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Journal articles on the topic 'South African Party'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 15 February 2022

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1

Filatova, Irina, and Apollon Davidson. "‘We, the South African Bolsheviks’: The Russian Revolution and South Africa." Journal of Contemporary History 52, no. 4 (2017): 935–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417722399.

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In South Africa, the Russian Revolution was admired by socialists and nationalists alike. The National Party soon stopped praising the Bolsheviks, but the effect of the Revolution on the nascent Communist Party was important and lasting. South African communists closely watched developments in Soviet Russia and established relations with the Communist International (Comintern) even before the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) was born. The Party’s ideology and policy were shaped by the Comintern’s ideas and instructions. In the 1920s and 1930s the struggle around the Comintern-imposed slo

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2

Balcomb, Anthony. "Nicholas Bhengu — The Impact of an African Pentecostal on South African Society." Exchange 34, no. 4 (2005): 337–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254305774851475.

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AbstractNicholas Bhekinkosi Bhengu was founder and leader of the Back to God Crusade in South Africa. This movement started in the mid-1950s and became affiliated with the Assemblies of God in South Africa. But Bhengu's influence went far beyond the confines of the movement he started. His revivals impacted South African society in a profound way and he became internationally recognized as a powerful force for change in South Africa. Controversially, however, he did not enter into the political arena as such, even though he was at one stage of his life a member of the Communist Party of South

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3

Drew, Allison. "Profile of the South African Communist Party." Journal of Communist Studies 8, no. 2 (1992): 160–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279208415152.

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4

Shai, Kgothatso Brucely, and Olusola Ogunnubi. "[South] Africa's Health System and Human Rights: A Critical African Perspective." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 10, no. 1(J) (2018): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v10i1(j).2090.

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For more than two decades, 21st March has been canonised and celebrated among South Africans as Human Rights Day. Earmarked by the newly democratic and inclusive South Africa, it commemorates the Sharpeville and Langa massacres. As history recorded, on the 21st March 1960, residents of Sharpeville and subsequently, Langa embarked on a peaceful anti-pass campaign led by the African National Congress (ANC) breakaway party, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC). The pass (also known as dompas) was one of the most despised symbols of apartheid; a system declared internationally as a crime ag

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5

Amoah, Jewel, and Tom Bennett. "The Freedoms of Religion and Culture under the South African Constitution: Do Traditional African Religions Enjoy Equal Treatment?" Journal of Law and Religion 24, no. 1 (2008): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400001910.

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On Sunday, January 20, 2007, Tony Yengeni, former Chief Whip of South Africa's governing party, the African National Congress (ANC), celebrated his early release from a four-year prison sentence by slaughtering a bull at his father's house in the Cape Town township of Gugulethu. This time-honored African ritual was performed in order to appease the Yengeni family ancestors. Animal rights activists, however, decried the sacrifice as an act of unnecessary cruelty to the bull, and a public outcry ensued. Leading figures in government circles, including the Minister of Arts and Culture, Pallo Jord

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Lodge, Tom. "Post-Communism and the South African Communist Party." Problems of Post-Communism 66, no. 4 (2018): 287–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2018.1425094.

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7

Jung, Courtney. "Discordant Comrades: Identities and Loyalties on the South African Left By Allison Drew. Aldershot, Hampshire: Ashgate, 2000. 282p. $74.95." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (2002): 236–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402314333.

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Drawing on a wealth of new information made available by the opening of the Comintern archives, Drew sheds the light of hindsight on the relationship between the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) and, in turn, the Soviet Comintern, the South African liberation movement, and the white and black trade union movements in the first half of the twentieth century. This rich book makes a unique contribution to our understanding of ties between the Comintern and its satellite parties as well as the early history of the South African antiapartheid movement. There are only two other major books on

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MACMILLAN, HUGH. "DEBATING THE ANC'S EXTERNAL LINKS DURING THE STRUGGLE AGAINST APARTHEID." Africa 85, no. 1 (2015): 154–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972014000692.

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Several recent publications have explored the African National Congress's (ANC's) external links during South Africa's apartheid years. The following four texts offer an insight into the very different personal and methodological approaches that have so far shaped attempts to understand this aspect of the ANC's struggle. The section starts with a review of Stephen Ellis's recent book External Mission: the ANC in exile, 1960–1990 by Hugh Macmillan, who argues that Ellis overemphasizes the relationship between the ANC and the South African Communist Party (SACP). In a response to this review, St

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9

Khoza, Mpho Justice. "Formal Regulation of Third Party Litigation Funding Agreements? A South African Perspective." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal 21 (August 29, 2018): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2018/v21i0a3426.

