Academic literature on the topic 'South Africa – Race relations – Economic aspects'

Lesotho has long had the distinction of being one of the more anomalous states not only in Southern Africa, but in the world. It is entirely surrounded by another country, the Republic of South Africa. It is ethnically and linguistically very homogeneous. It is a monarchy. Physically, the lowest point in Lesotho is higher, in vertical distance above sea level, that that in any other country. Its economy is marked by some extraordinary paradoxes, such as agriculture being the main economic activity of the bulk of the labour force albeit the origin of a small fraction of total income, imports enomously exceeding exports and being larger than domestic output, and fewer citizens working for cash inside the country than outside.

Why was official racial domination enforced in South Africa and the United States, while nothing comparable to apartheid or Jim Crow was constructed in Brazil? Slavery and colonialism established the pattern of early discrimination in all three cases, and yet the postabolition racial orders diverged. Miscegenation influenced later outcomes, as did economic competition, but neither was decisive. Interpretations of these historical and economic factors were shaped by later developments. This article argues that postabolition racial orders were significantly shaped by the processes of nation-state building in each context. In South Africa and the United States ethnic or regional “intrawhite” conflict impeding nation-state consolidation was contained by racial domination. Whites were unified by excluding blacks, in an ongoing dynamic that took different forms. Continued competition and tensions between the American North and South or South Africa's English and Afrikaners were repeatedly resolved or diminished through further entrenchment of Jim Crow or apartheid. With no comparable conflict requiring reconciliation in Brazil, no official racial domination was constructed, although discrimination continued. The dynamics of nation-state building are then reviewed to explain variations in black mobilization and the end of apartheid and Jim Crow.

AbstractThis article describes how residents and staff of an eldercare and Alzheimer's home in a small South African town joke with each other. Residents are mostly white and staff mostly black, but there are exceptions, and both groups are multilingual. Jokes between the two groups in the home are racialized, if not sometimes racist, in light of historical and contemporary post-apartheid socio-political and economic circumstances. Yet the relations between these two groups are forged mostly in joking about residents’ diminished cognitive and bodily abilities, staff work, multilingualism and interpersonal ties. In describing joking encounters in three ethnographic scenes, the article traces the ways in which age and race combine in institutionalized relationships of dependency to innovate social theory about human mutuality from the vantage point of multiracial, multicultural, postcolonial Africa.

AbstractThere is an awareness of the need for “access to technology,” and there are several initiatives by government, non-governmental organizations and other community development programs to fulfill this demand. The digital divide is, however, not only a matter of access; the challenge is also to empower people to become proficient computer users, even those with general literacy backlogs. People should become actively involved in order to stay computer literate. Demographic aspects such as age, gender, education and socio-economic status affect usage patterns and the gratification gained from Internet usage. The long-term solution to solve the problem of the digital divide is to uplift the socio-economic standard of a community.

The intersection between social media activity and employment is an emerging global issue. This article examines the cultural, economic and technical milieu that has generated contested social media misconduct dismissals in Australia and South Africa. Through an analysis of 42 Australian and 97 South African decisions, it is argued that the ubiquitous, enduring and open nature of social media affects employment quite differently depending on country specific factors. In Australia, the absence of entrenched political rights has meant that employee social media use is not subject to reasonable expectations of privacy. However, there is also tolerance for a certain level of larrikin behaviour. In South Africa, the existence of enshrined rights manifests differently in the context of social media dismissal. Within a culturally diverse population with deeply fractured race relations, the decisions reveal a White minority still perpetuating dominance over a historically disadvantaged Black workforce.

The future success of South Africa’s unique democracy depends on the development of harmonious race relations. Understanding the factors underlying the country’s interracial attitudes is, consequently, important. Social identity theory suggests that Black African attitudes towards White people are connected to their evaluations of South Africa’s other racial minorities. This thesis seems counterintuitive given that White people are associated with a long history of political, economic, and social oppression in the collective memory of many Black African communities. Nationally representative data from the South African Social Attitudes Survey were used to validate the thesis that Black Africans’ evaluations of White people correlated with their assessments of other racial groups. Pairwise correlation analysis was employed to test the article’s hypothesis. The results presented in this article showed that Black Africans’ evaluations towards the White minority correlated with their evaluations of other racial minorities in South Africa. Multivariate analysis, specifically a standard (ordinary least squares) linear regression, was used to confirm the bivariate analysis. Black Africans’ attitudes towards White people were strongly correlated with attitudes towards the country’s two other major racial minorities. This finding held even controlling for contact with White people as well as a range of socio-economic characteristics. The outcomes of this article invite closer examination of the factors that underlie the generality of outgroup evaluations among South Africa’s Black African majority.

