Academic literature on the topic 'South Africa. Native Divorce Courts'

On a daily basis people enquire about the dissolution of Islamic marriages, in terms of South African law In South Africa. There exist no legal grounds for obtaining a divorce in a South African court, for persons married in terms of the Islamic law only. The reason for this is due to the fact that Muslim marriages are currently not recognised as valid marriages in terms of South African law. The courts have stated that the non-recognition of Islamic marriages is based on the fact that such marriages are potentially polygamous.In South Africa, marriages may be dissolved by the death of one of the spouses or by divorce. In terms of the Divorce Act, a decree of divorce will be granted by a court of law. Islam grants the husband the right of divorce and also grants the wife the right to request and apply to dissolve the marriage through what is known as Khula, the woman also has the right to a delegated divorce. If the husband dissolves the marriage by divorcing his wife, he cannot retrieve any of the gifts he has given her. Islam further makes provision for the "reasonable maintenance" of divorced women. The non-recognition of Islamic marriages has the effect that a person married in terms of Shari'ah only, has no right to approach a court of law for a decree of divorce and, unless a husband divorces his wife in terms of the Shari'ah, the wife is trapped in a marriage, even if the marriage has broken down irretrievably. Thus a custom in South Africa has developed, whereby Muslim husbands refuse to divorce their wives in terms of Islamic law, so as to punish the wife. The wife in turn cannot make use of the South African judiciary to obtain a divorce, because of the non-recognition of her marriage. This is a burden, which is in direct conflict with Islamic law. In 2000 a Bill was drafted by the South African Law Commission. This act will recognise Islamic family law within a constitutional framework. This article deals with the dilemma that a Muslim woman is faced with in South Africa with regards to divorce.

The local courts of Zambia are the successors to the native courts which the British set up in Northern Rhodesia, as elsewhere in colonial Africa, to administer justice to Africans. However, while the system of native courts originally existed in parallel with the system of English-style magistrates' courts, after independence the native courts (re-named local courts) were integrated into the judicial system, with appeals lying to subordinate courts (i.e. magistrates' courts) of the first or second class. Although it was the ultimate goal of the government to have a fully professionalised judiciary (a policy adopted by Kenya in 1967), it recognised that the local courts still had an important role to play in the administration of justice, particularly in the rural areas. Twenty years later it looks as if their future is secure. If the amount of business transacted by the local courts and the paucity of appeals from their decisions provide an indication of their popularity and effectiveness, they would seem to have proved their worth.Like their predecessors, the local courts have a limited criminal jurisdiction, but the bulk of their business is civil. They have jurisdiction in most civil matters where the claim does not exceed 200 kwacha. Some of these cases are actions for the recovery of a debt, actions for assault or actions for defamation of character (most frequently, accusations of witchcraft), but the majority of the cases could be broadly categorised as “family” cases, including divorce, adultery, seduction and inheritance claims.

The state law of South Africa consists of the common law and the customary law. However, in reality there exist various cultural and religious communities who lead their private lives outside of state law. For example, the Muslim community in South Africa is a close-knit community which lives according to their own customs and usages. Muslims are subject to informal religious tribunals whose decisions and orders are neither recognised nor reviewable by the South African courts.The non-recognition of certain aspects of Muslim personal law causes unnecessary hardships, especially for women. A Muslim woman is often in a "catch two" situation. For example, on the one hand her attempts to divorce her husband in terms of Muslim law may be foiled by the relevant religious tribunal and, on the other hand, the South African courts may not provide the necessary relief, because they might not recognise the validity of her Muslim marriage. Increasingly, South African courts are faced with complex issues regarding the Muslim community. The last few years there has been a definite change in the courts' attitude with regard to the recognition of certain aspects of Muslim personal law. Contrary to pre1994 court cases, the recent court cases attempt to develop the common law to give recognition to certain aspects of Muslim personal law. This article attempts to give an overview of the recent case law that dealt with issues regarding the recognition of aspects of Muslim personal law. Another issue, which eventuates from the current situation, is whether the South African legal order should continue to have a dualistic legal order or whether we should opt for a unified legal order or even a pluralistic legal order. In order to address this issue, some comments on the current status of Muslim personal law will be made and, finally, in order to contribute to the debate regarding the recognition of Muslim personal law, optional models for the recognition of Muslim personal law will briefly be evaluated.

