Academic literature on the topic 'South Africa. Native Affairs Dept'

During the first half of 1985 I visited the Republic of South Africa in order to investigate the origins of the Natives Land Act of 1913. My research, emphasizing the years 1910 to 1916, required that I work in archives and libraries in three of the four provinces (excluding Natal). In the process I went to major and minor research facilities, to a few museums, and even to a small town public library. What follows is a discussion of many of the archives in South Africa, aids to making research easier, and some of the pitfalls one may face pursuing historical research in that country.The largest and most important archive in South Africa is the Central Archives Depot in Pretoria. This functions as the national archives of South Africa as well as the Transvaal Provincial Archives. All the most important central government department records are deposited there, including the Prime Minister's collection; the records of the Department of Foreign Affairs, Justice Department, Lands Department; and, of particular interest to the Africanist, the records of the Department of Native Affairs (however variously titled between 1910 and the present). The CAD also holds a substantial number of personal paper collections, including those of Jan Smuts and J.B.M. Hertzog.The Central Archives Depot is not the easiest place in which to work. Consequently, try to plan your stay so that you can have what might seem to be more than enough time to work there.

This paper considers the intensification of agriculture along racial lines in South Africa by looking at the history of one spring and nine miles of river valley. It illustrates how racial conflict included struggles over nature, and how whites and blacks had different perceptions and abilities regarding its exploitation.The ‘Eye’ of Kuruman is a large spring in a semi-arid region. Tswana herders originally used it as a water hole. Their food production system was extensive, making use of wide areas rather than increasing output in a limited area. Pastoralism was more important than agriculture. Irrigation, introduced by representatives of the London Missionary Society, was not widely practiced away from the missions until a subsistence crisis during the 1850s. It continued after the crisis passed. However, households continued to operate with the logic of extensive production, fitting irrigation into the pre-existing system.In 1885, tne British annexed the region as part of the Crown Colony of British Bechuanaland. They demarcated African reserves at springs and in river valleys, and grazing lands were opened for white settlement. The upper Kuruman valley was designated a Crown reserve and the Eye became a town site. Downstream were Tswana households which cultivated with less security than on a native reserve. Land alienation with rinderpest devastated stock keeping and caused a widespread famine at the turn of the century, yet Tswana cultivators did not greatly intensify their use of irrigable lands. More extensive methods endured and wage labor became the basis of support.In the twentieth century under Union government, use of the Eye intensified, and access to the valley became segregated by race. After 1918 the municipality of Kuruman operated a modern irrigation project, and in 1919, evicted black cultivators living at the Eye. Blacks continued to live and garden at Seodin, five miles downstream, but suffered water shortages which made even their casual irrigation impossible. Political expediency dictated against their pressing for water rights. In the 1940s the Department of Native Affairs drilled boreholes, but these were not sufficient to sustain cultivation. In 1962, the policy of Apartheid mandated the removal of blacks from Seodin. Despite state aid, the whites-only irrigation project never developed into a commercial success.

Invasive alien plants (IAPs) like Rooikrans (Acacia Cyclops) have several undesirable effects on both the natural environment and the social, economic and cultural wellness of society in the De Hoop nature reserve of the Western Cape Province. A few of these negative effects are: the change in coastal sediment dynamics, the change in seed dispersal dynamics, and the fact that it is overtaking native plants. However, Rooikrans can also potentially be used as biomass feedstock for electricity generation. Following a system dynamics modelling approach, the feasibility of using woody biomass from Rooikrans was investigated. The RE-model used data obtained from the Department of Environmental Affairs’ (DEA) Natural Resource Management (NRM) division, consulted with experts and conducted literature reviews with respect to the subject matter. Three scenarios were tested and the RE-model results showed that all scenarios have a positive cumulative Net Present Values (NPVs), with the exception of the baseline case scenario. This study shows that the production of electricity using Rooikrans woody biomass is a viable and feasible option in comparison with electricity production by diesel generators.

Ten years after the conclusion of World War II, the Department of Native Affairs of the National Party government of South Africa sponsored research into the selection of African civil servants. The study was conducted by Rae Sherwood, under the auspices of the National Social Research Council, and the National Institute for Personnel Research. In 1960, Sherwood submitted the work to the University of the Witwatersrand to obtain a PhD degree. Two government departments objected to the award of the degree. In this paper, I recount the history of the research, explaining that the acceleration of the apartheid project between 1948 and 1961 played a significant role in the controversy that developed. The paper furthermore illustrates the difficulties faced by social scientific research under repressive political conditions, and the need for a more nuanced view of the psychological research of the National Institute for Personnel Research in South Africa at the time.

03—230 Andress, Reinhard (St. Louis U., USA), James, Charles J., Jurasek, Barbara, Lalande II, John F., Lovik, Thomas A., Lund, Deborah, Stoyak, Daniel P., Tatlock, Lynne and Wipf, Joseph A.. Maintaining the momentum from high school to college: Report and recommendations. Die Unterrichtspraxis/Teaching German (Cherry Hill, NJ, USA), 35, 1 (2002), 1—14.03—231 Andrews, David R. (Georgetown U., USA.). Teaching the Russian heritage learner. Slavonic and East European Journal (Tucson, Arizona, USA), 45, 3 (2001), 519—30.03—232 Ashby, Wendy and Ostertag, Veronica (U. of Arizona, USA). How well can a computer program teach German culture? Die Unterrichtspraxis/Teaching German (Cherry Hill, NJ, USA), 35, 1 (2002), 79—85.03—233 Bateman, Blair E. (937 17th Avenue, SE Minneapolis, MN 55414, USA; Email: bate0048@umn.edu). Promoting openness toward culture learning: Ethnographic interviews for students of Spanish. The Modern Language Journal (Malden, MA, USA), 86, 3 (2002), 318—31.03—234 Belz, Julie A. and Müller-Hartmann, Andreas. Deutsche-amerikanische Telekollaboration im Fremdsprachenuterricht – Lernende im Kreuzfeuer der institutionellen Zwänge. [German-American tele-collaboration in foreign language teaching – learners in the crossfire of institutional constraints.] Die Unterrichtspraxis/Teaching German (Cherry Hill, NJ, USA), 36, 1 (2002), 68—78.03—235 Bosher, Susan and Smalkoski, Kari (The Coll. of St. Catherine, St. Paul, USA; Email: sdbosher@stkate.edu). From needs analysis to curriculum development: Designing a course in health-care communication for immigrant students in the USA. English for Specific Purposes (Amsterdam, The Netherlands), 21, 1 (2002), 59—79.03—236 Brandl, Klaus (U. of Washington, USA; Email: brandl@u.washington.edu). Integrating Internet-based reading materials into the foreign language curriculum: From teacher- to student-centred approaches. Language Learning and Technology (http://llt.msu.edu/), 6, 3 (2002), 87—107.03—237 Bruce, Nigel (Hong Kong U.; Email: njbruce@hku.hk). Dovetailing language and content: Teaching balanced argument in legal problem answer writing. English for Specific Purposes (Amsterdam, The Netherlands), 21, 4 (2002), 321—45.03—238 Bruton, Anthony (U. of Seville, Spain; Email: abruton@siff.us.es). From tasking purposes to purposing tasks. ELT Journal (Oxford, UK), 56, 3 (2002), 280—95.03—239 Candlin, C. N. (Email: enopera@cityu.edu.hk), Bhatia, V. K. and Jensen, C. H. (City