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In South Africa third party litigation funding agreement as a tool that provides access to justice is not legislated with regard to non-lawyers. This article is based on research conducted to determine whether regulating this type of agreement would facilitate in fostering the policy that favours access to justice. A brief comparative study showed that English law permits third party litigation funding agreements in the Courts and Legal Services Act 1990. However, unlike in South African law, English law also has a body that regulates the conclusion of third party litigation funding agreements

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10

Van der Merwe, Barend, and Tshitso Challa. "40 YEARS ONWARDS: REAPPRAISING QWAQWA AFTER 20 YEARS OF DEMOCRACY IN SOUTH AFRICA." Oral History Journal of South Africa 3, no. 2 (2016): 94–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/342.

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Archiving is a process that involves the carefully documented storage of historical objects and documents. History involves events that we choose to remember or forget, nevertheless, the year 2014 is no insignificant year. Not only did South Africans celebrate 20 years of democracy, it was also 100 years since the outbreak of the First World War (1914â€“1918), the Rebellion of South Africa, as well as the establishment of the National Party of South Africa. It also marked 40 years since the establishment of Qwaqwa, a former â€œhomelandâ€ of South Africa. This article critically reflects on th

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11

Thomas, David P. "Multiple layers of hegemony: post-apartheid South Africa and the South African Communist Party (SACP)." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 46, no. 1 (2012): 109–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2012.659583.

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Hagenmeier, Cornelius, Tapiwa Shumba, and Obeng Mireku. "THE ADMISSION AND ENROLMENT OF FOREIGN LEGAL PRACTITIONERS IN SOUTH AFRICA UNDER THE LEGAL PRACTICE ACT: INTERNATIONAL TRADE LAW AND CONSTITUTIONAL PERSPECTIVES." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 19 (July 25, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2016/v19i0a734.

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Globalisation requires ever closer co-operation between legal professionals hailing from different national jurisdictions. This interactive global environment has fostered growing international training and mobility among legal practitioners and the internationalisation of legal education. Increasing numbers of law students get trained in other countries as part of their undergraduate degrees or even come to foreign shores to obtain law degrees. Many students hailing from other African countries study towardsLLBdegrees at South African universities. Major commercial law firms ensure that they

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Ejiogu, EC. "Post-Liberation South Africa: Sorting Out the Pieces." Journal of Asian and African Studies 47, no. 3 (2012): 257–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909611428041.

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The written history and narratives of the anti-apartheid liberation struggle in South Africa has been cast, albeit erroneously, as if it was waged and won solely by the African National Congress (ANC), its ally the South African Communist Party (SACP), and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), the three alliance partners that have held the reins of state power since the first multi-racial democratic elections in 1994. The truth is that the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) of Azania, the Azania People’s Organization (AZAPO), the New Unity Movement (NUMO), and several other liberatio

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Adams, Simon. "What's left?: The South African communist party after apartheid." Review of African Political Economy 24, no. 72 (1997): 237–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056249708704255.

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Friedman, Steven. "Archipelagos of dominance. Party fiefdoms and South African democracy." Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft 9, no. 3 (2015): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12286-015-0246-9.

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Lodge, Tom. "Secret Party: South African Communists between 1950 and 1960." South African Historical Journal 67, no. 4 (2015): 433–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2015.1105861.

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Dugard, John. "Southern Africa Litigation Centre v. Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development (N. Gauteng High Ct., Pretoria)." International Legal Materials 54, no. 5 (2015): 927–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/intelegamate.54.5.0927.

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In June 2015, President Omar Hassan Ahmad Al Bashir of Sudan attended a meeting of the African Union (AU) in Johannesburg, South Africa, despite the fact that a warrant had been issued for his arrest by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for the commission of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide in the Darfur region. Although South Africa, a party to the ICC, was obliged to arrest Al Bashir and surrender him to the ICC under the terms of the Rome Statute of the ICC, the South African government made no attempt to apprehend him. On the application of a South African public inte

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Mlambo, Daniel Nkosinathi, and Victor H. Mlambo. "To What Cost to its Continental Hegemonic Standpoint: Making Sense of South Africa’s Xenophobia Conundrum Post Democratization." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 8, no. 2 (2021): 347. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/696.