E-technology has fast become an acceptable and convenient method of communication and a prerequisite of business transactions globally. South Africa is no exception to the trend. While technological progress has facilitated rapid change in the way humans communicate and transact, South African law has not kept abreast of the swift transformation and growth in this sector. This lacuna is especially evident in the South African law of civil procedure, which regulates the civil process in South African courts. Although subject to regular amendment, it appears prima facie not to embrace advances in e-technology and their effect – or potential effect – on the legal process.Moreover, the existing corpus of legislation governing civil process appears to have disregarded the provisions of the Electronic Communications and Transactions Act (ECTA) to the extent that it already provides mechanisms for the use of e-technology. In South Africa, the law of civil procedure is regulated by statutes such as the Rules Board for Courts of Law Act, the Superior Courts Act, the Magistrates’ Courts Act, the Sheriffs Act, the National Credit Act, the Small Claims Court Act, and the Divorce Act, which inter alia regulate court process and ensure the fair administration of justice. The submission made here explores this indicated gap within selected legislation pertinent to civil procedure and postulates the effect of e-technology in the context of the abovementioned legislation.As an example, section 35 of the Superior Courts Act indicates that parties and witnesses must make a physical appearance in the court of issue. This provision, however, does not expressly allow for the use of video conferencing, which would enable witnesses to give evidence via e-technology, and thus allow parties to investigate and re-examine witnesses situated in any geographical location outside of court. Further, section 74Q of the Magistrates’ Courts Act makes it mandatory for garnishee orders to be served personally or by registered mail. This provision is not in line with developments in e-technology. Email, Facebook, or other digital means of service could facilitate the service of garnishee orders issued by magistrates’ courts more effectively and remove delays posed by slow postal delivery, and also inhibit the prohibitive cost of personal service. With this contribution, select statutory provisions are compared to ECTA provisions and specific e-technology laws so as to determine the extent of the gap in the implementation of e-technology within the sphere of civil process. The authors then provide insights into how the current civil law statutes could be amended in line with selected e-technology legislation discussed here.

In a recent ground-breaking case the South African courts were for the first time requested to use their discretion to interfere in the parent-child relationship due to the traditional socio-cultural beliefs of the parents. In what has been described as "every parent's nightmare; the fancy of many teenagers", a 16 year-old schoolgirl from Milerton in the Western Cape asked to be "freed" from her parents to live semi-independently from them because of her unhappiness with the conservative manner in which her parents treated her. After considering the matter the judge assigned to the case granted her request to live semi-independently with a school friend and her family (called by the judge the host family) until she reaches the age of 18 (her majority). Her parents were accorded permission to have limited contact with her. This case represents an example of the difficulties involved when balancing the rights of a teenager against those of the parents in matters of socio-cultural practice and belief. In a multi-cultural society such as South Africa the case raises numerous serious questions for other families. For instance, what standards will a court use to determine if parents are too conservative in bringing up their children and what factors will be taken into account? How much freedom and autonomy should children be given? How will courts prevent children from misusing the system just to get what their friends have, and - the ultimate question - are the rights of children superior to the traditional rights of parents in matters of socio-cultural practice, with specific reference to their upbringing? In this context it is the aim of this contribution to focus primarily on the questions asked above. Possible solutions for striking a balance between the rights of children and their parents are explored. The submission is made that the best interests principle is still the most important factor to be taken into account when balancing or weighing competing rights and interests concerning children. The principle of the best interests of the child, the founding principle of children's rights, however, is anchored in the family, and any break between the two should be carefully considered. It is concluded that in an attempt to resolve disputes between parents and their children the relevant provisions of the Constitution and the Children's Act must be considered and must be balanced and tested in relation to each other for constitutional consistency and compliance. It is also submitted that caution should be taken by the legislative framework not to encourage children to break the parent-child relationship on a mere whim, as an overemphasis of children's rights might result in the dilution of the sense of the value of the family in society.

