatskaplike beweging vir Dowes maak op grond van 'n 'Dowe kultuur' aanspraak op 'n algemeenheid wat oor Suid-Afrika se geskiedkundige verdeeldhede heen strek. Hierdie aanspraak het, in die lig van Suid- Afrika se diepgewortelde 'rasseverdelings' , tot hierdie navorsing aanleiding gegee. Die navorsing ondersoek die vorming van 'n Dowe identiteit en beklemtoon die oorsteek van maatskaplike grense in Kaapstad, 'n gemeenskap met 'n lang verlede van diskriminerende grense wat op ras gebaseer is. Die navorsing is gedoen onder volwassenes wat as kinders doof geword het. Vir hierdie groep, waar dit gewoonlik as 'n sensoriese en sosiale gebrek beskou word, hou doofheid aansienlike linguistiese, sosiale en kulturele uitdagings in. Die navorsing fokus op strategieë wat te make het met doof wees in 'n oorheersend horende wêreld. Om vir hierdie bevolking sonder 'n geografiese basis strategieë te identifiseer, het die navorsing maatskaplike verhoudingsnetwerke nagegaan. Veldwerk is tussen September 1995 en Desember 2001 gedoen. Tussen September 1995 en Desember 1997 het die navorsing stelselmatige waarneming van die deelnemers en informele onderhoude met hulle behels. Hierdie waarneming en informele onderhoude is tussen Januarie 1998 en Desember 2001 voortgesit, maar die navorsing het nou ook formele onderhoude met 'n steekproefbevolking van 94 dowe mense van regoor Kaapstad ingesluit. Hiervoor is van die sneeubalmetode gebruik gemaak. Die profiel van hierdie steekproef toon 'n relatief heterogene bevolking op grond van demografiese faktore en woongebied, maar ooreenkoms op grond van eerste taal, naamlik Gebaretaal. Die navorsing toon aan dat grense deur die geskiedenis opgelê is. Dit het Dowes as verskillend van horendes gekategoriseer, en het daardeur in Suid-Afrika tot verdere differensiasie op grond van die apartheidskategorie, ouderdom, watter doweskool bygewoon is, wyse van onderrig en gesproke taal aanleiding gegee. In hierdie geskiedkundige konteks het die navorsing 'n belangrike strategie, 'Gebare-ruimtes', geïdentifiseer. 'n Gebare-ruimte wat uitgeken kan word op grond van Gebaar-gebaseerde kommunikasie, is 'n stel netwerke wat van die dowe individu af uitbrei om dowe en horende mense in te sluit. Uit 'n analise blyk dit dat dit 'n Gebaar-horende en Gebaar-dowe ruimte behels. In Gebaar-horende netwerke oorheers horende mense. Verhoudinge word in die huis en met die naaste bure aangegaan. In Gebaar-dowe netwerke oorheers dowe mense. Verhoudings is gesellig van aard en word deur ongedwongenheid gekenmerk. Die navorsing het bevind dat die Dowe doofheid as gebrek deur middel van die Gebaarruimte omkeer om 'n veelvlakkige maatskaplike identiteit wat dwarsoor die konteks versprei is, te behels. Grense wat oorgesteek word, varieer ook in konteks en ten opsigte van netwerke. Gebaar-horende netwerke fokus op die horende grens. Beperkinge kon in die openbare arena geïdentifiseer word in gevalle waar hindernisse ten opsigte van kommunikasie en gebrekkige voorsiening van Gebaretaal-tolke weer doofheid as 'n gebrek voorgestel het. Dit was moeilik om die grense van die Gebaar- ~ netwerke te bepaal en dit suggereer die potensiaalom, gefasiliteer deur Gebaretaal, Suid-Afrikaanse tale en die gepaardgaande geskiedkundige verdelings te transendeer. Gebaar-dowe netwerke suggereer ook die addisionele potensiaal om gesproke taal, in gesellige kontekste trans-nasionaal te transendeer. Maar onderlinge verstaanbaarheid van Gebaretaal en die ongedwongenheid, gemeenskaplikheid en algemeenheid wat dit gebied het, het nie 'n bewustheid van geskiedkundige differensiasie en diskriminasie ontken nie, soos 'n geval van opvolging van leierskap, wat as 'n 'sosiale drama' aangebied is, getoon het. Die proses van die 'sosiale drama' toon ook dat konflik, krisisse en 'n diskoers wat Suid-Afrika se geskiedkundige verdelings weerspieël, nie 'n wyer algemeenheid hoef te bedreig nie.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

This chapter offers a comparative look at the histories of English in Uganda and South Africa and a concise description of what access to both formal and informal acquisition of English has been like in the two countries, post-independence and in the 2000s. Against this background, excerpts of data obtained from grassroots speakers in the Cape Town and Kampala regions, whose work and businesses involve the regular use of English, are presented and analysed qualitatively. The results reveal how access to English and to formal education in South Africa and Uganda has shaped the Englishes of those speakers of English who are not as advantaged as others. They indicate that the utterances of older South Africans reflect their informal acquisition of English through interaction with lower class whites and contain features typically associated with learners, second language varieties, and pidginised forms of English. Younger speakers who have attended English-medium schools post-Apartheid as well as the Ugandan speakers seem more conscious of mistakes and correct themselves. The chapter finishes with an outlook into how grassroots speakers can (and need to) be integrated in models of world Englishes.

In June 1735, The Twenty-Eight-Year-Old Carl Von Linné, Known To US as Linnaeus (1707–1778), arrived in the Netherlands to obtain a doctorate. He headed for Harderwijk, a little university town known for its instant degrees. After a few formalities, he presented his thesis, which he had brought with him from Sweden. Six days after arriving, he was awarded a doctor of medicine degree. Though Linnaeus was undoubtedly eager to get his degree, the real purpose of his trip was to meet other botanists. Before arriving, he had already lectured at the University of Uppsala in Sweden and had traveled to Lapland—then as remote and exotic as Siberia or North America—to seek plants unknown to botanists. He chose Holland because it was the home of the great naturalist Hermann Boerhaave(1668-1738), superintendent of the botanical garden at Leiden. With colonies in Brazil, the Caribbean, South Africa, and the East Indies, Holland was the European center for botanical studies. Linnaeus did not arrive empty-handed; he carried a short manuscript entitled Systema naturae (The system of nature), containing his ideas on the reformation of botany. Boerhaave was so impressed that he urged Linnaeus to join an expedition to southern Africa and the Americas, promising him a professorship at Leiden on his return. Linnaeus declined the offer but accepted another that was even better. George Clifford, a wealthy merchant, had filled his estate with the most extensive collection of plants in Holland and even a zoo. He invited young Linnaeus to become his personal physician and superintendent of his garden, with a large salary, a huge budget, and luxurious living accommodations. In the three years he spent in Holland, Linnaeus not only reorganized Clifford’s garden but also published fourteen works in quick succession. The first were Fundamenta botanica and Bibliotheca botanica, dealing with the history of botany up to that time. Systema naturae, also published in 1735, divided nature into three kingdoms—animal, vegetable, and mineral—and presented a method of classifying the plant kingdom by class, order, genus, and species.