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Journal articles on the topic 'South African military'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 5 February 2022

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1

Kynoch, Gary. "The ‘Transformation’ of the South African Military." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 3 (September 1996): 441–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00055543.

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SouthernAfrica has been at war since the 1960s. Following the capitulation of Ian Smith's Rhodesian Front and the acceptance of majority rule in Zimbabwe in 1980, the widely acknowledged root of most of the regional conflict has been South Africa. In defendingapartheid, the régime in Pretoria engaged in a systematic campaign of destabilisation designed to bring its neighbours to heel. Military invasions, raids, sabotage, support of dissident groups, and assassinations were all part of the National Party (NP) Government's ‘total strategy’ that employed violence as a key element in its regional policy to achieve economic, military, and political hegemony. P. W. Botha during his tenure as Prime Minister and President, 1978–89, ‘politically modified the role’ of the South African Defence Force (SADF), as explained by Herbert Howe, and ‘created the military-dominated State Security Council, which effectively replaced the Cabinet and became the centre of national decision-making and official power in the 1980s’.1The result was the militarisation of South African society and a swath of destruction across the southern part of the continent.

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2

WOOD, GEOFFREY. "The South African Military in Transition." Australian Journal of Political Science 31, no. 3 (November 1996): 387–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361149651111.

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3

Ferreira, Rialize. "SOUTH AFRICAâ€™S PARTICIPATION IN THE CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC AND DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO PEACE MISS IONS: A COMPARISON." Politeia 33, no. 2 (October 20, 2016): 4–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-8845/1776.

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After the peacekeeping tragedy in the Central African Republic (CAR) in March 2013, South Africaâ€™s participation in peacekeeping missions on the African continent is under investigation. Military personnel of the South African National Defence Force recently took part in both conventional and unconventional, asymmetric warfare in two peace missions, one in the CAR and one in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). In the CAR a unilateral military agreement between states existed, while in the DRC a United Nations (UN) mandate for multilateral offensive peacekeeping was authorised. The rationale for South Africaâ€™s participation in African missions is important while the country is serving as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council. Its role as one of the leading nations in Africa to deploy peacekeepers is central to its foreign policy. The article focuses on contrasting operations, and diverse challenges such as the authorisation of mandates, funding, logistics and shortcomings in asymmetric training for irregular â€œnew warsâ€ where peacekeepers are required to protect civilians in countries to which they owe little allegiance. Lessons learnt from the widely differing operational experiences in these recent peace missions are discussed.

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4

Adetiba, Toyin Cotties. "South Africaâ€™s Military and Peacekeeping Efforts: A new paradigm shift in its foreign policy since 1994." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 9, no. 5 (October 21, 2017): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v9i5.1920.

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One of the South Africa's great soft power attributes has been the attraction and power of its transition to inclusive democratic governance after a long period of apartheid rule. This gave South Africa a certain moral authority and prestige to play very significant roles in conflict resolution and mediation through peacekeeping operations. Every government in an ever-changing and dynamic geopolitical environment ensure that its defence force cum foreign policy conform to the international environment while aiming at the defence and protection of its national interests. Using interpretive approach; this work argues that; fundamentally, there are three basic factors that reinforce South Africaâ€™s participation in peacekeeping which are politics, economy and security. By extension these three elements is considered a transformational agent of South Africaâ€™s economy. SANDF is, therefore, considered a dynamic and exceptional foreign policy tool that complements and at same time enhances South Africaâ€™s diplomatic manoeuvrings and influence within the wider international developments. It is concluded that South Africaâ€™s multilateral and foreign policy agendas have been driven by the pursuit of its national interest while trying to ensure peace in other African states.

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5

Coates, Oliver. "Between Image and Erasure." Radical History Review 2018, no. 132 (October 1, 2018): 200–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-6942513.

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Abstract Approximately 73,290 West Africans traveled to South Asia during World War II, but relatively little is known about their activities on the subcontinent. The photographs of African soldiers in India published in the British Army’s RWAFF News, a Bombay-printed newspaper specifically designed for West African troops overseas, provide a rare and little-known insight into the lives of African soldiers in India. Existing accounts of African military service in India often outline the soldiers’ experience of India in only very general terms and typically privilege the combat experience of troops in Burma. The images described in this brief article reveal a very different face of African overseas military service: they depict a group of soldiers visiting the Taj Mahal and encountering the Mughal monument. Although published and choreographed by the British, these images reflect a moment of South-South encounter between West Africans and India’s Islamic history.

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6

Esterhuyse, Abel. "Professional Military Education and Training: Challenges Facing the South African Military." Defence Studies 6, no. 3 (September 2006): 377–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14702430601060206.