This article engages questions of colonial intimacy in the context of the market – specifically, by white commercial sector in apartheid South Africa to lure black South Africans into burgeoning consumer markets. I focus on the 1960s, when the exercise in racial domination grew more ambitious and coercive, at the same time as buoyant economic growth efforts spurred consumerist desire. African consumers were largely invisible and incomprehensible to white businesspeople, who turned to advertisers and market researchers to bring ‘the African consumer’ to light. This was largely an epistemological challenge – the pursuit of new modes of knowledge about African people, and especially the material intimacies of their daily lives. This article examines this knowledge-making project, along with the anxieties, lapses and contradictions that inhered in it.

Abstract In this article I argue that Liberal democracy in South Africa accommodated and left unresolved the contradictions of South African capitalism and the ANC's multiracial nationalist discourse. More specifically, the delivery of equal political rights in the new democracy is premised on the acceptance of the unequal economic relations among different classes, gender and race. Second, the multi-racial and multi-ethnic middle class is threatened from above and below. Popular demands from below sometimes lead it to partially satisfy the people's economic and social demands. Pressure from economic interests and the business community limits the middle class' room for maneuver and forces it to make compromises at the expense of the people's interests, priorities and needs (especially economic ones). Apartheid's inequality can only be addressed by a radical program based on the majority's economic and social needs. Liberal democracy does not allow for radical changes because it privileges the market rather than peoples' needs. Consequently, the ANC cannot meet its overseers' (business, bilateral institutions, white minority) interests as well as transform the economy. These realities will continue to inform ANC's economic and social policies as it tries to transform South Africa for the foreseeable future.

This theoretical paper seeks to make an empirical contribution to the Land Reform discourses. The paper argues that the pace of land redistribution in South Africa is undeniably slow and limits livelihood choices of relatively most intended beneficiaries of land reform programme. The primacy and success of the programme within rural development ought to measured and assessed through ways in which the land reform programmes conforms to and improve the livelihoods, ambitions and goals of the intended beneficiaries without compromising agricultural production and the economy. In addition, paper highlights the slow pace of land reform programme and its implications on socio-economic transformation of South Africa. Subsequently, the paper concludes through demonstrating the need for a radical approach towards land reform without disrupting agricultural production and further to secure support and coordination of spheres of government. The democratic government in South Africa inherited a country which characterized by extreme racial imbalances epitomized through social relations of land and spatial distortions. Non-white South Africans are still feeling the effects of colonial and apartheid legal enactments which sought to segregate ownership of resources on the basis of race in particular. Thus, successive democratic governments have the specific mandate to re-design and improve land reform policies which are targeted to reverse colonially fueled spatial distortions. South Africa’s overall Land Reform programme consists of three key elements and namely are; land redistribution, tenure reform and land restitution. Concomitantly, spatial proponents and researchers have denounced and embraced land reform ideology and its status quo in South Africa. The criticisms overlapped towards both beneficiaries and state due to factors like poor post-settlement support, lack of skills, lack of capital, infighting over land claims and land management.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The emergence of urban systems in South Africa was from the start shaped by racial bias. The black people of this country were refused any form of participation in town planning. To aggravate the situation, urban space was manipulated in a manner that each racial group had its own residential space. The manipulation of urban space gave rise to what is called "the Apartheid City." This "Apartheid city" is characterised by stark contrast in development between a well-serviced, first world town lying side by side with underserviced third world townships. The "Apartheid City" of Pietersburg-Seshego has been undergoing restructuring since 1990. The Local Government Transitional Act (LGTA) has served as an intervention whereby the two formerly unequal areas had to integrate and become one city. The central aim of this study is to evaluate, by using a series of indicators, the integration level that has been achieved since 1995, i.e. since the first local government elections. The study will focus on three key areas to reflect the level of integration, namely, land use patterns, ward demarcation, and integration of personnel. The main conclusion is that though one council has been formed where there were previously two, spatial inequalities and racially-based ward demarcations between the former Pietersburg town and the former Seshego township persist. On the other hand, personnel drawn from the administrations of former white Pietersburg and former Lebowa civil service has not been fully integrated. The former Pietersburg municipality personnel is still white male dominated in both senior and middle management levels while the former Lebowa personnel is black male dominated found in the lowest levels of the TLC structure.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die ontstaan van metropolitaanse sisteme in Suid Arfika was nog altyd gekenmerk deur rasse bevooroordeling. Die swart bevolking van Suid Afrika was nog altyd in die verlede uitgesluit van deelname aan stadsbeplanning. Om die situasie nog te vererger, was metropolitaanse areas op so 'n wyse gemanipuleer, dat groepe van verskillende rasse elk hul eie residensiële allokasie gehad het. Hierdie manipulasie van metropolitaanse areas het die ontstaan van die "apartheidstad" tot gevolg gehad. Hierdie "apartheidstad" word gekenmerk deur 'n skerp kontras in ontwikkeling tussen 'n goed voorsiene eerste wêreld deel aan die een kant en 'n swak voorsiene derde wêreld deel aan die ander kant. Die "apartheidstad" van Pietersburg - Seshego het sedert 1990 herstrukturering ondergaan, Die "Plaaslike Owerheidsoorgangs Wet" het gedien as 'n middelom twee histories ongelyke areas te integreer om een stad te vorm. Die doelwit van hierdie studie is om die vlak van integrasie sedert 1995 te evalueer deur gebruik te maak van sekere indikatore. Die studie fokus op drie aspekte wat die vlak van integrasie weerspieël naamlik grondgebruikspatrone, wykafbakening en personeel integrering. Die belangrikste gevolge is dat daar nou een plaaslike raad is waar daar voorheen twee was terwyl ruimtelike ongelykhede en ras gebaseerde wyksafbakening nog steeds plaasvind tussen Pietersburg en die vorige Seshego nedersetting. Die nuwe personeelstruktuur - wat bestaan hoofsaaklik uit voormalige wit lede van die Pietersburg raad en hoofsaaklik swart lede van die voormalige Lebowa staatsdiens - is nog nie ten volle geintegreerd nie. Die personeel van die Pietersburg Munisipaliteit is nog steeds oorwegend wit en manlik gedomineerd in beide die middel en senior bestuursposte en die Lebowa personeel is hoofsaaklik swart en manlik gedomineerd in die laer pos bekleding in die struktuur van die nuwe plaaslike regeringstruktuur.