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From the 1940s, a period where the National Party (NP) came into power and destabilized African and Southern Africa’s political dynamics, South Africa became a pariah state and isolated from both the African and African political realms and, to some extent, global spectrum(s). The domestic political transition period (1990-1994) from apartheid to democracy further changed Pretoria’s continental political stance. After the first-ever democratic elections in 1994, where the African National Congress (ANC) was victorious, South Africa was regarded as a regional and continental hegemon capable of

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Kersting, Norbert. "Voting Behaviour in the 2009 South African Election." Africa Spectrum 44, no. 2 (2009): 125–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203970904400207.

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This article analyses voting behaviour in the South African election of 2009 and draws conclusions regarding the significance of party affiliation and issue-based voting in South Africa. It demonstrates the low level of voter registration and voter turnout. In the 2009 election the Independent Electoral Commission had problems with electoral management for the first time; however, it was able to prevent electoral violence. During the campaign the newly founded COPE focused on institutional reforms and the oppositional Democratic Alliance concentrated too much on negative campaigning. In the po

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Reddy, Thiven. "The Congress Party Model: South Africa's African National Congress (ANC) and India's Indian National Congress (INC) as Dominant Parties." African and Asian Studies 4, no. 3 (2005): 271–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920905774270493.

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Abstract The paper argues that the model developed to analyze the dominance of the Indian National Congress of the political party system during the first two decades of independence helps in our understanding of the unfolding party system in South Africa. A comparison of the Congress Party and the African National Congress suggests many similarities. The paper is divided into three broad sections. The first part focuses on the dominant party system in India. In the second part, I apply the model of the Congress System to South Africa. I argue that the three features of the Congress System – a

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Mbaku, John Mukum. "Constitutions and Citizenship: Lessons for African Countries." International and Comparative Law Review 17, no. 1 (2017): 7–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/iclr-2018-0001.

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Summary Since the colonial period in Africa, ruling elites have manipulated laws regulating citizenship to advance their political and economic interests. The European colonialists used citizenship laws to enhance their ability to maintain control over the colonies and minimize the ability of Africans to fight for independence. Many Africans believed that independence and the establishment of new institutional arrangements would allow them to develop a common national citizenship, one in which all the citizens of each country would have equality before the law and be granted equal opportunity

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22

Nasiema Kamala, Peter. "Reliability of corporate environmental reports produced by listed South African companies." Environmental Economics 7, no. 2 (2016): 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ee.07(2).2016.3.

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The aim of this research is to evaluate the reliability of environmental reports produced by the Top 100 listed South African (T100LSA) companies. A content analysis of environmental reports contained in the Integrated Annual Reports (IARs), sustainability reports and companies’ corporate websites was conducted using a control list. The findings of the study reveal that in general, the environmental reports produced by the T100LSA companies are reliable as most companies’ reports have a statement from the top management, describe the organization’s structures in place at various levels to deal

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23

Mancebo, Ainara. "Stability and Governability the Benign Effects of Party Dominance in South Africa." Insight on Africa 13, no. 1 (2020): 56–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087820965172.

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A tripartite alliance formed by the African National Congress, the South African Communist Party and the Congress of South African Trade Unions has been ruling the country with wide parliamentarian majorities. The country remains more consensual and politically inclusive than any of the other African countries in the post-independence era. This article examines three performance’s aspects of the party dominance systems: legitimacy, stability and violence. As we are living in a period in which an unprecedented number of countries have completed democratic transitions, it is politically and conc

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24

Lewis, Simon. "“This Land South Africa”: Rewriting Time and Space in Postapartheid Poetry and Property." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 33, no. 12 (2001): 2095–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a33186.

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The widespread concern in recent South African poetry with landscape and the question of what place the poet occupies in that landscape arises less as a response to the turn of the millennium than to the historical end of formal apartheid, but nonetheless marks an epochal shift in sensibility. Whereas much poetry of the 1980s evoked a sense of extreme dislocation in recent time and local space (marked by references to a precarious present of forced removal and migrancy, and unspecified, unsettled futures), some significant recent work has been marked by a desire to relocate the human presence

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Shai, Kgothatso Brucely, and Olusola Ogunnubi. "[South] Africa’s Health System and Human Rights: A Critical African Perspective." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 10, no. 1 (2018): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v10i1.2090.