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7

Obeng, Pashington. "Service to God, Service to Master/Client: African Indian Military Contribution in Karnataka." African and Asian Studies 6, no. 3 (2007): 271–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920907x212231.

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AbstractThis essay examines how African Indians (Abyssinians, Habshis, Siddis) from medieval times to the present have played significant political and military roles to forge sovereignties in the land area currently covered by the State of Karnataka, South India. I provide a brief history of the military activities of African Indians in the Indian subcontinent to foreground how the Africans deployed the unstable political climate in the Deccan, ethnicization of military culture, religious filiation, and force of personality to assert influence over communities that settled in areas bounded by present-day Karnataka.

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8

Gewald, Jan-Bart. "Mbadamassi of Lagos: A Soldier for King and Kaiser, and a Deportee to German South West Africa." African Diaspora 2, no. 1 (2009): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254609x433369.

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Abstract In 1915 troops of the South African Union Defence Force invaded German South West Africa, present day Namibia. In the north of the territory the South African forces captured an African soldier serving in the German army named Mbadamassi. Upon his capture Mbadamassi demanded to be released and claimed that he was a British national from Nigeria. In addition, he stated that he had served in the West African Frontier Force, and that he had been shanghaied into German military service in Cameroon. Furthermore, whilst serving in the German army in Cameroon, Mbadamassi claimed that he had participated in a mutiny, and that, as a consequence, he had been deported to GSWA. The article covers the remarkable military career of the African soldier, Mbadamassi, who between 1903 and 1917 served both the King of the British Empire as well as the Kaiser of the German Empire. In so doing, the article sheds light on the career of an individual African soldier serving in three colonial armies; the West African Frontier Force, the Schutztruppe in Cameroon, and the Schutztruppe in GSWA. The article argues that beyond the fact that colonial armies were institutions of repression, they also provided opportunity for those willing or condemned to serve within their ranks. Furthermore the article provides some indication as to the extent of communication that existed between colonial subjects in the separate colonies of Africa at the time. En 1915, les troupes de l'Union de l'Afrique du Sud ont envahi l'Afrique du Sud-Ouest allemande, l'actuelle Namibie. Dans le Nord du territoire, les forces sud-africaines ont capturé un soldat africain servant dans l'armée allemande nommé Mbadamassi. Celui-ci exigea d'être libéré et revendiqua être un Britannique du Nigeria. De plus, il déclara avoir servi dans la West African Frontier Force et avoir été enrôlé de force dans l'armée allemande au Cameroun. En outre, pendant qu'il servait dans l'armée allemande au Cameroun, Mbadamassi a prétendu avoir pris part à une mutinerie, ce qui avait conduit à sa déportation vers l'Afrique du Sud-Ouest allemande. Cet article couvre la remarquable carrière militaire du soldat africain Mbadamassi, qui, entre 1903 et 1917, a servi à la fois le roi de l'empire britannique et le Kaiser de l'empire allemand. Ainsi, l'article éclaire sur la carrière individuelle d'un soldat africain servant dans trois armées coloniales; la West African Frontier Force, le Schutztruppe au Cameroun et le Schutztruppe en Afrique du Sud-Ouest allemande. L'article soutient qu'au-delà du fait que les armées coloniales étaient des institutions de répression, elles ont aussi offert la possibilité à ceux qui le voulaient ou ceux qui y étaient condamnés de servir dans leurs rangs. En outre, l'article fournit une indication sur l'étendue de la communication qui a existé entre les sujets coloniaux dans les colonies d'Afrique séparées de l'époque.

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9

Heinecken, Lindy, and Deon Visser. "Officer Education at the South African Military Academy." Armed Forces & Society 35, no. 1 (October 2008): 145–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x08316052.

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10

Harris, Geoff. "What Drives Military Expenditure? A South African Study." Journal of Interdisciplinary Economics 21, no. 2 (July 2009): 197–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02601079x09002100205.

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11

Esterhuyse, Abel. "The Leadership Factor in South African Military Culture." Defence Studies 13, no. 2 (June 2013): 135–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14702436.2013.808098.

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12

Smit, H. A. P., H. B. Magagula, and T. J. Flügel. "South African Military Geography: advancing from the trenches." South African Geographical Journal 98, no. 3 (July 18, 2016): 417–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03736245.2016.1208582.

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13

Donaldson, Peter. "‘We are having a very enjoyable game’: Britain, sport and the South African War, 1899–1902." War in History 25, no. 1 (July 20, 2017): 4–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344516652422.