Thesis (LLD (Public Law))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
Bibliography
ABSTRACT ENGLISH: The dissertation considers the tenure rights of urban residential tenants in the post-1994 constitutional dispensation. The 1996 Constitution mandates tenure reform in two instances. Firstly, section 25(6) (read with section 25(9)) mandates the legislature to enact legislation that would provide legally secure tenure rights for a person or community whose tenure of land is insecure as a result of past racially discriminatory laws or practices. This form of tenure reform is race-based. Secondly, section 26(3) mandates the courts to consider all relevant circumstances during eviction proceedings. In terms of this provision the court can refuse to grant the eviction order on the basis of the occupier's socio-economic weakness, which is a more general form of class-related tenure reform. The Constitution also ensures the right to have access to adequate housing, while the legislature must introduce measures that would give effect to this right (sections 26(1) and 26(2)). To determine whether the current landlord-tenant regime in South Africa is able to provide tenants with secure occupation rights and access to rental housing, it is compared to landlord-tenant regimes in pre-1994 South Africa, the United Kingdom, New York State and Germany. The landlord-tenant regimes are considered in light of changing socio-economic circumstances where the state had to assist households during housing shortages. The dissertation assesses the efficiency of landlord-tenant law, combined with regulatory measures that ensure substantive tenure rights and rent restrictions, as a form of tenure that could help alleviate housing shortages and initiate a new landlord-tenant regime for South Africa that would give effect to the Constitution. The dissertation concludes that the current substantive tenure rights of urban residential tenants are largely based on the common law, which is associated with weak tenure security. The landlord-tenant laws, namely the Rental Housing Act 50 of 1999 and the Social Housing Act 16 of 2008, fail to provide urban residential tenants with substantive tenure rights. The legislature has failed to enact a law that gives effect to section 25(6) in the landlord-tenant framework. The legislature did enact the Prevention of Illegal Eviction from and Unlawful Occupation of Land Act 19 of 1998 (PIE) in order to give effect to section 26(3). Recently the courts interpreted PIE to provide marginalized tenants with substantive tenure protection during eviction proceedings. However, to give effect to section 25(6) legislation should grant residential tenants substantive tenure rights that are legally secure prior to eviction. The legislature enacted the Rental Housing Act and the Social Housing Act to give effect to the right to housing (section 26 of the Constitution) in the landlord-tenant framework. These laws fail to promote access to rental housing as a form of tenure that could help alleviate housing shortages.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die proefskrif oorweeg die okkupasieregte van stedelike residensiële huurders in die post-1994 konstitusionele bedeling. Die 1996 Grondwet bepaal dat okkupasieregte in twee gevalle hervorm moet word. Eerstens gee artikel 25(6) (gelees met artikel 25(9)) opdrag aan die wetgewer om wetgewing te verorden wat okkupasieregte met verblyfsekerheid aan 'n person of gemeenskap sal verleen indien so 'n person of gemeenskap tans grond okkupeer met okkupasieregte wat onseker is as gevolg van vorige rasgebaseerde wetgewing. Hierdie tipe hervorming is rasgebaseer. Tweedens gee artikel 26(3) opdrag aan die howe om alle relevante faktore te oorweeg as deel van enige uitsettingsprosedure. In terme van hierdie bepaling is die howe gemagtig om 'n uitsettingsbevel te weier op die basis van die okkupeerder se sosio-ekonomiese kwesbaarheid. Hierdie tipe hervorming is 'n meer algemene klasgebaseerde hervorming. Artikel 26(1) (gelees met artikel 26(2)) van die Grondwet bepaal dat elkeen die reg op toegang tot geskikte behuising het, terwyl die staat redelike wetgewende en ander maatreëls moet tref om hierdie reg te verwesenlik. Ten einde te bepaal of die huidige huurbehuisingstelsel in Suid-Afrika voldoende is, met inagneming van die stelsel se vermoë om huurders te voorsien van okkupasieregte met verblyfsekerheid en van toegang tot huurbehuising, word dit vergelyk met die huurbehuisingstelsels in Suid Afrika voor 1994, die Verenigde Koninkryk, New York Staat en Duitsland. Hierdie huurbehuisingstelsels word bespreek met inagneming van veranderinge in die sosio-ekonomiese omstandighede waartydens die staat gedurende behuisingstekorte huishoudings moes ondersteun. Die doeltreffendheid van huurbehuising word beoordeel met verwysing na regulasies wat substantiewe okkupasieregte verseker en beperkings plaas op huurpryse om 'n vorm van verblyfreg daar te stel wat die behuisingstekort kan verminder ten einde 'n nuwe huurbehuisingstelsel vir Suid-Afrika te inisieër wat gevolg aan die Grondwet sal gee. Die proefskrif lei tot die gevolgtrekking dat die huidige substantiewe okkupasieregte van stedelike residensiële huurders grotendeels op die gemenereg gebaseer is. Die gemenereg maak nie voorsiening vir sterk substantiewe okkupasieregte nie. Die huidige huurbehuisingswetgewing, naamlik die Wet op Huurbehuising 50 van 1999 en die Wet op Maatskaplike Behuising 16 van 2008, slaag nie daarin om substantiewe okkupasieregte vir stedelike residensiële huurders te voorsien nie. Die wetgewer het nie daarin geslaag om 'n wet te promulgeer wat in die huurbehuisingsraamwerk aan artikel 25(6) effek gee nie. Die wetgewer het wel die Wet op die Voorkoming van Onwettige Uitsetting en Onregmatige Besetting van Grond 19 van 1998 verorden om effek te gee aan artikel 26(3) van die Grondwet. Hierdie Wet is onlangs so deur die howe geïnterpreteer dat dit kwesbare huurders tydens uitsettingsprosedures met substantiewe okkupasieregte beskerm. Om aan artikel 25(6) te voldoen moet wetgewing egter substantiewe okkupasieregte met verblyfsekerheid aan residensiële huurders verskaf voordat hulle uitgesit word. Die wetgewer het die Wet op Huurbehuising en die Wet op Maatskaplike Behuising verorden ten einde effek aan die reg op behuising (artikel 26 van die Grondwet) in die gebied van huurbehuising te gee. Geeneen van hierdie wette slaag daarin om toegang tot behuising, en veral huurbehuising as 'n vorm van okkupasie, te bevorder ten einde die behuisingtekort te verminder nie.