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For more than two decades, 21st March has been canonised and celebrated among South Africans as Human Rights Day. Earmarked by the newly democratic and inclusive South Africa, it commemorates the Sharpeville and Langa massacres. As history recorded, on the 21st March 1960, residents of Sharpeville and subsequently, Langa embarked on a peaceful anti-pass campaign led by the African National Congress (ANC) breakaway party, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC). The pass (also known as dompas) was one of the most despised symbols of apartheid; a system declared internationally as a crime ag

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Lannegren, Olivia, and Hiroshi Ito. "The End of the ANC Era: An Analysis of Corruption and Inequality in South Africa." Journal of Politics and Law 10, no. 4 (2017): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v10n4p55.

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ANC would always rule in South Africa, the African National Congress (ANC), which has been governing the country since the end of apartheid in 1994, received the worst results ever recorded. The ANC with president Jacob Zuma received 54 percent of the votes, which is a considerable decrease from 62 percent in 2011. This election was a clear sign that the ANC is in trouble towards the 2019 elections. The party seriously needs to rethink its strategies and investigates why the votes are decreasing. Given South Africa being a key player in global governance and in particular a strong leader among

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Venter, Francois. "Editorial." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 9, no. 2 (2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2006/v9i2a2823.

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This second edition of 2006 offers an interesting range of topics, in this instance all covered by South African authors.In her analysis of the "institutions supporting constitutional democracy" established by the South African Constitution, Professor Christina Murray of the University of Cape Town argues that thethe institutions share the roles of providing a check on government and of contributing to transformation. The newness of democracy, the great demands on the state and the political dominance of the governing party in South Africa are identified as the greatest challenges of the insti

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Anyangwe, Carlson. "Race and ethnicity: Voters’ party preference in South African elections." International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity 7, no. 2 (2012): 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2013.774697.

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Southern, Neil. "The pitfalls of power sharing in a new democracy: the case of the National Party in South Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 58, no. 2 (2020): 281–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x2000018x.

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AbstractA key political feature of South Africa's transformation was the African National Congress, the National Party and Inkatha Freedom Party working together in a grand coalition. This arrangement was praised by leading power-sharing theorist Arend Lijphart. The unity government began in 1994 but two years later the National Party withdrew. This article explores power sharing during the initial phase of the settlement and discusses three aspects of it. First, the South African example points to the electoral drawbacks of power sharing for minor parties. Second, the National Party's partici

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Butler, Anthony. "South Africa's Political Futures." Government and Opposition 38, no. 1 (2003): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.t01-1-00006.

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AbstractPolitical analysts are variously divided over the prospects for South Africa's democracy. This article both explores and explains their great diversity of opinion. It investigates the implications, both positive and negative, of African National Congress one-party electoral dominance. The paper goes on to assess the reliability of the mechanisms through which an electorally dominant government can be rendered politically accountable. It then explores the implications of political challenges — concerning capital and skills flight, HIV/AIDS, and corruption — that have licensed further sp

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Fortescue, Dominic. "The Communist Party of South Africa and the African Working Class in the 1940s." International Journal of African Historical Studies 24, no. 3 (1991): 481. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219090.

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Kurbak, Maria. "“A Fatal Compromise”: South African Writers and “the Literature Police” in South Africa (1940–1960)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016186-2.

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After the victory of the National Party (NP) in the 1948 elections and the establishment of the apartheid regime in South Africa, politics and culture were subordinated to one main goal – the preservation and protection of Afrikaners as an ethnic minority. Since 1954, the government headed by Prime Minister D. F. Malan had begun implementing measures restricting freedom of speech and creating “literary police”. In 1956 the Commission of Inquiry into “Undesirable Publications” headed by Geoffrey Cronje was created. In his works, Cronje justified the concept of the Afrikaners’ existence as a sep

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Adam, Heribert, and Kogila Moodley. "Negotiations About What in South Africa?" Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 3 (1989): 367–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020346.

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Widespread scepticism prevails that the proper conditions for negotiations do not as yet exist in South Africa. Yet, most major parties to the conflict (with the exception of the Pan-Africanist Congress) flaunt negotiations as the magic formula for settling a seemingly intractable dispute. From the western governments to the Soviet Union, from the African National Congress to the National Party, all advocate negotiations. In 1989 the N.P. fought a successful election campaign to receive a mandate for talks. The A.N.C. issued a lengthy policy document that aims at preparing its constituency and

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Southall, Roger. "Polarization in South Africa: Toward Democratic Deepening or Democratic Decay?" ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 681, no. 1 (2018): 194–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716218806913.