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This article explores the relationship between sport and war in Britain during the South African War, 1899–1902. Through extensive press coverage, as well as a spate of memoirs and novels, the British public was fed a regular diet of war stories and reportage in which athletic endeavour and organized games featured prominently. This contemporary literary material sheds light on the role sport was perceived to have played in the lives and work of the military personnel deployed in South Africa. It also, however, reveals a growing unease over an amateur-military tradition which equated sporting achievement with military prowess.

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14

Howe, Herbert M. "The South African Defence Force and Political Reform." Journal of Modern African Studies 32, no. 1 (March 1994): 29–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00012532.

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South Africa's security establishment, specifically the South African Defence Force (S.A.D.F.), illustrates important linkages between national security and political reform. The military and police influence reconciliation, for better or for worse, in all post-conflict states, especially those experiencing an interregnum between authoritarianism and hoped-for democracy, and in which no undisputed ‘winner’ has yet emerged. Alexis de Tocqueville noted long ago that ‘the most perilous moment for a bad government is one when it seeks to mend its ways’, Reform and political change, as Samuel Huntington observes, ‘may contribute not to political stability but to greater instability …[and] encourages demands for still more changes which can easily snowball’. Both suddenly unrestrained popular demands and forces loyal to the ancien régime (including the military) may threaten the process and outcome of reform.

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15

Leshoele, Moorosi. "Power Lies in the Barrel of a Gun: Diplomacy Without Strategic Military Capability Is Futile." African and Asian Studies 20, no. 1-2 (April 27, 2021): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341484.

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Abstract The United States of America invests heavily on their military capability and it is estimated that it spends, alone, approximately 40 per cent of what the whole world spends on military. Four of the other super powers that make up the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council (UN-SC) also spend a significant percentage of their national budgets on military. Chinweizu has for a long time argued that Africa needs a well-resourced African Standby Force (or the Black Africa League) that will protect the interests of the continent so as to prevent the history of Africans enslavement and colonialism repeating itself. This article seeks to analyse Africa’s investment on its military defense capability vis-à-vis the five permanent members of the UN-SC and North Korea, by critiquing two case studies of two of the continent’s economic giants – South Africa and Egypt. Realist and Sankofa perspectives are used as the prisms through which the article was researched. In line with Chinweizu’s observation, the article argues that without serious political will and dedication to building Africa’s nuclear weapons capability and ensuring that Africa is economically self-reliant, diplomatic engagements with the rest of the world as (un)equal partners will remain a pipe dream and the looting of Africa’s mineral wealth will continue unabated. It is clear that given the reality of the African Holocust if African countries fail to collectively defend themselves, Africa will continue to be a political football for the rest of the world.

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16

Gwaradzimba, Fadzai. "SADCC and the Future of Southern African Regionalism." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 21, no. 1-2 (1993): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501644.

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Since the 1960s, Southern Africa’s regional alliance patterns have been primarily determined by South Africa’s military and economic dominance of the region. Not surprisingly, divisive and conflict-ridden relations between South Africa and the less powerful majority-ruled states characterized interstate relations in the region throughout this period. In the 1970s, the latter’s collective and individual opposition to an apartheid-dominated regional order gave rise to two competing regional blocs: the South African-led Pax Pretoriana and the Frontline States (FLS) informal diplomatic alliance, which became the nucleus of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC).

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17

Asin, Jerusha. "'South Africa is Not an Accused'." Strathmore Law Journal 3, no. 1 (August 1, 2017): 157–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.52907/slj.v3i1.58.

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There is a confrontation between the International Criminal Court (ICC) and state parties, and at this particular point in time, the Republic of South Africa, in connection with the arrest warrants issued by the Court for the President of Sudan in 2009 and 2010. Between 13 and 15 June 2015, President Omar al-Bashir was present on the territory of South Africa for purposes of attending the 25th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the African Union. Despite judgments from both the ICC upholding the obligation of South African authorities to arrest and surrender President Bashir and parallel domestic proceedings at the South African High Court in which authorities were ordered to prevent the departure of President Bashir from South African territory pending final judicial decision on whether the Government was required to execute the ICC arrest warrants, President Bashir nevertheless departed from the Waterkloof military air base on 15 June 2015, even as Government lawyers assured the High Court in a hearing on the same date that he was still in the country. Only after his plane had safely landed in Khartoum did the same lawyers then notify the High Court that he had left South Africa. This article will analyze this case in the following lines.

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18

Goncharov, Victor I., C. R. D. Halisi, and Yevgeny Tarabrin. "Recommendations: Southern African Development Coordination Conference and African Security." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 17, no. 1 (1988): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700500870.