This thesis evaluates Turner&rsquo
s capacity to encourage a shift in white politics towards New Left radicalism. Despite Turner's influence on many, tensions arose between Turner's politics and more orthodox forms of socialism, embodied in unions and in vanguard parties. The socialist political culture which developed after his death was driven by leaders who were determined to build organizations that could meet tangible, short-term goals. What was lost in abandoning 'the necessity of utopian thinking' as outlined by Turner? Eclipsed through banning and assassination, and simultaneously marginalized by doctrinaire Marxism, Turner&rsquo
s work has yet to take its proper place in the history of liberation struggle in South Africa. This thesis aims to revive Turner's discourse by re-engaging with the utopian elements of his thought, making them available for our present political climate.

Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The phenomenon of globalisation has seen the closer integration of the world's countries and people. The result of this, is that overall, the world economy has grown substantially. On the flip side, globalisation has greatly increased the exposure of individual countries to occurrences elsewhere in the world. This latter statement is witnessed by the events such as the spread of financial crises from source countries to third party countries that do not seem to have any obvious ties with the crisis-source countries. This has been termed financial contagion. This study seeks to break new ground by focussing on trade-related issues of contagion rather than presenting the usual macro-economic, financial, and political perspectives. A model that considers the trade pattern of countries as linkages tying together countries around the world as a whole (network) is used. This study uses the network approach to international trade as an integration measure and ascertains the occurrence of contagion in South Africa. These parameters will then be used to establish whether trade network integration can be used to explain financial contagion affecting South Africa (and extended to other countries). Two hypotheses are designed and tested in order to establish this. Two measures are used to determine the level of integration of the four study countries. The two measures are country centrality and country importance index. Comparative analysis done showed that all four countries are relatively highly integrated and are in close proximity for both degree centrality and importance. A summary of both indicators of integration measures relative to other countries in the trade network indicate that Mexico, Russia, South Africa and Thailand are well integrated in the network. Secondly the difference in ranking amongst these countries is not significant. Three financial crises are used namely, the Mexican Tequila (1994), the Asian Flu (1997) and the Russian Virus (1998). The contagion testing methodology applied uses the cross-market correlation coefficients between crisis-country and test-country. It is shown that there is no evidence to suggest that South Africa (JSE) was contagiously affected by any of the three financial crises. Only interdependence seems to have existed between the South African market and the crises countries. Evidence shows that countries that are, relatively, highly integrated with the crisis epicentre in terms of the international trade are more immune to episodes of contagion. It is shown further that the relative position of the crisis-suspect country to the crisis epicentre countries, in terms of integration in the international economic landscape, can provide susceptibility indications of that particular country.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die fenomeen van globalisering het gelei tot 'n groter integrasie van die wereld se lande en mense. Die gevolg hiervan is, dat oor die algemeen die wereld ekonomie beduidend gegroei het. Aan die ander kant het globalisering gelei tot die toename in blootstelling van individuele lande aan gebeurtenisse elders in die wereld. Die laasgenoemde stelling getuig van die gebeure, soos die verspreiding van finansiele krisisse vanaf die land van oorsprong tot 'n derde party land wat op die oog af geen ooglopende bande met die krisis-bron lande gehad het nie. Hierdie verskynsel word finansiele besmetting genoem. Hierdie studie beoog om nuwe lig te werp op die saak deur om te fokus op handelsverwante kwessies van besmetting eerders as om die gewone makro-ekonomiese, finansiele en politieke perspektiewe voor te le. 'n Model word gebruik wat die handelspatrone van lande voorstel as 'n samesnoering van lande dwarsoor die wereld as 'n netwerk. Hierdie studie gebruik die netwerk uitgangspunt vir internasionale handel, as 'n integrasie maatstaf en stel vas wat die voorkoms van besmetting in Suid-Afrika is. Hierdie parameters sal dan gebruik word om vas te stel handelsnetwerk integrasie gebruik kan word om die finansiele besmetting wat Suid Alrika (en verspreiding na ander lande) affekteer. Twee hipotese (veronderstellings) word ontwerp en getoets om bogenoemde te bewys. Twee maatstawwe word gebruik om die vlak van integrasie van die vier studie-lande te bepaal. Die twee maatstawwe is 'n land se sentralisasie en die land se belangrikheidsindeks. Vergelykende analise het gewys dat al vier lande relatief hoogs geintegreer is en parallel is in beide sentralisasie en belangrikheid. 'n Opsomming van beide aanduidings t.o.v. integrasie maatstawwe, relatief tot ander lande in die handelsnetwerk, toon dat Meksiko, Rusland en Thailand goed geintegreer is in die netwerk. Tweedens die verskil in rang tussen die lande is nie beduidend nie. Drie finansiele krisisse word gebruik naamlik die Meksikaanse Tequila (1994), die Asiatiese Griep (1997) en die Russiese Virus (1998). Die besmettings waarnemings metodologie gebruik die krisismark korrelasie medewerkende faktore tussen die krisisland en die toets-land. Dit wys dat daar geen getuienis is wat te kenne gee dat Suid Afrika (JSE) besmet is deur enige van die drie krisisse nie. Slegs onderlinge afhanklikheid kom voor tussen die Suid Afrikaanse mark en die krisislande. Dit is bewys dat lande, wat relatief hoog geintegreer is met die krisis episenter, in terme van internasionale handel, meer immuun teen episodes van besmetting is. Verder het dit bewys dat die relatiewe posisie van die krisis-vermeende land tot die krisis episenter lande, in terme van integrasie in die internasionale ekonomiese landskap, vatbare indikasies vir daardie spesifieke land kan verskaf.

