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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'South Carolina Civil War'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Verney, K. J. "Contrast and continuity : 'black' reconstruction in South Carolina and Mississipi 1861-1877." Thesis, Keele University, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.235182.

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2

Whitford, Peter Kurt. "“No Unimportant Part to Play”: South Carolina’s General Assembly During the American Civil War." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1321925192.

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3

Silkenat, David Andrew Brundage W. Fitzhugh. "Suicide, divorce, and debt in Civil War era North Carolina." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1544.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Sep. 16, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History." Discipline: History; Department/School: History.

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4

Zuczek, Richard M. "State of rebellion : people's war in reconstruction South Carolina, 1865-1877 /." The Ohio State University, 1993. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487848891512231.

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5

Ritchie, Samuel Thomas. "That others may live the Cold War sacrifice of Ellenton, South Carolina /." Connect to this title online, 2009. http://etd.lib.clemson.edu/documents/1247508364/.

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6

Blazich, Frank A. Jr. "Economics of Emergencies: North Carolina, Civil Defense, and the Cold War, 1940 – 1963." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1364401207.

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7

Dozier, Graham Town. "The Eighteenth North Carolina Infantry Regiment, C.S.A." Thesis, This resource online, 1992. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-02092007-102014/.

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8

Welter, Franklin Michael. "The American Civil War: A War of Logistics." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1434019565.

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9

Slap, Andrew L., and Frank Towers. "Confederate Cities: The Urban South during the Civil War Era." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2015. http://amzn.com/022630020X.

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When we talk about the Civil War, we often describe it in terms of battles that took place in small towns or in the countryside: Antietam, Gettysburg, Bull Run, and, most tellingly, the Battle of the Wilderness. One reason this picture has persisted is that few urban historians have studied the war, even though cities hosted, enabled, and shaped Southern society as much as they did in the North. Confederate Cities, edited by Andrew L. Slap and Frank Towers, shifts the focus from the agrarian economy that undergirded the South to the cities that served as its political and administrative hubs. The contributors use the lens of the city to examine now-familiar Civil War–era themes, including the scope of the war, secession, gender, emancipation, and war’s destruction. This more integrative approach dramatically revises our understanding of slavery’s relationship to capitalist economics and cultural modernity. By enabling a more holistic reading of the South, the book speaks to contemporary Civil War scholars and students alike—not least in providing fresh perspectives on a well-studied war.
https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu_books/1011/thumbnail.jpg

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10

Kopp, Laura Elizabeth. "Teaching the Confederacy [electronic resource] : textbooks in the Civil War South." College Park, Md.: University of Maryland, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/9375.

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Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2009.
Thesis research directed by: Dept. of History. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.

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11

Surridge, Keith Terrance. "British civil-military relations and the South African War (1899-1902)." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1994. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/british-civilmilitary-relations-and-the-south-african-war-18991902(24971b52-a519-4100-83b2-a730462bc426).html.

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12

Page, Sebastian Nicholas. "The American Civil War and black colonization." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8a344a9f-1264-4f70-bef5-f9a4b40162d4.

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This is a study of the pursuit of African American colonization as a state and latterly a federal policy during the period c. 1850-65. Historians generally come to the topic via an interest in the Civil War and especially in Lincoln, but in so doing, they saddle it with moral judgment and the burden of rather self-referential debates. The thesis argues that, whilst the era’s most noteworthy ventures into African American colonization did indeed emerge from the circumstances of the Civil War, and from the personal efforts of the president, one can actually offer the freshest insights on Lincoln by bearing in mind that colonization was, above all, a real policy. It enjoyed the support of other adherents too, and could be pursued by various means, which themselves might have undergone adjustment over time and by trial and error. Using an array of unpublished primary sources, the study finds that Lincoln and his allies actively pursued colonization for a longer time, and with more persistence in the face of setbacks, than scholars normally assume. The policy became entangled in considerations of whether it was primarily a domestic or an international matter, whilst other overlapping briefs also sabotaged its execution, even as the administration slowly learned various lessons about how not to go about its implementation.By early 1864, the resulting confusion, as well as the political fallout from the fiasco of the one expedition to go ahead, curtailed the president’s ability to continue with the policy. There are strong suggestions, however, that he had not repudiated colonization, and possibly looked to revive it, even as he showed a tentative interest in alternative futures for African Americans. This thesis makes a case against unrealistically binary thinking, anachronistic assumptions, abused hindsight, sweeping interpretive frameworks, and double standards of evidentiary assessment respecting a technically imperfect and ethically awkward policy.