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The overwhelmingly dominant regional power of southern Africa, South Africa, attempts to contain the political, economic, and military interdependence of neighboring states, irrespective of ideological preference. The Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) founded in 1980, is the response of the other states in the region to South Africa’s ambitions to maintain regional hegemony. Its nine member state are Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe, and an independent Namibia is expected to join. The specific objectives of SADCC, as stated in the 1980 Lusaka Declaration, are the reduction of economic dependence in general (not only on South Africa); the forging of links to create a genuinely meaningful and equitable system of regional integration; the mobilization of resources to support national, interstate, and regional policies; and concerted action to secure international cooperation for the purpose of economic liberation.

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19

Matthews, Ron. "The development of the South African military industrial complex*." Defense Analysis 4, no. 1 (January 1988): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07430178808405326.

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20

Gossmann, Anita M. "Lost in transition: the South African military and counterinsurgency." Small Wars & Insurgencies 19, no. 4 (December 2008): 541–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592310802462315.

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21

Stemmet, André. "The South African regulation of foreign military assistance Act." RUSI Journal 145, no. 5 (October 2000): 37–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071840008446569.

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22

VISSER, DEON. "British Influence on Military Training and Education in South Africa: The Case of the South African Military Academy and its Predecessors." South African Historical Journal 46, no. 1 (May 2002): 63–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582470208671419.

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23

Omoruyi, Ikponmwonsa, Stephen Osaherumwen Idahosa, Mahamat Mugadam Mugadam, and Oumar Sidibe. "Nigeria - South Africa Rivalry in Quest for Regional Power Status: from Material Potential to UN Security Council Membership." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 147–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-1-147-157.

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The paper explores the role and the power potential of Nigeria and South Africa with special attention to their comparatively high military, economic, political capabilities that enable them to shape and dominate regional agenda. It also analyses the internal, regional and external dynamics within Africa, particularly in Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and Southern African Development Community (SADC). The paper further thoroughly examines the hegemonic contest for the UN Security Council membership among the dominant African states through the lens of Ezulwini Consensus, as well as the Pan-African credentials of Nigeria and South Africa in accordance to their contribution to ensuring peace, stability and development on continental and sub-regional levels. Nigeria and South Africa are the most important actors on the African continent, but there are obvious constraints undermining their ability to play an effective regional role. Thus, the research was guided by the comparison case-study of Nigeria and South Africa in crucial for understanding power potential areas. The study concludes that although Pan-Africanism stands of Nigeria and South Africa are commendable, both powers mostly follow this strategy for advancing their national interests. Taking into account the whole set of internal and external factors, both countries need to unite their efforts and practical strategies to advance the common goal of Africa development, peace and security.

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24

Decalo, Samuel. "Modalities of Civil-Military Stability in Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 4 (December 1989): 547–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020449.

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If during the 1960s the coup d'état emerged as the most visible and recurrent characteristic of the African political experience, by the 1980s quasi-permanent military rule, of whatever ideological hue, had become the norm for much of the continent. At any moment in time, up to 65 per cent of all Africa's inhabitants and well over half its states are governed by military administrators. Civilian rule is but a distant memory in some countries. Few at some stage or another have not been run by an armed-forces junta, and fewer still have not been rocked at least once by an attempted coup, putsch, or military-sponsored plot. According to one tabulation, ‘only six states have not witnessed some form of extra-legal armed involvement in national politics since 1958’.1 The phenomenon has even reached the non-state Homelands of Bophuthatswana, Transkei, and Ciskei in South Africa. Rule by civilians is very much the statistical ‘deviation’ from the continental norm, as military leaders lay a permanent claim to the political throne in much of Africa

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25

Kurbak, Maria. "“A Fatal Compromise”: South African Writers and “the Literature Police” in South Africa (1940–1960)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016186-2.

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After the victory of the National Party (NP) in the 1948 elections and the establishment of the apartheid regime in South Africa, politics and culture were subordinated to one main goal – the preservation and protection of Afrikaners as an ethnic minority. Since 1954, the government headed by Prime Minister D. F. Malan had begun implementing measures restricting freedom of speech and creating “literary police”. In 1956 the Commission of Inquiry into “Undesirable Publications” headed by Geoffrey Cronje was created. In his works, Cronje justified the concept of the Afrikaners’ existence as a separate nation, with its own language, culture, and mores. Cronje considered the protection of “blood purity” and prohibition of mixing, both physically and culturally, with “non-whites” as the highest value for Afrikaners. The proposals of the “Cronje Commission” were met with hostility not only by political opponents but also by Afrikaner intellectuals One of Cronje's most ardent opponents was the famous poet N.P. Van Wyk Louw. Yet, the creation of a full-fledged censorship system began with the coming into power of the government headed by Prime Minister H. Verwoerd, who took a course to tighten racial laws and control over publications. 1960 became the turning point in the relationship between the government and the South African intelligentsia. After the shooting of the peaceful demonstrations in Sharpeville and Langa, the NP declared a state of emergency, banned the activity of the Communist Party and the African National Congress (ANC), and apartheid opponents turned to a military struggle. The political struggle against censorship became more difficult during the armed stand-off between the apartheid loyalists and the NP deposition supporters. The transition to the military struggle was an important force for the radicalization of the intellectuals and the appearance of the “literary protest” and “black voices”. The time for negotiations and searching for compromises was over.