U. of Hong Kong). Developing legal writing materials for English second language learners: Problems and perspectives. English for Specific Purposes (Amsterdam, The Netherlands), 21, 4 (2002), 299—320.03—240 Chen, Shumei. A contrastive study of complimentary responses in British English and Chinese, with pedagogic implications for ELT in China. Language Issues (Birmingham, UK), 13, 2 (2001), 8—11.03—241 Chudak, Sebastian (Adam-Mickiewicz-Universität, Poznán, Poland). Die Selbstevaluation im Prozess- und Lernerorientierten Fremdsprachenunterricht (Bedeutung, Ziele, Umsetzungsmöglichkeiten). [The self-evaluation of process- and learner-oriented foreign language teaching.] Glottodidactica (Poznań, Poland), 28 (2002), 49—63.03—242 Crosling, Glenda and Ward, Ian (Monash U., Clayton, Australia; Email: glenda.crosling@buseco.monash.edu.au). Oral communication: The workplace needs and uses of business graduate employees. English for Specific Purposes (Amsterdam, The Netherlands), 21, 1 (2002), 41—57.03—243 Davidheiser, James (U. of the South, USA). Classroom approaches to communication: Teaching German with TPRS (Total Physical Response Storytelling). Die Unterrichtspraxis/Teaching German (Cherry Hill, NJ, USA), 35, 1 (2002), 25—35.03—244 Duff, Patricia A. (U. of British Columbia, Canada; Email: patricia.duff@ubc.ca). The discursive co-construction of knowledge, identity, and difference: An ethnography of communication in the high school mainstream. Applied Linguistics (Oxford, UK), 23, 3 (2002), 289—322.03—245 Egbert, Joy (Washington State U., USA; Email: egbert@wsunix.wsu.edu), Paulus, Trena M. and Nakamichi, Yoko. The impact of CALL instruction on classroom computer use: A foundation for rethinking technology in teacher education. Language Learning and Technology (http://llt.msu.edu/), 6, 3 (2002), 108—26.03—246 Einbeck, Kandace (U. of Colorado at Boulder, USA). Using literature to promote cultural fluency in study abroad programs. Die Unterrichtspraxis/Teaching German (Cherry Hill, NJ, USA), 35, 1 (2002), 59—67.03—247 Fallon, Jean M. (Hollins U., Virginia, USA). On foreign ground: One attempt at attracting non-French majors to a French Studies course. Foreign Language Annals (New York, USA), 35, 4 (2002), 405—13.03—248 Furuhata, Hamako (Mount Union Coll., Ohio, USA; Email: furuhah@muc.edu). Learning Japanese in America: A survey of preferred teaching methods. Language, Culture and Curriculum (Clevedon, UK), 15, 2 (2002), 134—42.03—249 Goldstein, Tara (Ontario Inst. for Studies in Ed., U. of Toronto, Canada). No Pain, No Gain: Student playwriting as critical ethnographic language research. The Canadian Modern Language Review/La Revue canadienne des langues vivantes (Toronto, Ont.), 59, 1 (2002), 53—76.03—250 Hu, Guangwei (Nanyang Technological U., Singapore; Email: gwhu@nie.edu.sg). Potential cultural resistance to pedagogical imports: The case of communicative language teaching in China. Language, Culture and Curriculum (Clevedon, UK), 15, 2 (2002), 93—105.03—251 Huang, Jingzi (Monmouth U., New Jersey, USA; Email: jhuang@monmouth.edu). Activities as a vehicle for linguistic and sociocultural knowledge at the elementary level. Language Teaching Research (London, UK), 7, 1 (2003), 3—33.03—252 Hyland, Ken (City U. of Hong Kong; Email: ken.hyland@cityu.edu.hk). Specificity revisited: How far should we go now? English for Specific Purposes (Amsterdam, The Netherlands), 21, 4 (2002), 385—95.03—253 Jahr, Silke. Die Vermittlung des sprachen Ausdrucks von Emotionen in DaF-Unterricht. [The conveying of the oral expression of emotion in teaching German as a foreign language.] Deutsch als Fremdsprache (Berlin, Germany), 39, 2 (2002), 88–95.03—254 Jung, Yunhee (U. of Alberta, Canada; Email: jhee6539@hanmail.net). Historical review of grammar instruction and current implications. English Teaching (Korea), 57, 3 (2002), 193—213.03—255 Kagan, Olga and Dillon, Kathleen (UCLA, USA & UC Consortium for Language Teaching and Learning, USA). A new perspective on teaching Russian: Focus on the heritage learner. Slavonic and East European Journal (Tucson, Arizona, USA), 45, 3 (2001), 507—18.03—256 Kang, Hoo-Dong (Sungsim Coll. of Foreign Languages, Korea; Email: hdkang2k@hanmail.net). Tracking or detracking?: Teachers' views of tracking in Korean secondary schools. English Teaching (Korea), 57, 3 (2002), 41—57.03—257 Kramsch, Claire (U. of California at Berkeley, USA). Language, culture and voice in the teaching of English as a foreign language. Language Issues (Birmingham, UK), 13, 2 (2001), 2—7.03—258 Krishnan, Lakshmy A. and Lee, Hwee Hoon (Nanyang Tech. U., Singapore; Email: clbhaskar@ntu.edu.sg). Diaries: Listening to ‘voices’ from the multicultural classroom. ELT Journal (Oxford, UK), 56, 3 (2002), 227—39.03—259 Lasagabaster, David and Sierra, Juan Manuel (U. of the Basque Country, Vitoria-Gasteiz, Spain; Email: fiblahed@vc.ehu.es). University students' perceptions of native and non-native speaker teachers of English. Language Awareness (Clevedon, UK), 11, 2 (2002), 132—42.03—260 Lennon, Paul. Authentische Texte im Grammatikunterricht. [Authentic texts in grammar teaching.] Praxis des neusprachlichen Unterrichts (Berlin, Germany), 49, 3 (2002), 227–36.03—261 Lepetit, Daniel (Clemson U., USA; Email: dlepetit@mail.clemson.edu) and Cichocki, Wladyslaw. Teaching languages to future health professionals: A needs assessment study. The Modern Language Journal (Malden, MA, USA), 86, 3 (2002), 384—96.03—262 Łȩska-Drajerczak, Iwona (Adam Mickiewicz U., Poznán, Poland). Selected aspects of job motivation as seen by EFL teachers. Glottodidactica (Poznán, Poland), 28 (2002), 103—12.03—263 Liontas, John I. (U. of Notre-Dame, USA). ZOOMANIA: The See-Hear-and-Do approach to FL teaching and learning. Die Unterrichtspraxis/Teaching German (Cherry Hill, NJ, USA), 35, 1 (2002), 36—58.03—264 Littlemore, Jeannette (Birmingham U., UK). Developing metaphor interpretation strategies for students of economics: A case study. Les Cahiers de l'APLIUT (Grenoble, France), 21, 4 (2002) 40—60.03—265 Mantero, Miguel (The U. of Alabama, USA). Bridging the gap: Discourse in text-based foreign language classrooms. Foreign Language Annals (New York, USA), 35, 4 (2002), 437—56.03—266 Martin, William M. (U. of Pennsylvania, USA) and Lomperis, Anne E.. Determining the cost benefit, the return on investment, and the intangible impacts of language programmes for development. TESOL Quarterly (Alexandria, VA, USA), 36, 3 (2002), 399—429.03—267 Master, Peter (San Jose State U., CA, USA: Email: pmaster@sjsu.edu). Information structure and English article pedagogy. System (Oxford, UK), 30, 3 (2002), 331—48.03—268 Mertens, Jürgen. Schrift im Französischunterricht in der Grundschule: Lernehemnis oder Lernhilfe? [Writing in teaching French in primary school: Learning aid or hindrance?] Neusprachliche Mitteilungen aus Wissenschaft und Praxis (Berlin, Germany), 55, 3 (2002), 141–49.03—269 Meskill, Carla (U. at Albany, USA; Email: cmeskill@uamail.albany.edu), Mossop, Jonathan, DiAngelo, Stephen and Pasquale, Rosalie K.. Expert and novice teachers talking technology: Precepts, concepts, and misconcepts. Language Learning and Technology (http://llt.msu.edu/), 6, 3 (2002), 46—57.03—270 Mitchell, Rosamond and Lee, Jenny Hye-Won (U. of Southampton, UK; Email: rfm3@soton.ac.uk). Sameness and difference in classroom learning cultures: Interpretations of communicative pedagogy in the UK and Korea. Language Teaching Research (London, UK), 7, 1 (2003), 35—63.03—271 Mohan, Bernard (U. of British Columbia, Canada; Email: bernard.mohan@ubc.ca) and Huang, Jingzi. Assessing the integration of language and content in a Mandarin as a foreign language classroom. Linguistics and Education (New York, USA), 13, 3 (2002), 405—33.03—272 Mori, Junko (U. of Wisconsin-Madison, USA; Email: jmori@facstaff.wisc.edu). Task design, plan, and development of talk-in-interaction: An analysis of a small group activity in a Japanese language classroom. Applied Linguistics (Oxford, UK), 23, 3 (2002), 323—47.03—273 O'Sullivan, Emer (Johann Wolfgang Goethe-U. Frankfurt, Germany; Email: osullivan@em.uni-frankfurt.de) and Rösler, Dietmar. Fremdsprachenlernen und Kinder-und Jugendliteratur: Eine kritische Bestandaufsnahme. [Foreign language learning and children's literature: A critical appraisal.] Zeitschrift für Fremdsprachenforschung (Germany), 13, 1 (2002), 63—111.03—274 Pfeiffer, Waldemar (Europa Universität Viadrina – Frankfurt an der Oder, Germany). Möglichkeiten und Grenzen der interkulturellen