This article outlines the approach to the writing of South African legal history being taken in a book in progress on the South African legal system between 1902 and 1929. It suggests that legalism has been an important part of the political culture of South Africa and that, therefore, an understanding of legal history is necessary to a comprehension of the South African state. It offers a critique of the liberal notion of the rule of law as a defence against state power, arguing that in the South African context ideological and legitimising explanations of law should be de-emphasised in favour of an approach which emphasises the instrumental nature of law in relation to state power. Elements of the existing legal and historical literature are briefly reviewed.The basic orientation is to consider the South African legal system as essentially a post-colonial British system rather than one of ‘Roman-Dutch law’. The study is divided into four parts. The first looks at the making of the state between 1902 and 1910 and considers the role and meaning of courts, law and police in the nature of the state being constructed. The second discusses ‘social control’. It considers the ideological development of criminology and thought about crime: the nature of ‘common law’ crime and criminal law in an era of intensified industrialisation; the development of statutory criminal control over blacks; and the evolution of the criminalising of political opposition. The third part considers the dual system of civil law. It discusses the development of Roman-Dutch law in relation to the legal profession; and outlines the development of the regime of commercial law, in relation to contemporary class and political forces. It also examines the parallel unfolding of the regime of black law governing the marital and proprietal relations of blacks, and embodied in the Native Administration Act of 1927. The final segment describes the growth of the statutory regime and its use in the re-structuring of the social order. It suggests that the core of South African legalism is to be found in the emergence of government through the modern statutory form with its huge delegated powers of legislating and its wide administrative discretions.

Abstract This paper traces the development of rehabilitative maintenance in South Africa. It illustrates that while there is no statutory provision dealing with rehabilitative maintenance in the country, courts are nonetheless, willing to make maintenance orders for limited periods. This paper shows that the criteria that courts use to grant this type of maintenance is not clear, making it difficult for legal practitioners to predict their clients’ cases. Courts have wide discretion when adjudicating rehabilitative maintenance disputes. They can order specific amount of maintenance to be paid to the maintenance seeking spouse for a particular period without outlining the basis for their decisions. While rehabilitative maintenance is relatively new in South Africa, it is nonetheless, well established and legislated in some of the States within the United States of America. This paper argues that rehabilitative maintenance should be legislated in South Africa in order to provide adequate guidance to the courts. Further, that failure to legislate rehabilitative maintenance would lead to inconsistent approaches being developed by the courts. In particular, it recommends the amendments of the Divorce Act in order to make provision for rehabilitative maintenance.

There are various models for determining and allocating child support obligations post-divorce and many different principles upon which such a policy can be based. In most legal systems the parents retain the duty to support their needy children after divorce as it is primarily their obligation to ensure the adequate financial welfare of their children. This principle is applicable in both the South African and Canadian legal systems. In South Africa, in terms of both the common law and legislation, both parents must maintain their children “according to their respective means”. The awarding of a specific amount of maintenance is, however, a complex process calculated by the courts on a case-by-case basis mainly by considering two issues: the needs of the children and the parents’ ability to maintain their children within the circumstances and means of each of the parents. Although both aspects are important in a maintenance enquiry, the focus of this note is on the interpretation of the calculation of the contribution of each of the parents, especially the non-custodial parent. The interpretation of the concept “means” obviously has important consequences for the parties: the broader the interpretation of the “means” of a parent, the higher the proportion of the contribution of that parent would be towards the support of the children. This is especially important in South Africa where a substantial proportion of those who are obligated to pay maintenance is impecunious. The Canadian law rested on similar principles until 1997 when the federal government promulgated the Federal Child Support Guidelines as an amendment to the Divorce Act. The impact of these Guidelines on the calculation of the parental share of post-divorce child support has been far-reaching. The aim of this note is firstly to examine the meaning of the term “means” within the South African legal system as set out in the common law, the various statutes and as these have been interpreted by the majority of courts over the past century. The second aim is to give a brief overview of the Canadian Guidelines and to compare their current system with the South African scenario. The rationale for choosing this jurisdiction is (i) the fact that in both jurisdictions the courts have the ultimate say over the amount of support paid; and (ii) as the Canadian position before their 1997 amendments was similar to the current South Africa system, it was envisaged that by exploring their reasons for change and evaluating their current system, some useful insights might be gained in solving some problems experienced in the South African maintenance system. The note will conclude with some suggestions for reform in South Africa in light of the Canadian experience.