The international linkages of stock markets have important implications for cost of capital and portfolio diversification. Recent trends in globalization, financial liberalization and financial innovation raises questions with regard to whether African stock markets are being integrated into world equity markets. This study examines the extent to which the South African (SA) equity market is integrated into the world equity markets using daily data for the period 1995-2007. The study is divided into three main parts, each looking at the different ways in which integration can be considered. The first investigates whether there is long run comovement between the SA and the major global equity markets. Both bivariate and multivariate Johansen (1988) and Johansen and Juselius (1990) cointegration approaches were utilised. Vector Error Correction Models (VECMs) are then estimated for portfolios which show evidence of cointegration. The second part analyses returns linkages using the Vector Autoregressive (VAR), block exogeneity, impulse response and variance decomposition. The third part examines the behaviour of volatility and volatility linkages among the stock markets. Firstly volatility is analysed using the GARCH, EGARCH and GJR GARCH. Simultaneously, the hypothesis that investors receive a premium for investing in more risky stock markets is explored using the GARCH-in mean. The long term trend of volatility is also examined. Volatility linkages are then analysed using the VAR, block exogeneity, impulse response and variance decomposition. The first part established that no bivariate cointegration exists between the SA and any of the stock markets being studied, implying that pairwise portfolio diversification is potentially worthwhile for SA portfolio managers. However, multivariate cointegration exists for some portfolios, with the US, UK, Germany and SA showing evidence of error correction for some of these portfolios. Findings on return linkages is that there are significant returns linkages among the markets, with the US and SA being the most exogenous and most endogenous respectively. Findings regarding volatility are that the volatility in all the markets is inherently asymmetric and that except for the US there is no risk premium in any of the markets. The long term trend of volatility in all the stock markets was found to be relatively stable. The final finding was that significant volatility linkages exist among the markets, with the US being the most exogenous and SA and China showing evidence of bidirectional linkages. Overall, except for volatility linkages, the integration of SA into the global equity markets is still quite low. Thus, both SA and international investors can capitalise on this portfolio diversification potential. On the other hand, policy makers should capitalise on this and make policies that will attract the much needed foreign investors.