Sprachvermittlung. [The possibilities and limits of intercultural language teaching.] Glottodidactica (Poznán, Poland), 28 (2002), 125—39.03—275 Rebel, Karlheinz (U. Tübingen, Germany) and Wilson, Sybil. Das Portfolio in Schule und Lehrerbildung (I). [The portfolio in school and the image of a teacher (I).] Fremdsprachenunterricht (Berlin, Germany), 4 (2002), 263–71.03—276 Sonaiya, Remi (Obafemi Awolowo U., Ile-ife, Nigeria). Autonomous language learning in Africa: A mismatch of cultural assumptions. Language, Culture and Curriculum (Clevedon, UK), 15, 2 (2002), 106—16.03—277 Stapleton, Paul (Hokkaido U., Japan; Email: paul@ilcs.hokudai.ac.jp). Critical thinking in Japanese L2 writing: Rethinking tired constructs. ELT Journal (Oxford, UK), 56, 3 (2002), 250—57.03—278 Sullivan, Patricia (Office of English Language Progs., Dept. of State, Washington, USA, Email: psullivan@pd.state.gov) and Girginer, Handan. The use of discourse analysis to enhance ESP teacher knowledge: An example using aviation English. English for Specific Purposes (Amsterdam, The Netherlands), 21, 4 (2002), 397—404.03—279 Tang, Eunice (City U. of Hong Kong) and Nesi, Hilary (U. of Warwick, UK; Email: H.J.Nesi@warwick.ac.uk). Teaching vocabulary in two Chinese classrooms: Schoolchildren's exposure to English words in Hong Kong and Guangzhou. Language Teaching Research (London, UK), 7, 1 (2003), 65—97.03—280 Timmis, Ivor (Leeds Metropolitan U., UK; Email: i.timmis@lmu.ac.uk). Native-speaker norms and International English: A classroom view. ELT Journal (Oxford, UK), 56, 3 (2002), 240—49.03—281 Toole, Janine and Heift, Trude (Simon Fraser U., Bumaby, BC, Canada; Email: toole@sfu.ca). The Tutor Assistant: An authoring tool for an Intelligent Language Tutoring System. Computer Assisted Language Learning (Lisse, The Netherlands), 15, 4 (2002), 373—86.03—282 Turner, Karen and Turvey, Anne (Inst. of Ed., U. of London, UK; Email: k.turner@ioe.ac.uk). The space between shared understandings of the teaching of grammar in English and French to Year 7 learners: Student teachers working collaboratively. Language Awareness (Clevedon, UK), 11, 2 (2002), 100—13.03—283 Warschauer, Mark (U. of California, USA). A developmental perspective on technology in language education. TESOL Quarterly (Alexandria, VA, USA), 36, 3 (2002), 453—75.03—284 Weasenforth, Donald (The George Washington U., USA; Email: weasenf@gwu.edu), Biesenbach-Lucas, Sigrun and Meloni, Christine. Realising constructivist objectives through collaborative technologies: Threaded discussions. Language Learning and Technology (http://llt.msu.edu/), 6, 3 (2002), 58—86.

All history of this area and the general talk and all of that is that 1973 was a turning point and the Aquarius Festival is credited with having turned this region around in so many ways, but I think that is a myth ... and I have to honour the truth; and the truth is that old Dicke Donelly came and did a Welcome to Country the night before the festival. (Joseph in Joseph and Hanley)In 1973 the Australian Union of Students (AUS) held the Aquarius Arts and Lifestyle Festival in a small, rural New South Wales town called Nimbin. The festival was seen as the peak expression of Australian counterculture and is attributed to creating the “Rainbow Region”, an area with a concentration of alternative life stylers in Northern NSW (Derrett 28). While the Aquarius Festival is recognised as a founding historical and countercultural event, the unique and important relationships established with Indigenous people at this time are generally less well known. This article investigates claims that the 1973 Aquarius Festival was “the first event in Australian history that sought permission for the use of the land from the Traditional Owners” (Joseph and Hanley). The diverse international, national and local conditions that coalesced at the Aquarius Festival suggest a fertile environment was created for reconciliatory bonds to develop. Often dismissed as a “tree hugging, soap dodging movement,” the counterculture was radically politicised having sprung from the 1960s social revolutions when the world witnessed mass demonstrations that confronted war, racism, sexism and capitalism. Primarily a youth movement, it was characterised by flamboyant dress, music, drugs and mass gatherings with universities forming the epicentre and white, middle class youth leading the charge. As their ideals of changing the world were frustrated by lack of systematic change, many decided to disengage and a migration to rural settings occurred (Jacob; Munro-Clarke; Newton). In the search for alternatives, the counterculture assimilated many spiritual practices, such as Eastern traditions and mysticism, which were previously obscure to the Western world. This practice of spiritual syncretism can be represented as a direct resistance to the hegemony of the dominant Western culture (Stell). As the new counterculture developed, its progression from urban to rural settings was driven by philosophies imbued with a desire to reconnect with and protect the natural world while simultaneously rejecting the dominant conservative order. A recurring feature of this countercultural ‘back to the land’ migration was not only an empathetic awareness of the injustices of colonial past, but also a genuine desire to learn from the Indigenous people of the land. Indigenous people were generally perceived as genuine opposers of Westernisation, inherently spiritual, ecological, tribal and communal, thus encompassing the primary values to which the counterculture was aspiring (Smith). Cultures converged. One, a youth culture rebelling from its parent culture; the other, ancient cultures reeling from the historical conquest by the youths’ own ancestors. Such cultural intersections are rich with complex scenarios and politics. As a result, often naïve, but well-intended relations were established with Native Americans, various South American Indigenous peoples, New Zealand Maori and, as this article demonstrates, the Original People of Australia (Smith; Newton; Barr-Melej; Zolov). The 1960s protest era fostered the formation of groups aiming to address a variety of issues, and at times many supported each other. Jennifer Clarke says it was the Civil Rights movement that provided the first models of dissent by formulating a “method, ideology and language of protest” as African Americans stood up and shouted prior to other movements (2). The issue of racial empowerment was not lost on Australia’s Indigenous population. Clarke writes that during the 1960s, encouraged by events overseas and buoyed by national organisation, Aborigines “slowly embarked on a political awakening, demanded freedom from the trappings of colonialism and responded to the effects of oppression at worst and neglect at best” (4). Activism of the 1960s had the “profoundly productive effect of providing Aborigines with the confidence to assert their racial identity” (159). Many Indigenous youth were compelled by the zeitgeist to address their people’s issues, fulfilling Charlie Perkins’s intentions of inspiring in Indigenous peoples a will to resist (Perkins). Enjoying new freedoms of movement out of missions, due to the 1967 Constitutional change and the practical implementation of the assimilation policy, up to 32,000 Indigenous youth moved to Redfern, Sydney between 1967 and 1972 (Foley, “An Evening With”). Gary Foley reports that a dynamic new Black Power Movement emerged but the important difference between this new younger group and the older Indigenous leaders of the day was the diverse range of contemporary influences. Taking its mantra from the Black Panther movement in America, though having more in common with the equivalent Native American Red Power movement, the Black Power Movement acknowledged many other international struggles for independence as equally inspiring (Foley, “An Evening”). People joined together for grassroots resistance, formed anti-hierarchical collectives and established solidarities between varied groups who previously would have had little to do with each other. The 1973 Aquarius Festival was directly aligned with “back to the land” philosophies. The intention was to provide a place and a reason for gathering to “facilitate exchanges on survival techniques” and to experience “living in harmony with the natural environment.” without being destructive to the land (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). Early documents in the archives, however, reveal no apparent interest