Notwithstanding the fact that South Africa is a country rich in cultural diversity, and despite section 15 of the Constitution, the recognition of systems of religious, personal or family law for certain cultural and religious groups has either been limited or is virtually non-existent. This is particularly true in the case of Muslim marriages. To this extent, marriages concluded in terms of Islamic rites do not enjoy the same legal recognition that is accorded to civil and customary marriages. Non-recognition of Muslim marriages has dire consequences for the parties to the marriage, more so for women who are parties to Muslim marriages as there is no legal regulatory framework to enforce any of the consequences that arise as a result of the marriage. Therefore, in most cases, parties to a Muslim marriage are left without adequate legal protection, where the marriage is dissolved either by death or divorce. The non-recognition of Muslim marriages effectively means that despite the fact that the parties to a Muslim marriage may regard themselves as married, there is no legal connection between them.Despite South Africa’s commitment to the right of equality and freedom of religion, the courts have acknowledged that the failure to grant recognition to Muslim marriages on the ground of gender equality, has worsened the plight of women in these marriages, in that they were left without effective legal protection during the subsistence of the marriage and also when the marriage is dissolved either by death or divorce. Whilst the ad hoc recognition of certain consequences of Muslim marriages by the judiciary has gone some way to redress the plight of Muslim women and provided relief to the lived realities of Muslim women, these decisions are in fact contrary to the teachings and principles of Islam and therefore problematic for Muslims. These court decisions that are in conflict with Muslim Personal Law (MPL) will ultimately lead to the emergence of a distorted set of laws relating to Muslim family law. This is a real cause for concern. A discussion of these cases is undertaken in this article.

<p><br />As is the case with marriage, divorce should be entered into freely and voluntarily. The State should not demand that a marriage be ended if neither one of the spouses wishes for it to be terminated. Yet, several countries still impose such an obligation in instances where one or both of the parties to the marriage changed their sex during the existence of the marriage, in order for such a person to attain legal recognition of the sex change. This article analyses some of the case law in Europe and South Africa where the courts have had to intercede in instances in which differential treatment was being justified in the name of so-called pragmatism. It examines some of the possible reasons for imposing this obligation upon married couples and the effect that this requirement has on their lives. Furthermore, it explores why it is incorrect to require the termination of marriage after a change of sex, how genderism and transphobia has caused differential and discriminatory treatment of transsexual persons, and how institutional bias and a lack of appreciation for the lived reality of people who do not necessarily fit into categories of generated systems, continue to negate the human rights of some humans.</p>