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26

Smit, Hennie A. P. "Shaping the Environmental Attitude of Military Geography Students at the South African Military Academy." Journal of Geography in Higher Education 33, no. 2 (May 2009): 225–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03098260802276805.

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27

Visser, Deon. "Image and identity in military education: A perspective on the South African Military Academy." Society in Transition 33, no. 1 (January 2002): 173–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21528586.2002.10419057.

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28

Neethling, Theo. "The South African military and the agenda for regional peace." RUSI Journal 142, no. 5 (October 1997): 51–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071849708446187.

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29

Kruger, Alida, and Adrian D. Van Breda. "Military Social Work in the South African National Defence Force." Military Medicine 166, no. 11 (November 1, 2001): 947–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/milmed/166.11.947.

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30

Houston, Peter. "South African Anglican Military Chaplains and the First World War." South African Historical Journal 68, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 213–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2016.1176071.

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31

Shelton, Garth, and Chris Alden. "Brave new world: The transformation of the South African military." Comparative Strategy 17, no. 4 (October 1998): 345–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495939808403152.

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32

Seegers, Annette, and Simon Taylor. "Transformation in the South African Military: A Study of the Gender-Representivity Component in the South African Navy." Politikon 35, no. 3 (December 2008): 357–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589340903020670.

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33

GEWALD, JAN-BART. "NEAR DEATH IN THE STREETS OF KARIBIB: FAMINE, MIGRANT LABOUR AND THE COMING OF OVAMBO TO CENTRAL NAMIBIA." Journal of African History 44, no. 2 (July 2003): 211–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853702008381.

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Namibian politics and society are today dominated by people who trace their descent from the settlements and homesteads of Ovamboland in southern Angola and northern Namibia. Yet, prior to 1915, and the defeat by South Africa of the German colonial army in German South-West Africa, very few Ovambo had settled in areas to the south of the Etosha Pan. In 1915, a Portuguese expeditionary army defeated Kwanyama forces in southern Angola, and unleashed a flood of refugees into northern Namibia. These refugees entered an area that was already overstretched. Since 1912 the rains had failed and, on account of the First World War, trade and migration had come to a standstill. As a result the area was experiencing its most devastating famine ever. Unable to find sanctuary in Ovamboland, thousands of people trekked southwards into central Namibia, an area which had only just come under the control of South Africa. The famine allowed for the easy entrance of South African military administrators and labour recruiters into Ovamboland and heralded the demise of Ovambo independence. By focusing on developments in the central Namibian town of Karibib between 1915 to 1916, the article explores the move of the Ovambo into central and southern Namibia. It traces the impact of war and drought on Ovambo societies, and follows Ovambo famine migrants on their route south into areas administered by the South African military administration. Discussion also concentrates on the reception and treatment of Ovambo famine migrants in the Karibib settlement, and argues that the refugee crisis heralded the establishment of Ovambo in modern central and southern Namibia.

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34

Adebajo, Adekeye. "Pax Nigeriana and the Responsibility to Protect." Global Responsibility to Protect 2, no. 4 (2010): 414–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598410x519561.

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AbstractThe essay traces the roots of R2P in African political thought—through individuals such as Kenya's Ali Mazrui, Ghana's Kwame Nkrumah, Tanzania's Salim Ahmed Salim, South Africa's Nelson Mandela and abo Mbeki, and Egypt's Boutros Boutros-Ghali— and considers the bid by West Africa's regional hegemon, Nigeria, to play a leadership role on the continent in relation to the norm. It argues that the regional West African giant has exhibited a 'missionary zeal' in assuming the role of a benevolent 'older brother' responsible for protecting younger siblings—whether these are Nigeria's immediate neighbours, fellow Africans, or black people in the African Diaspora. Without Nigeria's military support and economic and political clout, the ECOWAS Ceasefire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG)—which intervened in civil wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone in the 1990s—would simply not have existed. Despite the lack of a clearly agreed UN or pan-African mandate, Nigeria's interventions - under the auspices of ECOMOG - effectively operationalised R2P in the region and eventually won continental and international support. However, Nigeria's recent foreign adventures have often been launched in the face of strong domestic opposition and a failure by military and civilian regimes to apply R2P domestically. The essay concludes by considering Nigeria's need to build a stable democracy and promote effective regional integration, if it wishes to benefit from its peacekeeping successes in the region and pursue a continued leadership role in relation to R2P.