in Australia’s Indigenous people, referring more to “silken Arabian tents, mediaeval banners, circus, jugglers and clowns, peace pipes, maypole and magic circles” (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). Obliterated from the social landscape and minimally referred to in the Australian education system, Indigenous people were “off the radar” to the majority mindset, and the Australian counterculture similarly was slow to appreciate Indigenous culture. Like mainstream Australia, the local counterculture movement largely perceived the “race” issue as something occurring in other countries, igniting the phrase “in your own backyard” which became a catchcry of Indigenous activists (Foley, “Whiteness and Blackness”) With no mention of any Indigenous interest, it seems likely that the decision to engage grew from the emerging climate of Indigenous activism in Australia. Frustrated by student protestors who seemed oblivious to local racial issues, focusing instead on popular international injustices, Indigenous activists accused them of hypocrisy. Aquarius Festival directors, found themselves open to similar accusations when public announcements elicited a range of responses. Once committed to the location of Nimbin, directors Graeme Dunstan and Johnny Allen began a tour of Australian universities to promote the upcoming event. While at the annual conference of AUS in January 1973 at Monash University, Dunstan met Indigenous activist Gary Foley: Gary witnessed the presentation of Johnny Allen and myself at the Aquarius Foundation session and our jubilation that we had agreement from the village residents to not only allow, but also to collaborate in the production of the Festival. After our presentation which won unanimous support, it was Gary who confronted me with the question “have you asked permission from local Aboriginal folk?” This threw me into confusion because we had seen no Aboriginals in Nimbin. (Dunstan, e-mail) Such a challenge came at a time when the historical climate was etched with political activism, not only within the student movement, but more importantly with Indigenous activists’ recent demonstrations, such as the installation in 1972 of the Tent Embassy in Canberra. As representatives of the counterculture movement, which was characterised by its inclinations towards consciousness-raising, AUS organisers were ethically obliged to respond appropriately to the questions about Indigenous permission and involvement in the Aquarius Festival at Nimbin. In addition to this political pressure, organisers in Nimbin began hearing stories of the area being cursed or taboo for women. This most likely originated from the tradition of Nimbin Rocks, a rocky outcrop one kilometre from Nimbin, as a place where only certain men could go. Jennifer Hoff explains that many major rock formations were immensely sacred places and were treated with great caution and respect. Only a few Elders and custodians could visit these places and many such locations were also forbidden for women. Ceremonies were conducted at places like Nimbin Rocks to ensure the wellbeing of all tribespeople. Stories of the Nimbin curse began to spread and most likely captivated a counterculture interested in mysticism. As organisers had hoped that news of the festival would spread on the “lips of the counterculture,” they were alarmed to hear how “fast the bad news of this curse was travelling” (Dunstan, e-mail). A diplomatic issue escalated with further challenges from the Black Power community when organisers discovered that word had spread to Sydney’s Indigenous community in Redfern. Organisers faced a hostile reaction to their alleged cultural insensitivity and were plagued by negative publicity with accusations the AUS were “violating sacred ground” (Janice Newton 62). Faced with such bad press, Dunstan was determined to repair what was becoming a public relations disaster. It seemed once prompted to the path, a sense of moral responsibility prevailed amongst the organisers and they took the unprecedented step of reaching out to Australia’s Indigenous people. Dunstan claimed that an expedition was made to the local Woodenbong mission to consult with Elder, Uncle Lyle Roberts. To connect with local people required crossing the great social divide present in that era of Australia’s history. Amy Nethery described how from the nineteenth century to the 1960s, a “system of reserves, missions and other institutions isolated, confined and controlled Aboriginal people” (9). She explains that the people were incarcerated as a solution to perceived social problems. For Foley, “the widespread genocidal activity of early “settlement” gave way to a policy of containment” (Foley, “Australia and the Holocaust”). Conditions on missions were notoriously bad with alcoholism, extreme poverty, violence, serious health issues and depression common. Of particular concern to mission administrators was the perceived need to keep Indigenous people separate from the non-indigenous population. Dunstan described the mission he visited as having “bad vibes.” He found it difficult to communicate with the elderly man, and was not sure if he understood Dunstan’s quest, as his “responses came as disjointed raves about Jesus and saving grace” (Dunstan, e-mail). Uncle Lyle, he claimed, did not respond affirmatively or negatively to the suggestion that Nimbin was cursed, and so Dunstan left assuming it was not true. Other organisers began to believe the curse and worried that female festival goers might get sick or worse, die. This interpretation reflected, as Vanessa Bible argues, a general Eurocentric misunderstanding of the relationship of Indigenous peoples with the land. Paul Joseph admits they were naïve whites coming into a place with very little understanding, “we didn’t know if we needed a witch doctor or what we needed but we knew we needed something from the Aborigines to lift the spell!”(Joseph and Hanley). Joseph, one of the first “hippies” who moved to the area, had joined forces with AUS organisers. He said, “it just felt right” to get Indigenous involvement and recounted how organisers made another trip to Woodenbong Mission to find Dickee (Richard) Donnelly, a Song Man, who was very happy to be invited. Whether the curse was valid or not it proved to be productive in further instigating respectful action. Perhaps feeling out of their depth, the organisers initiated another strategy to engage with Australian Indigenous people. A call out was sent through the AUS network to diversify the cultural input and it was recommended they engage the services of South African artist, Bauxhau Stone. Timing aligned well as in 1972 Australia had voted in a new Prime Minister, Gough Whitlam. Whitlam brought about significant political changes, many in response to socialist protests that left a buoyancy in the air for the counterculturalist movement. He made prodigious political changes in support of Indigenous people, including creating the Aboriginal Arts Board as part of the Australian Council of the Arts (ACA). As the ACA were already funding activities for the Aquarius Festival, organisers were successful in gaining two additional grants specifically for Indigenous participation (Farnham). As a result We were able to hire […] representatives, a couple of Kalahari bushmen. ‘Cause we were so dumb, we didn’t think we could speak to the black people, you know what I mean, we thought we would be rejected, or whatever, so for us to really reach out, we needed somebody black to go and talk to them, or so we thought, and it was remarkable. This one Bau, a remarkable fellow really, great artist, great character, he went all over Australia. He went to Pitjantjatjara, Yirrkala and we arranged buses and tents when they got here. We had a very large contingent of Aboriginal people come to the Aquarius Festival, thanks to Whitlam. (Joseph in Joseph and Henley) It was under the aegis of these government grants that Bauxhau Stone conducted his work. Stone embodied a nexus of contemporary issues. Acutely aware of the international movement for racial equality and its relevance to Australia, where conditions were “really appalling”, Stone set out to transform Australian race relations by engaging with the alternative arts movement (Stone). While his white Australian contemporaries may have been unaccustomed to dealing with the Indigenous racial issue, Stone was actively engaged and thus well suited to act as a cultural envoy for the Aquarius Festival. He