Text in Afrikaans with summaries in Afrikaans and English
For many years divorce has been viewed exclusively as a legal problem that had to be addressed by the courts in our adversarial system of litigation. Divorce, however, also entails social problems which are not addressed in our legal system. It appears further that our adversarial legal system tends to heighten the conflicting interests of individual family members at divorce and to encourage animosity and irreconcilability. In an attempt to ameliorate the harsh consequences of the adversarial legal system at divorce, two no-fault grounds for divorce were introduced to enable divorcing spouses to make the decision about the termination of their marriage themselves. This greater freedom that no-fault divorce afforded parties quickly led to a demand for a new system of dispute resolution at divorce. The Hoexter Commission consequently, recommended the establishment of a family court with a social component where mediation services are offered. In both Australia and New Zealand the introduction of no-fault divorce was attended by the establishment of family courts where mediation services are offered. In mediation the parties involved, with the assistance of an impartial third, may sort out and find solutions to all their divorce-related problems. It also appears that mediation has always played a prominent role in the resolution of family disputes in the indigenous communities of South Africa. Owing to financial restrictions, South Africa is still without a family court. So far, only the Mediation in Certain Divorce Matters Act 24 of 1987 has emanated from the recommendations of the Hoexter Commission. This Act, which provides for the institution of enquiries by the office of the family advocate to determine the best interests of children at divorce, professes in its title to have introduced mediation as an alternative system of dispute resolution at divorce. From the contents of the Act it is apparent, however, that it provides for mediation only in a very limited sense. Consequently, it is necessary to amend this Act to make provision for real, comprehensive and accessible mediation services for the public in all family law disputes. This amendment could best be achieved by regulating existing private and community mediation services and integrating them into the formal legal process.
Egskeiding is baie jare lank as 'n regsprobleem beskou wat in ons adversatiewe stelsel van litigasie uitsluitlik deur die howe uitgestryk moes word. Egskeiding behels egter ook maatskaplike probleme wat nie deur ens regstelsel ondervang word nie. Ons adversatiewe regstelsel verskerp boonop die teenstrydige belange van individuele gesinslede by egskeiding en moedig verbittering en onversoenlikheid aan. Weens die probleme wat die skuldbeginsel en die adversatiewe stelsel vir gades met huweliksprobleme en vir die egskeidingsproses in die algemeen veroorsaak het, is twee skuldlose egskeidingsgronde in 1979 ingevoer wat aan gades wat wil skei, groter inspraak en seggenskap in die hele proses gegee het. Hierdie groter vryheid wat skuldlose egskeiding meegebring het, het spoedig 'n behoefte aan 'n nuwe stelsel van dispuutbeslegting by egskeiding geskep. Die Hoexterkommissie het gevolglik aanbeveel dat 'n gesinshof met 'n maatskaplike komponent ingestel word waarby onder andere bemiddelingsdienste beskikbaar meet wees. In sowel Australie as Nieu-Seeland het die invoering van skuldlose egskeiding inderdaad gepaardgegaan met die instelling van gesinshowe waar bemiddelingsdienste beskikbaar is. In die bemiddelingsproses kan mense self, maar met die bystand van 'n onpartydige derde, al hulle probleme by egskeiding uitsorteer en oplos. Dit blyk verder dat bemiddeling nog altyd 'n prominente rol by die beslegting van gesinsgeskille in inheemsregtelike gemeenskappe in Suid-Afrika gespeel het. Weens finansiele beperkings is Suid-Afrika nog steeds sonder 'n gesinshof. Al wat tot dusver uit die Hoexterkommissie se aanbevelings voortgevloei het, is die Wet op Bemiddeling in Sekere Egskeidingsaangeleenthede 24 van 1987 wat daarvoor voorsiening maak dat die kantoor van die gesinsadvokaat by egskeiding ondersoeke na die beste belange van kinders kan instel. Alhoewel die titel van die Wet voorgee om vir bemiddeling as 'n alternatiewe stelsel van dispuutbeslegting by egskeidng voorsiening te maak, blyk dit uit die inhoud van die Wet dat dit bloot vir 'n baie beperkte vorm van bemiddeling voorsiening maak. Dit is gevolglik nodig dat hierdie Wet gewysig word om by alle familieregtelike kwessies vir ware, omvattende en toeganklike bemiddelingsdienste aan die publiek voorsiening te maak. Die geskikste wyse waarop dit bewerkstellig kan word, is om bestaande private en gemeenskapsbemiddelingsdienste te reguleer en in die formele regsproses te integreer.
Private Law
LL.D.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.