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Under apartheid, white oppression of the black majority was extreme, and South Africa became one of the most highly polarized countries in the world. Confronted by a counter-movement headed by the African National Congress (ANC), the ruling National Party (NP) was eventually pressured into a negotiation process that resulted in the adoption of a democratic constitution. This article outlines how democratization defused polarization, but was to be hollowed out by the ANC’s construction of a “party-state,” politicizing democratic institutions and widening social inequalities. This is stoking pol

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Southall, Roger. "The South African Elections of 1994: the Remaking of a Dominant-Party State." Journal of Modern African Studies 32, no. 4 (1994): 629–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00015883.

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The South African elections of 1994 constituted one of those rare historical moments when humankind made a significant step forward. The peaceful culmination of a liberation struggle, which for years many had feared would end in a bloodbath, registered not only a triumph for the democratic ideal but the resounding defeat of racism as an organising principle of government. If its more recent reference point was the collapse of dictatorial régimes throughout Eastern Europe during 1989–90, it can more distantly be identified as following in the grand tradition of 1789, confirming and extending an

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Southall, Roger, and John Daniel. "The South African Election of 2009." Africa Spectrum 44, no. 2 (2009): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203970904400206.

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South Africans voted in their country's fourth democratic general election on 22 April 2009. The African National Congress (ANC) again secured a substantial victory. It might seem that the 2009 Elections proved to be “business as usual”. Yet such a conclusion is unjustified, for events had conspired to generate excitement about this particular contest, which rivalled that leading up to the “liberation election” of 1994. The reasons for this were several, but the most important revolved around Jacob Zuma, who had risen to the presidency of the ANC in December 2007, and the formation of a new pa

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Kynoch, Gary. "The ‘Transformation’ of the South African Military." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 3 (1996): 441–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00055543.

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SouthernAfrica has been at war since the 1960s. Following the capitulation of Ian Smith's Rhodesian Front and the acceptance of majority rule in Zimbabwe in 1980, the widely acknowledged root of most of the regional conflict has been South Africa. In defendingapartheid, the régime in Pretoria engaged in a systematic campaign of destabilisation designed to bring its neighbours to heel. Military invasions, raids, sabotage, support of dissident groups, and assassinations were all part of the National Party (NP) Government's ‘total strategy’ that employed violence as a key element in its regional

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Mavungu, Eddy Mazembo. "Frontiers of Power and Prosperity: Explaining Provincial Boundary Disputes in Postapartheid South Africa." African Studies Review 59, no. 2 (2016): 183–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2016.28.

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Abstract:Territorial reforms in South Africa, undertaken in order to address the legacy of apartheid, have proven to be a contested terrain. This article considers three case studies and argues that in order to understand these territorial disputes, it is important to pay attention to the material conditions of the affected communities, disparities between provinces in terms of resources and governance efficiency, and perceptions that the preferred province is better positioned to serve the interests of the community. The article highlights the role of party political interests and also reflec

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Kemmerzell, Jörg. "Why there is no party ban in the South African constitution." Democratization 17, no. 4 (2010): 687–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2010.491194.

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Thomas, David P. "The South African Communist Party (SACP) in the Post–apartheid Period." Review of African Political Economy 34, no. 111 (2007): 123–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056240701340456.

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SEEKINGS, JEREMY. "‘NOT A SINGLE WHITE PERSON SHOULD BE ALLOWED TO GO UNDER’: SWARTGEVAAR AND THE ORIGINS OF SOUTH AFRICA'S WELFARE STATE, 1924–1929." Journal of African History 48, no. 3 (2007): 375–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853707002836.

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ABSTRACTThe origins of South Africa's distinctive welfare state lay in the late 1920s, not in the 1930s as has generally been suggested, and long predated the quite different turn to social welfare in late colonial Africa. For the National Party and Labour Party – partners in the coalition Pact Government of 1924–9 – non-contributory old-age pensions were a crucial pillar in the ‘civilized labour’ policies designed to lift ‘poor whites’ out of poverty and re-establish a clear racial hierarchy. Welfare reform was thus, in significant part, a response to the swartgevaar or menace of black physic

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Bickford-Smith, Vivian. "Black Ethnicities, Communities and Political Expression in Late Victorian Cape Town." Journal of African History 36, no. 3 (1995): 443–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700034496.

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In 1994 the National Party of Mr de Klerk defeated the African National Congress in only one of nine South African provinces, the Western Cape. The reason for this success lay in the support that the NP received from a large majority of Coloured South Africans in this region. Many were worried about the possibility of losing homes and jobs to ‘Africans’, and believed that the ANC was a specifically African party. These worries and beliefs were encouraged by Nationalist Party politicians. But the success of the latter's campaign was premised on the existence of more enduring self-identities, wh

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Yetkin, Ahmet Murat. "Trade Relationship Between Turkey and South Africa a Brief Overview of The Last 20 Years." Afrika Tanulmányok / Hungarian Journal of African Studies 12, no. 4. (2019): 135–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/at.2018.12.4.10.