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35

van Heyningen, Elizabeth. "The South African War as humanitarian crisis." International Review of the Red Cross 97, no. 900 (December 2015): 999–1028. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383116000394.

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AbstractAlthough the South African War was a colonial war, it aroused great interest abroad as a test of international morality. Both the Boer republics were signatories to the Geneva Convention of 1864, as was Britain, but the resources of these small countries were limited, for their populations were small and, before the discovery of gold in 1884, government revenues were trifling. It was some time before they could put even the most rudimentary organization in place. In Europe, public support from pro-Boers enabled National Red Cross Societies from such countries as the Netherlands, France, Germany, Russia and Belgium to send ambulances and medical aid to the Boers. The British military spurned such aid, but the tide of public opinion and the hospitals that the aid provided laid the foundations for similar voluntary aid in the First World War. Until the fall of Pretoria in June 1900, the war had taken the conventional course of pitched battles and sieges. Although the capitals of both the Boer republics had fallen to the British by June 1900, the Boer leaders decided to continue the conflict. The Boer military system, based on locally recruited, compulsory commando service, was ideally suited to guerrilla warfare, and it was another two years before the Boers finally surrendered. During this period of conflict, about 30,000 farms were burnt and the country was reduced to a wasteland. Women and children, black and white, were installed in camps which were initially ill-conceived and badly managed, giving rise to high mortality, especially of the children. As the scandal of the camps became known, European humanitarian aid shifted to the provision of comforts for women and children. While the more formal aid organizations, initiated by men, preferred to raise funds for post-war reconstruction, charitable relief for the camps was often provided by informal women's organizations. These ranged from church groups to personal friends of the Boers, to women who wished to be associated with the work of their menfolk.

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Klotz, Audie. "Norms and sanctions: lessons from the socialization of South Africa." Review of International Studies 22, no. 2 (April 1, 1996): 173–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500118364.

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In response to South Africa's increasingly institutionalized racial discrimination during the postwar years, transnational anti-apartheid activists advocated a vast array of global sanctions. With the formal abolition of apartheid in 1991, sanctions advocates celebrated the apparent success of the international community's efforts in promoting a global norm of racial equality in South Africa. Since similar sanctions are an increasingly popular policy in the post-Cold War world, the South African case offers a useful starting-point for re-evaluating the utility of sanctions as a non-military policy. However, despite the prominent role of a norm of racial equality in anti-apartheid sanctions, both advocates and critics of international sanctions still generally ignore norms analytically. Expanding our conceptual framework beyond the realist assumptions implicit in most sanctions analyses enables us o t understand better why international actors adopt sanctions and how these measures affect target states.

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FEDOROWICH, KENT. "GERMAN ESPIONAGE AND BRITISH COUNTER-INTELLIGENCE IN SOUTH AFRICA AND MOZAMBIQUE, 1939–1944." Historical Journal 48, no. 1 (March 2005): 209–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004273.

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For most of the Second World War, German and Italian agents were actively engaged in a variety of intelligence gathering exercises in southern Africa. The hub of this activity was Lourenço Marques, the colonial capital of Portuguese East Africa (Mozambique). One of the key tasks of Axis agents was to make links with Nazi sympathizers and the radical right in South Africa, promote dissent, and destabilize the imperial war effort in the dominion. Using British, American, and South African archival sources, this article outlines German espionage activities and British counter-intelligence operations orchestrated by MI5, MI6, and the Special Operations Executive between 1939 and 1944. The article, which is part of a larger study, examines three broad themes. First, it explores Pretoria's creation of a humble military intelligence apparatus in wartime South Africa. Secondly, it examines the establishment of several British liaison and intelligence-gathering agencies that operated in southern Africa for most of the war. Finally, it assesses the working relationship between the South African and British agencies, the tensions that arose, and the competing interests that emerged between the two allies as they sought to contain the Axis-inspired threat from within.

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Mankayi, Nyameka, and Anthony Vernon Naidoo. "Masculinity and sexual practices in the military: a South African study." African Journal of AIDS Research 10, no. 1 (April 2011): 43–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2989/16085906.2011.575547.