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13

Haggerty, Michael. "A NECESSARY CRUELTY: VIOLENCE AND DISCIPLINE IN NORTH CAROLINA’S POST-CIVIL WAR PRISONS." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1406223803.

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14

Smith, Stephen G. "Secession, war and rebirth the Civil War in West Virginia's South Branch Valley of the Potomac /." Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2000. http://etd.wvu.edu/templates/showETD.cfm?recnum=1626.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--West Virginia University, 2000.
Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains iv, 278 p. : maps. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 258-272).

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15

Herrmann, Lee. "Totalitarian dynamics, colonial history, and modernity: the US south after the Civil War." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/664247.

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Los Afro-americanos han experimentado condiciones comparables a las de los estados más a menudo etiquetados totalitario en el trabajo forzoso y la política económica y la exclusión racial. Estas características de los totalitarismos derivan de prácticas más amplias en el núcleo o euroamericana "primer mundo", remontándose hasta el descubrimiento del Nuevo Mundo y su posterior peripheralización, extendido luego al mundo colonizado, que es el proceso de la primera revolución industrial y la creación histórica de la modernidad. La raza debe ser entendida como el efecto de la explotación laboral exterminationist colonial, no es la causa, en el sentido histórico. La causa es el desarrollo económico, que es el resultado inevitable de la captación de nuevos recursos mundiales. Esta misma perspectiva de largo plazo es necesaria para contextualizar correctamente los totalitarismos históricamente; en el vocabulario de Wallerstein del modelo núcleo-periferia, estas estados europeos semi-periféricos utilizan las técnicas desarrolladas por el núcleo y los aplicó a su propio desarrollo. El antisemitismo nazi se deriva de la anti-"black" el racismo que se desarrolló a través de la experiencia de explotación colonial. Los bolcheviques utilizó el trabajo forzoso para intentar construir un estado moderno moderno siguientes blueprints desarrollista (incluso una forma de representación política moderna). El sur de los Estados Unidos, comenzando con la reconstrucción el reconocimiento de los Afro-americanos como ciudadanos, es un sitio donde el trabajo forzoso de la industrialización y el racismo exterminationist del poder político son muy firmemente expresada, y en el país "libre" más políticamente "desarollado." Teorías del totalitarismo y la academia institucionalizada más generalmente no han podido abordar estos paralelos históricos o enfocarse en la conexión material entre la modernidad y la exclusión política racista y la explotación económica, en favor de una teología de la "libertad" que ignora la realidad de la supremacía blanca como el control económico y político de la maestría. Metodología: Las condiciones materiales y el trabajo forzoso en el URSS y en el sur de EEUU del sur, y las contingencias históricas que influyen en las decisiones de los actores históricos, se comparan, por ejemplo, las tasas de mortalidad en los gulag campamentos y en lugares de trabajo de Mississippi y Alabama de presos negros. El racismo biológico, especialmente su atención médica y cientificista, se remonta a la experiencia colonial, especialmente en el sur de Estados Unidos. Estos elementos estructurales de la modernidad colonial puede ser rastreado y analizado en las fuentes, es decir, los textos, mediante continuidades y convenciones texto-lingüísticas del discurso, por una parte, y a través de la verdadera historia de los acontecimientos pop la otra. El modelo del desarrollo utilizado es generalmente el de teoría World-System, pero desde una perspectiva más empírica que teórica y una con un enfoque en peripheralización como relación impuesta por el poder.
Black Americans experienced a level of repression comparable to that in the states most often called totalitarian in Gulag forced labor and Nazi racial exterminationism. These features of the totalitarianisms derive from broader practices in the Euro-American core or "first world," going back to the discovery of the New World and its subsequent peripheralization, later extending to the colonized globe, which is the process of the first industrial revolution and the historical creation of modernity. Race must be understood as the effect of exterminationist colonial labor exploitation, not the cause, in the historical sense. The cause is economic development, which is the inevitable result of the sequestration of New World resources. This very long-term point of view is necessary to properly contextualize the totalitarianisms historically; in the vocabulary of Wallerstein's core-periphery model, these semi-peripheral European states used the techniques developed by the core and applied them to their own development up to core status (or Great Powers). Nazi antisemitism is derivative of the anti-"black racism that developed through he experience of colonial exploitation. The Bolsheviks used forced labor to try and build a modern state following modern developmentalist blueprints (including modern political representation). The United States South, starting with the Reconstruction recognition of African-Americans as citizens, is a site where the forced labor of industrialization and exterminationist racism of political power are very strongly expressed, and in the most politically "advanced," "free" country. Theories of totalitarianism and institutionalized academia more generally have failed to address these historical parallels or the material connection between democratized modernity and racist political exclusion and economic exploitation, in favor of a teleology of "freedom" that ignores the reality of white supremacy as economic control and political mastery. Methodology: The material conditions of Soviet and Southern forced labor and the historical contingencies influencing the decisions of historical actors are compared, for example the death rates in Gulag camps and Mississippi and Alabama black prisoner-labor sites. Biological racism, especially its scientistic and medical emphasis, is traced through the colonial experience, especially the American South (with archival sources), to the Holocaust. These structural elements of settler- colonial modernity can be traced and analyzed in the sources, that is, the texts, by means of text- linguistic continuities and discourse conventions on the one hand, and through the real history of events on the other. The developmentalist model being used is generally that of World-System theory, but from an empirical rather than a theoretical perspective and with a focus on peripheralization as a relationship imposed by power.