The identification of financial stress, and an understanding of financial contagion on a global scale, is of critical importance to a South African economy that is becoming increasingly integrated into the global economy. The last decade has been characterised by periods of high economic growth, but also periods of significant financial instability culminating in global economic crises. This study examines the extent to which the South African financial system is exposed to distress abroad by identifying and measuring the co-movement of financial stress originating from within and outside South Africa. The study can be separated into two sections: the identification of financial stress and the measurement of financial contagion. Using monthly data for the period 2000 to 2012, three indices were constructed for the emerging markets, advanced economies and South Africa using varianceequal weighting. The indices were tested for contagion using the Johansen and Jesulius (1990) multivariate cointegration approach supplemented with basic OLS architecture and Impulse Response analysis. The results indicate the three constructed indices were highly accurate at identifying the intensity and timing of financial stress over the three regions respectively. It was found that the South African financial sector is highly susceptible to financial stress originating from advanced economies. The results obtained for financial stress emanating from emerging markets were not as conclusive and found to be insignificant. Overall, it is clear that the methods employed to identify financial stress are highly accurate and that South Africa is highly susceptible to financial stress originating from abroad. It is clear that advanced economies have a greater ability to affect financial stress in South Africa via contagion. It must be noted that this does not conclude that South Africa is not affected by emerging market crises, but that these crises tend to affect South Africa through advanced economy channels as defined within this thesis.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Race has been used as an instrument of domination and separation of the South African population for a long time. The dawn of the democratic dispensation in 1994marked a shift from the policy of racial separation to the creation of the non-racial democratic South Africa. However, political parties in this country have constantly re-politicised race in the post apartheid era mainly for political gain. The purpose of this study will be to describe, explain and analyse how political parties in South Africa use the crisis in Zimbabwe to racialise politics in this country. The study will show that the dilemma facing political parties in South Africa is that they cannot avoid focusing on racial issues. The focus is on four main political parties, the ANC, the PAC, the NNP and the DA. The study specifically looked at the following issues in Zimbabwe: the Land crisis, the 2003 March presidential elections and the economic crisis to see how they have influenced political discourse in South Africa. As anticipated, predominantly black parties have shown some empathy with Robert Mugabe's government, while predominantly white parties have called for a more confrontational measure against Mugabe's government. Nonetheless, this study found no conclusive evidence to suggest that the crisis in Zimbabwe has fuelled race conflict in this country. But that race is politicised by parties in South Africa for political gain.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In Apartheld-Suid-Afrika was rasse verskille gebruik as 'n instrument van onderdrukking en skeiding van die bevolking. Met die totstandkoming van demokrasie in 1994 het 'n verskuiwing van 'n rasse-beleid na 'n nie-rassige, demokratiese Suid-Afrika gelei. Politieke partye politiseer egter steeds ras in post-Apartheid Suid-Afrika vir politieke gewin. Die doel van hierdie studie is om te beskryf, verduidelik en te analiseer hoe politieke partye die krisis in Zimbabwe gebruik om politiek in Suid-Afrika steeds gebonde ras te hou. Hierdie studis al aandui dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika nie die fokus van ras identiteite kan vermy nie. 