visited several local missions, inviting people to attend and notifying them of ceremonies being conducted by respected Elders. Nimbin was then the site of the Aquarius Lifestyle and Celebration Festival, a two week gathering of alternative cultures, technologies and youth. It innovatively demonstrated its diversity of influences, attracted people from all over the world and was the first time that the general public really witnessed Australia’s counterculture (Derrett 224). As markers of cultural life, counterculture festivals of the 1960s and 1970s were as iconic as the era itself and many around the world drew on the unique Indigenous heritage of their settings in some form or another (Partridge; Perone; Broadley and Jones; Zolov). The social phenomenon of coming together to experience, celebrate and foster a sense of unity was triggered by protests, music and a simple, yet deep desire to reconnect with each other. Festivals provided an environment where the negative social pressures of race, gender, class and mores (such as clothes) were suspended and held the potential “for personal and social transformation” (St John 167). With the expressed intent to “take matters into our own hands” and try to develop alternative, innovative ways of doing things with collective participation, the Aquarius Festival thus became an optimal space for reinvigorating ancient and Indigenous ways (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). With philosophies that venerated collectivism, tribalism, connecting with the earth, and the use of ritual, the Indigenous presence at the Aquarius Festival gave attendees the opportunity to experience these values. To connect authentically with Nimbin’s landscape, forming bonds with the Traditional Owners was essential. Participants were very fortunate to have the presence of the last known initiated men of the area, Uncle Lyle Roberts and Uncle Dickee Donnely. These Elders represented the last vestiges of an ancient culture and conducted innovative ceremonies, song, teachings and created a sacred fire for the new youth they encountered in their land. They welcomed the young people and were very happy for their presence, believing it represented a revolutionary shift (Wedd; King; John Roberts; Cecil Roberts). Images 1 and 2: Ceremony and talks conducted at the Aquarius Festival (people unknown). Photographs reproduced by permission of photographer and festival attendee Paul White. The festival thus provided an important platform for the regeneration of cultural and spiritual practices. John Roberts, nephew of Uncle Lyle, recalled being surprised by the reaction of festival participants to his uncle: “He was happy and then he started to sing. And my God … I couldn’t get near him! There was this big ring of hippies around him. They were about twenty deep!” Sharing to an enthusiastic, captive audience had a positive effect and gave the non-indigenous a direct Indigenous encounter (Cecil Roberts; King; Oshlak). Estimates of the number of Indigenous people in attendance vary, with the main organisers suggesting 800 to 1000 and participants suggesting 200 to 400 (Stone; Wedd; Oshlak: Joseph; King; Cecil Roberts). As the Festival lasted over a two week period, many came and left within that time and estimates are at best reliant on memory, engagement and perspectives. With an estimated total attendance at the Festival between 5000 and 10,000, either number of Indigenous attendees is symbolic and a significant symbolic statistic for Indigenous and non-indigenous to be together on mutual ground in Australia in 1973. Images 3-5: Performers from Yirrkala Dance Group, brought to the festival by Stone with funding from the Federal Government. Photographs reproduced by permission of photographer and festival attendee Dr Ian Cameron. For Indigenous people, the event provided an important occasion to reconnect with their own people, to share their culture with enthusiastic recipients, as well as the chance to experience diverse aspects of the counterculture. Though the northern NSW region has a history of diverse cultural migration of Italian and Indian families, the majority of non-indigenous and Indigenous people had limited interaction with cosmopolitan influences (Kijas 20). Thus Nimbin was a conservative region and many Christianised Indigenous people were also conservative in their outlook. The Aquarius Festival changed that as the Indigenous people experienced the wide-ranging cultural elements of the alternative movement. The festival epitomised countercultural tendencies towards flamboyant fashion and hairstyles, architectural design, fantastical art, circus performance, Asian clothes and religious products, vegetarian food and nudity. Exposure to this bohemian culture would have surely led to “mind expansion and consciousness raising,” explicit aims adhered to by the movement (Roszak). Performers and participants from Africa, America and India also gave attending Indigenous Australians the opportunity to interact with non-European cultures. Many people interviewed for this paper indicated that Indigenous people’s reception of this festival experience was joyous. For Australia’s early counterculture, interest in Indigenous Australia was limited and for organisers of the AUS Aquarius Festival, it was not originally on the agenda. The counterculture in the USA and New Zealand had already started to engage with their Indigenous people some years earlier. However due to the Aquarius Festival’s origins in the student movement and its solidarities with the international Indigenous activist movement, they were forced to shift their priorities. The coincidental selection of a significant spiritual location at Nimbin to hold the festival brought up additional challenges and countercultural intrigue with mystical powers and a desire to connect authentically to the land, further prompted action. Essentially, it was the voices of empowered Indigenous activists, like Gary Foley, which in fact triggered the reaching out to Indigenous involvement. While the counterculture organisers were ultimately receptive and did act with unprecedented respect, credit must be given to Indigenous activists. The activist’s role is to trigger action and challenge thinking and in this case, it was ultimately productive. Therefore the Indigenous people were not merely passive recipients of beneficiary goodwill, but active instigators of appropriate cultural exchange. After the 1973 festival many attendees decided to stay in Nimbin to purchase land collectively and a community was born. Relationships established with local Indigenous people developed further. Upon visiting Nimbin now, one will see a vibrant visual display of Indigenous and psychedelic themed art, a central park with an open fire tended by local custodians and other Indigenous community members, an Aboriginal Centre whose rent is paid for by local shopkeepers, and various expressions of a fusion of counterculture and Indigenous art, music and dance. While it appears that reconciliation became the aspiration for mainstream society in the 1990s, Nimbin’s early counterculture history had Indigenous reconciliation at its very foundation. The efforts made by organisers of the 1973 Aquarius Festival stand as one of very few examples in Australian history where non-indigenous Australians have respectfully sought to learn from Indigenous people and to assimilate their cultural practices. It also stands as an example for the world, of reconciliation, based on hippie ideals of peace and love. They encouraged the hippies moving up here, even when they came out for Aquarius, old Uncle Lyle and Richard Donnelly, they came out and they blessed the mob out here, it was like the hairy people had come back, with the Nimbin, cause the Nimbynji is the little hairy people, so the hairy people came back (Jerome). References Barr-Melej, Patrick. “Siloísmo and the Self in Allende’s Chile: Youth, 'Total Revolution,' and the Roots of the Humanist Movement.” Hispanic American Historical Review 86.4 (Nov. 2006): 747-784. Bible, Vanessa. Aquarius Rising: Terania Creek and the Australian Forest Protest Movement. BA (Honours) Thesis. University of New England, Armidale, 2010. Broadley, Colin, and Judith Jones, eds. Nambassa: A New Direction. Auckland: Reed, 1979. Bryant, Gordon M. Parliament of Australia. Minister for Aboriginal Affairs. 1 May 1973. Australian Union of Students. Records of the AUS, 1934-1991. National Library of Australia MS ACC GB 1992.0505. Cameron, Ian. “Aquarius Festival Photographs.” 