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Wright, Brendan. "Civil war, politicide, and the politics of memory in South Korea, 1948-1961." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/59158.

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This thesis explores the history and memory of three incidents of massacres committed by South Korean government forces during the Korean civil war (1948-1953) against alleged "communists"—the Cheju Incident, the National Guidance League Incident, and the Kŏch'ang Incident. These three episodes were part of a broader "politicide" that was organized and facilitated by the nascent South Korean National Security State. Drawing from sources unearthed by the South Korean Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the National Committee for the Investigation of the Truth about the Cheju 4.3 Incident, and various bereaved family associations, this dissertation demonstrates that this politicide was rooted in processes of anticommunist ideological consolidation and state building that were predicated upon the obliteration of the "communist" other, in the context of a fratricidal civil war. From 1953 to 1960, in the aftermath of this period of mass violence, survivors and bereaved families were subjected to legal, economic, and social discrimination from the state, which threatened these families with "social death". Most profoundly, state prohibitions on the burial and mourning of "communists" engendered a social crises within these communities. However, some families were granted the right to mourn, and through the construction of mass graves honouring the victims, these families articulated an alternative identity than that imposed by the anticommunist state: one that was rooted in the notion of a unified bereaved subject. In 1960, the authoritarian First Republic collapsed, leading to a brief period of liberation. In this context, victims formed Bereaved Family Associations. Through petitions, advertisements, private and public mourning practices, and the establishment of "truth" committees, the Bereaved Family Associations offered a radical rethinking of the Korean War past. The lynchpin of this strategy was an alternative nationalist narrative in which the alleged "communists" were reconceived as patriotic martyrs for a not-yet-authored unified democratic state. However, in the wake of the military coup of May 16, 1961, these efforts were brutally repressed, as the military junta arrested and tortured the Bereaved Family Associations' leadership, destroyed monuments dedicated the atrocities' victims, and desecrated the mass graves built to honour the spirits of the dead.
Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate

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17

Noe, Jack Daniel. "The American South : commemoration, sectionalism & nationalism in the post-Civil War Era." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2017. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/19948/.