'n Moontlike rede hiervoor is dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika 'nsolidariteit met hul kiesers wil behou. Die studie fokus op vier van die mees prominente politieke partye in Suid-Afrika naamlik: ANC, PAC, NNP en die DA. Om elke party se stand-punt op hierdie onderwerp te verstaan, gaan die studie fokus op die volgende punte in Zimbabwe: grondhervorming, die 2003Presidensiële verkiesing en die impak wat die ekonomiese krisis in Zimbabwe op die politieke gebied gehad het. Soos verwag, het partye met histories oorheersende swart oortuigings empatie met Robert Mugabe se regering betoon. Mugabe word gesien as 'n slagoffer van onsimpatieke wit settelaars wat vasklou aan hul eertydse voorregte. Terwyloorwegende wit partye vra vir strenger optrede teenoor die regering van Robert Mugabe. Nie te min, het hierdie studie geen uitsluitende bewyse gevind wat aandui dat die krisis in Zimbabwe konflik rasse in Suid- Afrika aangespoor het nie. Dit is egter belangrik om in ag te neem dat die politisering van ras grootliks deur partye gebruik word om ondersteuning te werf.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As the wave of globalisation sweeps across the countries of the world, the economies of these countries are increasingly opening. The industrial and trade strategy approach is shifting to greater openness due to the pressures of international competitiveness. This means that domestic economic activity alone cannot sustain the national economy. One of the features of this openness is trade liberalisation. Trade between various countries is becoming more important as a way of earning foreign currency to address balance of payment problems and as well as to boost the domestic economy. This has great potential, in the long run, to generate employment opportunities. Immediately after South Africa ushered in a democratic dispensation in 1994 it had to contend with global pressure to liberalise its trade and put in place economic fundamentals that synchronize with the global economic order. The political economy of global trade structure is characterized by bargaining power inequalities amongst the developed countries (North) and the developing countries (South). Trade relations between the developed and developing countries has ~ element of power-play that advantage developed countries and the terms of trade are still skewed in favour of developed countries due to the power that developed countries wield in the global economic system. This study uses the structuralist development theoretical perspective (dependency theory) and the combination of qualitative and quantitative paradigms in understanding the trade relations between the developed countries. The study, through this theoretical paradigm, seeks to examine the degree of success or failure of the Uruguay Round of trade negotiations in particular with regard to tariff reduction commitments, and opportunities or constraints created thereof. A case study oftextile and clothing industry will be used, and this will highlight some of the negative implications of the Uruguay Round commitments.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Namate die globaliseringsgolf oor die lande van die wereld spoel, word die ekonomiee van die lande meer toeganklik vir ander state. Die industriele en handelsstrategie benadering het, as gevolg van intemasionale mededinging, 'n klemverskuiwing na meer openheid meegebring. Dit het tot gevolg dat huishoudelike ekonomiese aktiwiteit nie alleen 'n ekonomie kan onderhou nie. Een van die kenmerke van hierdie openheid is die liberalisering van handel. Handel tussen state word toenemend belangrik vir die verdien van buitelandse valuta om betalingsbalans probleme aan te spreek, asook om plaaslike ekonomiee te stimuleer. Oor die lang termyn hou dit groot potensiaal in om werksgeleenthede te skep. Onmiddelik na demokratisering in 1994 was Suid-Afrika geforseer om sy handel te liberaliseer en sy ekonomiese grondslag te sinchroniseer met die globale ekonomiese orde, Die struktuur van die politieke ekonomie van intemasionale handel word gekenmerk deur ongelykhede tussen die ontwikkelde Noorde en die ontwikkelende lande van die Suide. Handelsbetrekkinge tussen ontwikkelde- en ontwikkelende lande bevat 'n element van magspel waarin eersgenoemde bevoordeel word. Hierdie studie maak gebruik van die strukturalistiese ontwikkelingsperspektief en 'n kombinasie van kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe paradigmas, ten einde 'n beter begrip te verkry van handel tussen ontwikkelde lande. Deur middel van die teoretiese paradigma, probeer die studie om die werkbaarheid van die Uruguay Ronde, spesifiek · met betrekking tot tarief verlagings en die geleenthede of beperkings wat daardeur geskep word, aan te toon. 'n Gevallestudie van die tekstiel en klerebedryf sal gebruik word om die negatiewe implikasies van die Uruguay Ronde te belig.