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Nyangoro, Julius E. "Military Coups d'etat in Nigeria Revisited: A Political and Economic Analysis." American Review of Politics 14 (April 1, 1993): 129–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1993.14.0.129-147.

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In the last few years, there seems to have been a radical transformation in African politics. South Africa, which for a long time reflected the politics of racial domination, is moving towards multi-racial rule. Formerly one-party states such as Zambia and Kenya recently have held multi-party elections; and authoritarian regimes such as Zaire are now seriously discussing the possibility of pluralist politics. The question that this paper seeks to address is whether the changes taking place are indeed ushering in a new phase of politics in Africa without the prospect of military intervention. Nigeria is used as a case study for examining this question.

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McGowan, Pat, and Thomas H. Johnson. "Sixty Coups in Thirty Years – Further Evidence Regarding African Military Coups d'État." Journal of Modern African Studies 24, no. 3 (September 1986): 539–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007175.

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Decolonisation in sub-Saharan Africa began in January 1956 when the Sudan joined long-independent Ethiopia and Liberia as a new, post-colonial state. Although the process is not yet complete because of the disputed status of Namibia and South Africa's continued rule by a white minority, over the past 30 years as many as 43 new states have achieved independence from colonial rule, the most recent being Zimbabwe in April 1980.

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McGowan, Patrick J. "African military coups d'état, 1956–2001: frequency, trends and distribution." Journal of Modern African Studies 41, no. 3 (August 26, 2003): 339–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0300435x.

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Described here is a new data set including all successful coups d'état (80), failed coup attempts (108) and reported coup plots (139) for all 48 independent sub-Saharan African (SSA) states for the 46-year period from January 1956 until December 2001. Elite political instability (PI) in this form remains widespread in SSA, in contrast to other regions of the global South. Military-led PI has been shown to adversely affect economic growth and human development in SSA, and is a major cause of the current African ‘crisis’. The frequency of these instability events is given for each state for all 46 years and for the two periods 1956–79 and 1980–2001. A Total Military Intervention Score (TMIS) for each state is calculated and examined over time to explore trends in coup behaviour. The distribution of these events among major African regions is presented. Appendix A lists all coups and failed coups by state and date. Major findings are that military interventions have continued to be pervasive in Africa, despite democratisation trends since 1990; that coups, failed coups and coup plots form a syndrome of military-led PI; that colonial heritage is unrelated to coup activity; that the chance of success when launching a coup attempt has averaged more than 40% since 1958; that once a successful coup has occurred, military factionalism often leads to more coup behaviour; that except for a declining rate of success once a coup is undertaken, there is no major difference between 1956–79 and 1980–2001; that no trends of increasing or decreasing coup behaviour are evident, except that up to around 1975 as decolonisation progressed, TMIS also increased; and that West Africa is the predominant centre of coup activity in SSA, although all African regions have experienced coups. States that have been free of significant PI since 1990 are examined and those with institutionalised democratic traditions appear less prone to coups.

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Snyder, Charles R. "Book Review: Military Power and Politics in Black Africa; The Militarization of South African Politics." Armed Forces & Society 14, no. 4 (July 1988): 610–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x8801400409.

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Nzongola-Ntalaja, Georges. "Putting Africa's House in Order to Deal with Developmental Challenges." African Studies Review 53, no. 2 (September 2010): 12–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2010.0029.

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However proud Africans must be to have a person of African descent in the White House, they should have no illusions as to how much President Barack Hussein Obama can do for Africa. Africans must put their own house in order for purposes of dealing successfully with the major challenges facing the continent, the most important of which is that of democratic and developmental governance. Obama's priorities are not necessarily those of Africans. They have to do with the role of the United States as a superpower in a global system in which the American military and business corporations play a hegemonic role. In this context, Africa is relevant to American and Obama's global priorities when its resources are needed to strengthen this role, on the one hand, or its humanitarian crises are likely to affect them in an adverse manner, on the other.What are these global priorities, and how are they likely to affect Africa during Obama's tenure? Following is a brief examination of four major priorities. The first is limiting the spread of nuclear weapons. Operating on the premise that nuclear weapons should be limited to the few countries now possessing them (U.S., Russia, Britain, France, China, Israel, India, and Pakistan), the U.S. government has led an international campaign against the acquisition of nuclear weapons technology by other countries, particularly those deemed hostile to Western interests, such as Iran and North Korea. Since South Africa destroyed the nuclear arsenal of the former apartheid state and Libya gave up its nuclear ambitions, the only relevant issue with respect to Africa's role in the spread of nuclear weapons is the question of who has access to Africa's abundant supply of uranium. Denying access to African uranium to “rogue states” and terrorist organizations is an important foreign policy objective of any American government, including the Obama administration.