1973. Clarke, Jennifer. Aborigines and Activism: Race, Aborigines and the Coming of the Sixties to Australia. Crawley: University of Western Australia Press, 2008. Derrett, Ross. Regional Festivals: Nourishing Community Resilience: The Nature and Role of Cultural Festivals in Northern Rivers NSW Communities. PhD Thesis. Southern Cross University, Lismore, 2008. Dunstan, Graeme. “A Survival Festival May 1973.” 1 Aug. 1972. Pamphlet. MS 6945/1. Nimbin Aquarius Festival Archives. National Library of Australia, Canberra. ---. E-mail to author, 11 July 2012. ---. “The Aquarius Festival.” Aquarius Rainbow Region. n.d. Farnham, Ken. Acting Executive Officer, Aboriginal Council for the Arts. 19 June 1973. Letter. MS ACC GB 1992.0505. Australian Union of Students. Records of the AUS, 1934-1991. National Library of Australia, Canberra. Foley, Gary. “Australia and the Holocaust: A Koori Perspective (1997).” The Koori History Website. n.d. 20 May 2013 ‹http://www.kooriweb.org/foley/essays/essay_8.html›. ---. “Whiteness and Blackness in the Koori Struggle for Self-Determination (1999).” The Koori History Website. n.d. 20 May 2013 ‹http://www.kooriweb.org/foley/essays/essay_9.html›. ---. “Black Power in Redfern 1968-1972 (2001).” The Koori History Website. n.d. 20 May 2013 ‹http://www.kooriweb.org/foley/essays/essay_1.html›. ---. “An Evening with Legendary Aboriginal Activist Gary Foley.” Conference Session. Marxism 2012 “Revolution in the Air”, Melbourne, Mar. 2012. Hoff, Jennifer. Bundjalung Jugun: Bundjalung Country. Lismore: Richmond River Historical Society, 2006. Jacob, Jeffrey. New Pioneers: The Back-to-the-Land Movement and the Search for a Sustainable Future. Pennsylvania: Penn State Press, 1997. Jerome, Burri. Interview. 31 July 2012. Joseph, Paul. Interview. 7 Aug. 2012. Joseph, Paul, and Brendan ‘Mookx’ Hanley. Interview by Rob Willis. 14 Aug. 2010. Audiofile, Session 2 of 3. nla.oh-vn4978025. Rob Willis Folklore Collection. National Library of Australia, Canberra. Kijas, Johanna, Caravans and Communes: Stories of Settling in the Tweed 1970s & 1980s. Murwillumbah: Tweed Shire Council, 2011. King, Vivienne (Aunty Viv). Interview. 1 Aug. 2012. Munro-Clarke, Margaret. Communes of Rural Australia: The Movement Since 1970. Sydney: Hale and Iremonger, 1986. Nethery, Amy. “Aboriginal Reserves: ‘A Modern-Day Concentration Camp’: Using History to Make Sense of Australian Immigration Detention Centres.” Does History Matter? Making and Debating Citizenship, Immigration and Refugee Policy in Australia and New Zealand. Eds. Klaus Neumann and Gwenda Tavan. Canberra: Australian National University Press, 2009. 4. Newton, Janice. “Aborigines, Tribes and the Counterculture.” Social Analysis 23 (1988): 53-71. Newton, John. The Double Rainbow: James K Baxter, Ngati Hau and the Jerusalem Commune. Wellington: Victoria University Press, 2009. Offord, Baden. “Mapping the Rainbow Region: Fields of Belonging and Sites of Confluence.” Transformations 2 (March 2002): 1-5. Oshlak, Al. Interview. 27 Mar. 2013. Partridge, Christopher. “The Spiritual and the Revolutionary: Alternative Spirituality, British Free Festivals, and the Emergence of Rave Culture.” Culture and Religion: An Interdisciplinary Journal 7 (2006): 3-5. Perkins, Charlie. “Charlie Perkins on 1965 Freedom Ride.” Youtube, 13 Oct. 2009. Perone, James E. Woodstock: An Encyclopedia of the Music and Art Fair. Greenwood: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2005. Roberts, John. Interview. 1 Aug. 2012. Roberts, Cecil. Interview. 6 Aug. 2012. Roszak, Theodore. The Making of a Counter Culture: Reflections on the Technocratic Society and Its Youthful Opposition. New York: University of California Press,1969. St John, Graham. “Going Feral: Authentica on the Edge of Australian culture.” The Australian Journal of Anthropology 8 (1997): 167-189. Smith, Sherry. Hippies, Indians and the Fight for Red Power. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012. Stell, Alex. Dancing in the Hyper-Crucible: The Rite de Passage of the Post-Rave Movement. BA (Honours) Thesis. University of Westminster, London, 2005. Stone, Trevor Bauxhau. Interview. 1 Oct. 2012. Wedd, Leila. Interview. 27 Sep. 2012. White, Paul. “Aquarius Revisited.” 1973. Zolov, Eric. Refried Elvis: The Rise of the Mexican Counterculture. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999.

Thesis (MAgricAdmin)--Stellenbosch University, 2005.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The study evaluated farmworker equity-sharing schemes administered by the Worcester regional office of the Department of Land Affairs in the Western Cape. The objectives were to investigate the performance of farmworker equity-sharing schemes against recent literature, to evaluate the motivation for the establishment of these schemes and whether they served the purpose for which they were established. Through investigating the role these schemes play in improving the farmworkers ' livelihood, the study investigated the changes farmworkers experienced on the farm since the establishment of the schemes. The perceptions of farmworkers regarding the schemes were also investigated. The study found that at all the farms evaluated there was a lack of formal training to all the levels of farmworkers, including committee members and shareholder workers. These farms did not have the funds to finance training programmes for their farmworkers. Poor training impeded farmworkers to utilise their skills and participate in decision making on the farm. Contrary to the objectives of financial participation and farmworker equity-sharing schemes, most of these schemes did not achieve the broad objectives of the participation schemes such as empowering their workers. Living and working conditions seem to have improved on most of the farms although some farms seem to have experienced no change at all. The ESTA Laws could be the cause of the improvements in housing and working conditions but not the implementation of the farmworker equity-sharing schemes. Respondents did not seem to experience discrimination due to gender. Financially the schemes are not performing well. This is evident from the number of schemes that were liquidated due to financial problems and for which financial statements could not be obtained. These schemes face various institutional and structural challenges, which includes financial challenges.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie het plaaswerker-aandeelhouerskemas wat deur die Worcesterstreekskantoor van die Departement van Grondsake in die Wes-Kaap bestuur word, geëvalueer. Die oogmerke van die studie was om die verrigting van plaaswerkeraandeelhouerskemas teenoor onlangse literatuur te ondersoek, om die motivering vir die vestiging van hierdie skemas te evalueer en te bepaal of hulle wel die doel dien waarvoor hulle gevestig is. Deur die rol van hierdie skemas in die verbetering van plaaswerkers se bestaan te ondersoek, het die studie ook ondersoek ingestel na die veranderinge wat sedert die vestiging van die skemas deur plaaswerkers ervaar is. Die plaaswerkers se persepsies van die skemas is ook ondersoek. Die studie het bevind dat daar by al die plase wat betrek is 'n tekort aan formele opleiding aan al die vlakke van plaaswerkers was, met inbegrip van komiteelede en aandeelhouer-werkers. Hierdie plase het nie oor die fondse beskik om opleidingsprogramme vir hulle plaaswerkers te finansier nie. Swak opleiding strem plaaswerkers in die toepassing van hulle vaardighede en in hulle deelname aan besluitneming op die plaas. In stryd met die doelwitte van finansiële deelname en plaaswerker-aandeelhouerskemas het hierdie skemas nie in hulle doel geslaag nie. Woon- en werksomstandighede op die meeste plase het blykbaar sedert die vestiging van die skemas verbeter, alhoewel sommige plase skynbaar geen vemaderinge ondergaan het nie. Die Wet op die Uitbreiding van Sekerheid op Verblyfreg kan 'n verklaring vir die verbetering in behuising en werksomstandighede wees, en nie noodwendig die implementering van die plaaswerker-aandeelhouerskemas nie. Respondente het volgens alle aanduidings nie diskriminasie op grond van geslag ondervind nie. Die skemas presteer finansieel nie goed nie. Dit is duidelik uit die getal skemas wat as gevolg van finansiële probleme gelikwideer is en waarvoor finansiële state nie verkry kon word nie. Hierdie skemas staar verskeie institusionele en strukturele uitdagings in die gesig, waaronder ook finansiële uitdagings.