Bibliography: leaves 115-131.
This thesis sets out to locate a post-apartheid perspective within what might be described as postcolonial Religious Studies, drawing on the genealogical method of Michel Foucault. Roughly stated, I understand the methodology to represent a shift away from preoccupation with the actual truth or otherwise of an idea, towards concern with the agitation - the discord, the discrepancies - that characterizes the appearance of an idea. Within the parameters, paradigms and possibilities imposed by this method, I inquire into the politics of theistic formulation in South Africa prior to the Union of South Africa (1910). Part One of the thesis discusses the politics of the advent of the Christian God in Southern Africa. In the three chapters that comprise this section, I situate colonial beliefs about God within colonialism as a discursive genre; in particular, evidence is provided of the deployment of religious (and in particular theistic) sensibility as a strategic category in the Othering discourse by which European expansion into Southern Africa was promulgated. Chapter Two opens by observing that colonial constructions of Otherness served not only to "erase" (Spivak) autochthonic identity, but also to eulogize and assert the colonial Self. Contextualizing my argument in the debate about the ambiguous effects of colonial missionary activities, I examine the mythically imbued, Othering discourse of Robert Moffat as a particularly conspicuous instance of the missionary qua colonial Self. Chapter Three gathers the concerns of Part One around the problem of theistic formulation in a colonial context, by discussing John Colenso's discovery of a theistic sensibility indigenous to autochthonic Africans as an example of a transgression of the Christian discourse that colonialism made function as truth. Part Two makes use of the categories established in Part One, and applies them to Afrikanerdom: its Othering in British colonial discourse; its religiously imbued, mythic history; and its beliefs in God. Having brought to theistic formulation a Foucauldian suspicion of systems of truth, my argument turns in Part Three to bring a particular theology, theologia crucis, alongside Foucault: accepting that the "dogmatic finitization" (Wolfhart Pannenberg) of Christian belief is inherently susceptible to the play of power, I observe that theistic formulation cast in terms of the cross - the "Crucified God" (Jurgen Moltmann) - holds a subversive potential in which may lie possibilities for an alternative to "truth".

The chapter considers three key aspects of China’s economic impact on Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). First, the direct and indirect effects of increased Chinese demand for commodities, which benefitted a number of SSA economies in the short and medium term, are looked at. China’s major contribution to development in the region has been through financing and building infrastructure. Finally, the impact on SSA manufacturing is analyzed. Despite concerns about the negative impact on domestic industry, it only appears to be a major problem in South Africa. However, optimistic views of the potential for Chinese firms to contribute to industrialization in the region appear over-optimistic. The chapter also includes case studies of the impact of China’s economic involvement in Angola, Ethiopia, and South Africa, which represent three different types of Sino-African relations.