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In the 2000s, a single political party became able to manage Turkey alone for the first time in the country’s history. By ensuring internal stability, Turkey started to build and improve its relationships with foreign countries. In this manner, Turkey decided to look for ways to strengthen its relations with the African continent and especially with South Africa.

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CAMPBELL, JAMES T. "ROMANTIC REVOLUTIONARIES: DAVID IVON JONES, S. P. BUNTING AND THE ORIGINS OF NON-RACIAL POLITICS IN SOUTH AFRICA." Journal of African History 39, no. 2 (1998): 313–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853798007208.

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The Delegate for Africa: David Ivon Jones, 1883–1924. By Baruch Hirson and Gwyn A. Williams. London: Core Publications, 1995. Pp. x+272. £8.50, paperback (ISBN 897640-02-1).S. P. Bunting: A Political Biography, new edition. By Edward Roux. Bellville: Mayibuye Books. 1993. Pp. 200. No price given, paperback (ISBN 1-86808-162-1).Outsiders looking at the recent history of South African politics are apt to be struck by two conundrums. How can a nation that pushed the logic of ‘race’ as far as any society in history also have produced one of the world's most enduring non-racial political traditions

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Dancy, Geoff, and Florencia Montal. "Unintended Positive Complementarity: Why International Criminal Court Investigations May Increase Domestic Human Rights Prosecutions." American Journal of International Law 111, no. 3 (2017): 689–723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2017.70.

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The International Criminal Court (ICC) is controversial, acutely so in Africa. The first thirty-nine people it indicted were all African. It did not open any formal investigations outside Africa until the 2016 decision to investigate conduct related to the 2008 Georgia-Russia war. The first three notifications of withdrawal from the ICC Statute, each made in 2016, were by Burundi, South Africa, and Gambia. While South Africa and Zambia reversed their initial intentions, Burundi in fact became the first state party to withdraw from the ICC in October 2017. These maneuvers are closely connected

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Abramowitz, Alan I. "From Strom to Barack: Race, Ideology, and the Transformation of the Southern Party System." American Review of Politics 34 (June 20, 2018): 207–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-779x.2013.34.0.207-226.

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The southern party system has undergone a dramatic transformation since the 1960s, a transformation that has affected both the electoral bases of the parties and their leadership. This transformation has involved two related trends-a shift in the racial composition of the Democratic Party at the mass and elite levels and an ideological realignment that has produced a much wider gap between the ideological orientations and policy preferences of Democratic and Republican leaders and voters. In the South, to an even greater extent than in the rest of the nation, the Democratic Party has become in

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Anthony, David Henry. "Max Yergan, Marxism and Mission during the Interwar Era." Social Sciences and Missions 22, no. 2 (2009): 257–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489309x12537778667273.

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AbstractFrom 1922 through 1936 Max Yergan, an African-American graduate of historically Black Shaw University in Raleigh, North Carolina represented the North American YMCA in South Africa through the auspices of the Student Christian Association. A student secretary since his sophomore year in 1911, with Indian and East African experience in World War One, Yergan's star rose sufficiently to permit him entry into the racially challenging South Africa field after a protracted campaign waged on his behalf by such interfaith luminaries as Gold Coast proto nationalist J.E.K. Aggrey and the formida

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SHEAR, KEITH. "TESTED LOYALTIES: POLICE AND POLITICS IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1939–63." Journal of African History 53, no. 2 (2012): 173–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853712000370.

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ABSTRACTWell into their rule, at a time when South Africa was increasingly perceived as a police state, the Nationalists, the party of apartheid, depended for the implementation of their policies on structures and personnel inherited from previous governments. Even in the South African Police, the institution most associated with the country's authoritarian reputation, key developments of the early apartheid decades originated in and cannot properly be understood without reference to the preceding period. A legacy of conflict between pro- and anti-war white policemen after 1939 was particularl

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Fowkes, James. "Right After All: Reconsidering New National Party in the South African Canon." South African Journal on Human Rights 31, no. 1 (2015): 151–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19962126.2015.11865239.

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Ellis, Stephen. "The South African Communist Party and the collapse of the Soviet Union." Journal of Communist Studies 8, no. 2 (1992): 145–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279208415151.

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