Magister Artium - MA (History)
“We cannot carry our own poverty”: Native Affairs, welfare reform and the development of an ‘inclusive’ social pension system in South Africa, 1936 – 1959 An ‘inclusive’ system of state social pensions was introduced by the United Party - led government in 1944 and remained intact throughout apartheid. Scholars have argued that the delivery infrastructure of the old age pension system in South Africa – which pervaded National Party rule – became crucial to the rapid distribution of state social grants in the 1990s. This research focuses on the construction of a bureaucratic system of control that developed in the 1940s for the purpose of administering social pensions to black South Africans. Extant studies on the history of the old age pension system in South Africa have paid little attention to the politics of administration and the particular ways in which bureaucrats shaped old age pension policy. In this thesis, I historicise its development by paying attention to the system’s internal structures and administration. By focusing on the administration of these pensions in the initial years of old age pension policy implementation in the Native Affairs Department (NAD), this thesis examines the position of the old age pension system as one thread in the reticulation of policies and practices that came together to form the apartheid state. It elucidates the conjuncture of social assistance, modernising technologies and centralised registration and administration in the 1950s, outside of any grand plan, as a factor in what became one of the apartheid state’s insidious projects of social engineering and control: separate development. I argue that the shift in administrative practice that occurred toward the end of the 1940s (but before National Party rule) from a decentralised, manual system of administration to a centralised, mechanised one reined in the authority of local authorising officers and limited their previously-held ability to act as mediators in the administration and development of the system, shifting their roles from active mediators to passive intermediaries. The technologies introduced with the project of mechanisation enabled the National Party led-NAD to embark on a campaign to systematically review and limit the award of pensions to black South African while keeping intact a system that was politically, socially and economically expedient. In this thesis, I contend that the system of old age pensions bolstered the dominant economic and political structures in South Africa and suggest that this system played a significant role in enabling the persistence of these structures.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Department of Water Affairs and Forestry (DWAF) maintains that its people-centred Participatory Forest Management (PFM) program contributes to rural poverty eradication through provision of employment, skills training and sharing of benefits of sustainable forest management. It also asserts that local people in the forested parts of South Africa interactively participate in designing systems and institutions that shape forest resources use and management and hence influence their livelihood strategies. Furthermore, the department asserts that the PFM program has taken off exceptionally well in the Southern Cape Forests than anywhere else in South Africa. This means that local people that inhabit the margins of the Southern Cape Forests benefit from the management of these forests. Consequently, this study set out to investigate the socio-economic contribution of the PFM intervention to the two forest-dwelling communities of Diepwalle and Covie within the Southern Cape Forests. The investigation employed an outcome based evaluation approach and was summative in nature. Data were gathered by conducting a 100% survey of the two communities and also through a workshop. Informal interactions and discussions as well as visual observations were used to verify data as the purpose of the study was to present an unbiased, multi-voiced account of the socio-economic contributions of the PFM intervention to the Diepwalle and Covie communities. The results of this research show that the outcomes of the PFM intervention have not been met in the two communities. It was found that the vast majority of the households in the two communities were not aware at the time of this study of the PFM program. There were at the time of the study no PFM-based incentives for local communities to actively participate in the sustainable use and management of the indigenous forests in the vicinity of Diepwalle and Covie. Almost all the householders in the two communities stressed that they do not benefit from the management of the indigenous forests. The existing management approach followed in the Southern Cape Forests does not appear to have more socio-economic and environmental gains than the conventional approach which excludes local people from the planning, designing, implementation and evaluation of institutions and systems which affect their physical environment. The study recommends, among others, regular evaluation of the PFM program to fast track its successful implementation and to ensure that the National Forests Act of 1998 that establishes PFM is fully implemented to realize the socio-economic benefits of forest conservation.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Volgens die Departement Waterwese en Bosbou (DWB) dra die Mensgesentreerde Deelnemende Bosbestuursprogram (Participatory Forest Management of PFM) by tot die uitwissing van armoede op die platteland deur werkverskaffing, vaardigheidsopleiding en die deel in voordele van volhoubare bosbestuur. Die DWB beweer dat inwoners van die woudgebiede van Suid-Afrika deelneem aan die ontwerp van stelsels en instellings wat die gebruik en bestuur van woudhulpbronne vorm en daarom hulle broodwinningstrategieë beïnvloed. Verder voer die DWB aan dat die PFM-program aansienlik beter in die Suid-Kaapse Woude weggespring het as op enige ander plek in Suid-Afrika. Dit beteken dat plaaslike mense wat in buitewyke van die Suid-Kaapse Woude woon, voordeel trek uit die bestuur van die woude. Hierdie studie is onderneem om die sosio-ekonomiese bydrae van die PFM-intervensie tot twee woudgemeenskappe, Diepwalle en Covie, in die Suid-Kaapse Woude te ondersoek. Die ondersoek het 'n uitkomsgebaseerde evaluasiebenadering gevolg en was summatief van aard. Gegewens is deur 'n 100%-opname van die gemeenskappe en tydens 'n werkswinkel versamel. Informele interaksies en besprekings asook visuele waarnemings is gebruik om gegewens te verifieer, omdat die doel van die studie was om 'n onbevooroordeelde, veelstemmige verslag van die sosio-ekonomiese bydraes van die PFM-intervensie tot bogenoemde gemeenskappe daar te stel. Die navorsingsresultate toon dat die uitkomste van die PFM-intervensie nie in die twee gemeenskappe bereik is nie. Die oorgrote meerderheid huishoudings was ten tye van die studie onbewus van die program en daar was geen PFM-gebaseerde aansporings vir plaaslike gemeenskappe om aktief aan die volhoubare gebruik en bestuur van die inheemse woude in die Diepwalle- en Covie-omgewing deel te neem nie. Bykans al die huishouers het benadruk dat hulle geen voordeel uit die bestuur van die inheemse woude trek nie. Geen getuienis is gevind wat bevestig dat bekwaamhede bevorder is as gevolg van die PFM-program nie. Alle deelnemers ontken vaardigheidsontwikkeling wat deur die PFM geinisieer is. Dit blyk dat die bestaande bestuursbenadering wat in die Suid-Kaapse Woude gevolg word, nie meer sosio-ekonomiese en omgewingsvoordele lewer nie as die konvensionele benadering wat plaaslike mense uitsluit van die beplanning, ontwerp, implementering en evaluasie van instellings en stelsels wat hulle fisiese omgewing beïnvloed. Die studie beveel onder andere gereelde evaluasie van die PFM-program aan om die suksesvolle implementering daarvan te bespoedig en te verseker dat die Wet op Nasionale Woude van 1998 volledig geïmplementeer word sodat die sosio-ekonomiese voordele van woudbewaring kan realiseer.

Public participation in water management processes is one of the internationally recognised and adopted principles of Integrated Water Resource Management. The South African Department of Water Affairs and Forestry aims to facilitate the decentralisation of water management powers to the local community level via the establishment of regional and local water management institutions, namely Catchment Management Agencies, Water User Associations and Catchment Forums. The National Water Act (No. 36 of 1998) acknowledges that the discriminatory laws and practices of the past have prevented equal access to water and the use of water resources. The contribution of water management institutions to social and economic development, in particular poverty eradication and food security, is mentioned in the water act. The participation of poor rural communities living in the Kat valley, an area where an elite minority reap the benefits of water use for agriculture, is the focus of this research. Their participation, perceptions and experiences are documented and explored to determine how the promulgation of post-apartheid water policy and legislation has affected their access to water. The results of this research are based on data collected from several methods including surveys, workshops and observation. Analysis of these data revealed the complicated and stagnant nature of participation from Kat valley rural communities in local water management initiatives and organisations. Existing water management organisations were not successful in stimulating poor people’s participation as they were unable to address their primary concerns, namely a secure source of potable water, employment and access to water for agricultural purposes. This thesis asserts that the Department of Water Affairs and Forestry, as the custodian of South Africa’s water resources, has not taken on a supportive, accountable role in assisting marginalised communities with improving their access to water for domestic purposes and securing access to water rights for productive use. This, in turn, has led to dissatisfaction among these communities and a wariness of participatory activities that focus mainly on raising environmental awareness. The establishment of effective accountability relationships among all stakeholders, pro-poor water management structures and initiatives, as well as integrated and co-operative management of natural resources, are needed to revitalise the present participation of poor communities living in rural areas.

One of the greatest challenges facing the world today is integrating industrial activities such as mining with environmental integrity and social concerns. Monitoring is fundamental to environmental management, both to assess the adherence to standards and to allow environmental managers to learn from practical experiences. However, a problem arises when the regulatory authorities cannot keep up with their mandate of enforcement and compliance monitoring. This research examined how the Department of Minerals and Energy (DME) implements the concept of sustainable development in the mining sector of the Eastern Cape (EC) and, more specifically, the extent to which the Mine Environmental Management (MEM) section is able to effectively monitor compliance of mining operations with environmental legislation. This was the first systematic compilation of statistical data for the DME, and presents the first study in the EC regional office in terms of environmental sustainability. Results indicate that there has been a sustained increase in mining activity over the past three years, possibly as a result of the boom in the construction industry and the accelerated road maintenance and improvement programmes in the Eastern Cape. Mining applications received by the DME have increased by 47% from 2006 to 2007 (January-May) and by a further 100% from 2007 to 2008. In addition to the increasing number of mining concerns being established, 98 mining concerns will need to apply for the conversion of their old order rights to new order rights by the 1st May 2009. Mining in the province is predominantly small scale with mining permits (mined areas less than 1.5Ha) making up 52.3% of all applications, with larger mining concerns contributing 29.3% and prospecting contributing the remaining 18.4%. In terms of compliance inspections, the EC regional office is required to conduct 120 environmental compliance inspections annually in terms of contributing to sustainable development. The MEM section exceeded this target since 2003. However, when the number of operational mines is considered, 120 inspections per year equates to one mine being visited, on average once every four years (based on 2008 data). Based on projected figures (number of compliance audits and number of operational mines) for 2009, the DME’s target of 150 inspections for 2009/10 combined with the limited staff D. Watkins – MBA Dissertation 2008 capacity will, at best, mean that mines would be inspected once in seven years. However, the target of 150 inspections will not actually even cover the expected number of EMP evaluation inspections. This has serious implications in terms of regulating the compliance of the mining concerns with their EMPR’s. The low level of compliance monitoring can be directly related to staff capacity and logistics problems at the regional office as well as provincial targets being based on staff capacity rather than the number of operational mines. Thus, considering potential environmental damage associated with mining operations and the capacity constraints of the MEM to conduct frequent compliance audits, it is likely that mining operations will have negative implications for sustainable development in the region. Currently there are many challenges facing the DME in terms of contributing positively to sustainability in the mining sector and there is a need to base future actions on the idea of continuous improvement and ultimately progress.