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Southall, Roger. "An unlikely success: South Africa and Lesotho's election of 2002." Journal of Modern African Studies 41, no. 2 (May 20, 2003): 269–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x03004233.

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The Mbeki government's failure to take action against the blatantly undemocratic behaviour of the Mugabe regime in Zimbabwe, despite its commitment to the peer review mechanism proposed under the New Partnership for African Development, is highlighted by South Africa's armed intervention into Lesotho to quell post-electoral disturbances in 1998. Although initially accompanied by immense controversy, the South African military and diplomatic involvement was to prove crucial to a restructuring of Lesotho's previously recalcitrant Defence Force, and to the promotion of inter-party negotiations that led to the adoption of a new and more appropriate electoral system. Alongside other international pressures, these initiatives led to a further election in 2002, whose undoubtedly legitimate outcome appears to have laid firm foundations for democratic consolidation and stability. Despite this ‘unlikely success’, and despite its formal commitment to an idealist foreign policy, the South African government has consciously downplayed its role in promoting democracy in Lesotho. The article argues that this is because of the exceptionality of that country, and South Africa's reluctance to have the use of force used as a precedent by its critics for cajoling it into adopting a more activist stance for dealing with the more complex situation in Zimbabwe.

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Anglin, Douglas G. "Afrique du Sud : politique extérieure et rapports avec le continent." Études internationales 22, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 369–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702845ar.

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The principal preoccupation of South African foreign policy decision makers has consistently been the preservation and perpetuation of white power and privilege. This has been especially the case with respect to relations with the rest of Africa, and above all Southern Africa which South Africa has long regarded as its natural hinterland. Traditionally, the neighbouring states have been a source of minerals, markets and migrant labour, but more recently they have also been perceived as a source of insecurity. Pretoria countered the alleged "total onslaught" it faced with its "total strategy" which, in the region, amounted to a combination ofathump and talk. "The military reverse South Africa suffered in Angola in 1988 forced a reassessment of policy, leading to the independance of Namibia and the prospect of an end to apartheid domestically. How the emergence of a non-racial democratic regime in South Africa will affect policy towards the continent is uncertain. While the African National Congress recognizes the need to put the relationship on a new and mutually beneficial basis, it is likely to be preoccupied with its own formidable domestic agenda. This may leave policy effectively in the hands of the technocrats and the businessmen, which does not augur well for an end to the present exploitative relationship.

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Yoder, John. "Good government, democratisation and traditional African political philosophy: the example of the Kanyok of the Congo." Journal of Modern African Studies 36, no. 3 (September 1998): 483–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x9800281x.

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Over the last several decades, officials in both the public and private sectors have applied economic, military, cultural, academic and diplomatic tools to promote the spread of democratic pluralism in African and elsewhere. With the fall of Africa's most resilient tyrant, Mobutu Sese Seko, there is hope that even one of Africa's most troubled systems may be transformed into a state that reflects the will of the people and promotes the common good. Sober observers, however, remain pessimistic. Laurent Kabila's spotted record on human rights, his stubborn intolerance of political opposition, the challenging global economic and political environments, and the long history of bad government in Mobutu's Zaïre are obvious reasons for concern. Furthermore, the example of most other African states is not encouraging. With the exception of countries such as South Africa and Botswana, even the most tenuous democratic progress in Africa is often slowed, blocked or reversed.Generally, blame for this state of affairs has been levelled against the African political elite, the burden of colonialism, or international political and economic pressures. Specifically, for the Congo, Mobutu's kleptocracy, Belgium's paternalism, America's backing of a friendly dictator and the World Bank's support for ill-advised ‘development’ schemes all have been criticised. While such reproaches may be well deserved, this article argues that it is important to ask if the persistent failure of democracy in the Congo as well as in other African states is also related to African political culture.

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Griffiths, R. "The South African Military: the Dilemmas of Expanded Influence in Decision-Making." Journal of Asian and African Studies 26, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1991): 76–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002190969102600106.

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Ferreira, Rialize. "The Interdisciplinarity of Military Studies: A Sociological Perspective and South African Application." South African Review of Sociology 43, no. 3 (October 2012): 146–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21528586.2012.727560.

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Magagula, Hezekiel Bheki. "Military integrated environmental management programme of the South African National Defence Force." South African Geographical Journal 102, no. 2 (September 5, 2019): 170–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03736245.2019.1661873.

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van der Waag, Ian. "The battle of Sandfontein, 26 September 1914: South African military reform and the German South-West Africa campaign, 1914–1915." First World War Studies 4, no. 2 (October 2013): 141–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19475020.2013.828633.

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