The study investigated the possibility of developing a monitoring and evaluation tool to capacitate the South African Department of Home Affairs towards the sustainability of its mobile unit project. As South Africa has a history of gross discrepancies in the appropriation of services by the citizenry, a fleet of 117 mobile trucks was deployed as part of the 2004 Turnaround Strategy. The chosen structural-functionalist theoretical vantage point informed a quantitative baseline survey in which the views of thirty eight respondents in six provinces and across various ranks were gauged. The majority expressed positive views about the sustainability of the mobile units beyond project phase. They expressed confidence in the goals, relevance and realistic nature of the mobile units. In the SWOT analysis, the respondents expressed more strengths and opportunities than weaknesses and threats. These findings form the baseline for the development of the intended M&E framework.
M.A. (Sociology)

Abstract in English, Afrikaans and IsiXhosa.
This study investigates the first national poll tax levied on African men in the Union of South Africa. Known as the “general tax”, it was enacted in terms of the Natives Taxation and Development Act of 1925, and was imposed irrespective of a man’s income or impecuniousness. The historical background to the Act is outlined, and debates and disputes leading up to its promulgation are considered. The difficulties underlying the application, interpretation, and enforcement of the Act, are also examined. Court case judgments involving men who denied their inclusion under the Act’s central, racial definition of “native”, are explored. The case of one individual whose descendants were brought to Natal as “liberated slaves”, is discussed in some detail. The Act’s definition of “native” affected not only individual men, but also a number of black groups whose racial and tax status was in some doubt. Responses to a Native Affairs Department directive, explicitly excluding “Hottentots, Bushmen and Korannas” from the ambit of the Act, are accordingly investigated. Problems surrounding the Griquas, whose tax status was initially ignored in legislation and in official circulars, are investigated. The taxation of farm labourers, among the lowest paid workers in the country, is also examined. Queries and complaints from magistrates, white farmers and from African men are recorded. The interpretation of the Secretary of Native Affairs on the relevant provisions of the Act and his responses to queries and objections relating to the taxation of those workers, are also investigated.
Esi sifundo siphanda irhafu yokuqala yesizwe eyayibizwa kumadoda ama-Afrika kweMdibaniso woMzantsi Afrika. Le rhafu kwakusithiwa yi“rhafu jikelele”, kwaye yayisekwe ngokomthetho owaziwa ngokuba yiNatives Taxation and Development Act wonyaka we-1925, kwaye yayifunwa kuwo onke amadoda nokuba ahlupheke kangakanani na. Imbali yalo Mthetho inikiwe, kwaye kuphononongwe neengxoxo neengxabano ezakhokelela ekuphunyezweni kwawo. Kuqwalaselwe kwakhona ubunzima obavela xa kwakucelelwa ukuphunyezwa kwawo, indlela yokuwutolika nokuwunyanzelisa. Kukwaphononongwe nezigwebo zeenkundla zamatyala ezimalunga namadoda awayesala ukubandakanywa nenkcazelo yalo Mthetho, eyayicalula ngokwebala, neyayisithi “iinzalelwane”. Kuxoxwe banzi ngetyala losapho lwenye indoda olwaziswa eNatala kusithiwa “ngamakhoboka akhululweyo”. Kuphandiwe ngendlela ababeziva ngayo abantu xa kwaphuma isinyanzeliso seSebe Lemicimbi Yeenzalelwane, esithi “Amaqhakancu, AbaThwa namaKoranna” awafakwa wona kulo Mthetho. Inkcazelo yoMthetho ethi “iinzalelwane” yayingachaphazeli nje amadoda kuphela, yayichaphazela namanye amaqela abantu abantsundu ababengaqondakali ncam ukuba baloluphi na uhlanga, kwaye sisithini isimo sabo serhafu. Ziphononongiwe neengxaki ezazingqonge amaGriqua, wona ayenesimo serhafu esingahoywanga, engananzwanga nangokuseMthethweni nakwiimbalelwano zoburhulumente. Okunye okuphandiweyo kukubizwa irhafu kwabasebenzi basezifama, bona babengabona bahlawulwa kancinci. Zishicilelwe nezikhalazo nemibuzo evela kwiimantyi, amafama amhlophe namadoda ama-Afrika. Ziphononongiwe iindlela zokutolikwa kwezilungiselelo zoMthetho, zitolikwa nguNobhala wemicimbi Yeenzalelwane nendlela lo Nobhala awayephendula ngayo imibuzo nezikhalazo ezazibhekiselele kwabo basebenzi.
Hierdie studie ondersoek die eerste nasionale hoofbelasting wat op Afrika-mans in die Unie van Suid-Afrika gehef is. Hierdie sogenaamde “algemene belasting” is ingevolge die Naturelle Belasting en Ontwikkeling Wet van 1925 voorgeskryf, en is gehef ongeag ’n man se inkomste of onvermoëndheid. Die historiese agtergrond tot die Wet word uiteengesit, en debatte en dispute wat tot die uitvaardiging daarvan gelei het, word oorweeg. Die probleme verbonde aan die toepassing, uitleg en afdwinging van die Wet word ook ondersoek. Hofbeslissings rakende mans wat hul insluiting onder die Wet se sentrale, rasse-definisie van ‘“naturel” ontken het, word bestudeer. Die saak van een individu wie se afstammelinge as “bevryde slawe” na Natal gebring is, word in besonderhede bespreek. Die Wet se definisie van “naturel” het nie net individuele mans beïnvloed nie, maar ook ’n aantal swart groepe oor wie se rasse- en belastingstatus onsekerheid bestaan het. Reaksies op ’n aanwysing van die Departement Naturellesake, wat uitdruklik “Hottentotte, Boesmans en Korannas” van die toepassingsbestek van die Wet uitsluit, word dienooreenkomstig ondersoek. Probleme met betrekking tot die Griekwas, wie se belastingstatus aanvanklik in wetgewing en amptelike omsendbriewe geïgnoreer is, word verken. Die belastingbetaling deur plaasarbeiders, wat onder die laags besoldigde werkers in die land was, word ook bekyk. Navrae en klagtes van landdroste, wit boere en Afrika-mans word vermeld. Die uitleg van die tersaaklike bepalings van die Wet deur die Sekretaris van Naturellesake en sy reaksies op navrae oor en besware teen die belastingpligtigheid van daardie werkers word ook ondersoek.
College of Accounting Sciences
M. Compt (Accounting Science)

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1986.
Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 330-345).

M.A.
This research project assesses the impact of South Africa's Land Reform Programme on the Land Redistribution Programme and thus, on the productivity and sustainability of farming operations in Limpopo Province. The impact of the Land Redistribution Programme was examined on five farms within four district municipalities in Limpopo Province, namely: Capricorn Municipality (Vaalkop 656LS), Vhembe Municipality (Spitzkop), Waterberg Municipality (Hartebeespoort 84 KR, Speculatie 139LQ and St Catherine 1257LQ). Landsat 5 remote-sensing images and quantitative and qualitative survey techniques were employed to source the information..