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This study analyses post-Civil War reunion and reconciliation, using white Southern engagement with commemorative activity as a lens through which to explore the tensions that lay behind the development of a post-Civil War American identity. It presents Fourth of July celebrations in the Reconstruction-Era South as highly politicized contested spaces and demonstrates that resumption of white Southern celebration of the Fourth was contingent on the political success of the Democratic Party. The Centennial Exhibition of 1876, a world’s fair celebrating one hundred years of American independence, provides the thesis’ central case study. The thesis demonstrates that discourse around the Exhibition reflected the fractured state of American nationalism in the 1870s. Some Southerners dismissed the Centennial outright, others engaged with it conditionally and pragmatically but this ostensibly unifying and celebratory fair served as an arena for reflecting deep sectional and partisan divisions. Running alongside this is a parallel narrative focused on African Americans. The thesis will examine, in a comparative light, African Americans’ engagement with national identity, and their use of commemoration to stake a claim to full citizenship and American identity in the post- Civil War era.

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18

John, Nerys. "South African intervention in the Angolan Civil War, 1975-1976 : motivations and implications." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/7928.

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Bibliography: leaves 137-146.
Between 1975-1976 South Africa intervened in the Angolan civil war. The invasion of a black African country was then an unprecedented event in South Africa's history. This dissertation explores the motivations behind, and implications of, South Africa's involvement in Angola. It firstly scrutinises the rationalisations given by the government of the day, specifically the four key objectives that the Defence Force claimed it had been pursuing. These were: the protection of South Africa's investment in the Cunene hydroelectric scheme; the 'hot pursuit' of Namibian guerrillas; the response to appeals from two of the liberation movements in Angola; and finally, the need to counter communist, specifically Cuban, intervention in Angola.

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Poteat, R. Matthew. ""To the Last Man and the Last Dollar" Governor Henry Toole Clark and Civil War North Carolina, July 1861 to September 1862 /." NCSU, 2005. http://www.lib.ncsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07112005-210225/.

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This thesis examines the life and political career of Henry Toole Clark, the second of North Carolina?s three Civil War governors. Clark served one term as the state?s chief executive from July 1861 to September 1862, a crucial period in which North Carolina established itself as a constituent member of the Confederate States and first suffered the hardships of war. As the leader of the state in that formative period, he mobilized thousands of troops for the Southern cause, established the first, and only, Confederate prison in North Carolina, arranged the production of salt for the war effort, created European purchasing connections, and built a successful and important gunpowder mill. Clark, however, found more success as an administrator than as a political figure. The Edgecombe County planter devoted over twenty years to the service of the Democratic Party at the local, state, and national levels, and over ten years as a state senator. As governor, he was unable to maneuver in the new political world ushered in by the Civil War, and he retired abruptly from public service at the end of his term. Clark?s life and career offer insight into the larger world of the antebellum planter-politician, that dominant group of southern leaders who led the region into dependence upon slavery and, ultimately, to war. Though the planter class was diverted from power for a brief time during Reconstruction, the political and racial ideology of that class would shape conservative white southern thought for the next hundred years.

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Higgins, Thomas F. "Efficient Action in the Construction of Field Fortification: A Study of the Civil War Defenses of Raleigh, North Carolina." W&M ScholarWorks, 1985. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625291.

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21

Shaw, Hunter D. "For home and country Confederate nationalism in western North Carolina." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4583.

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This study examines Confederate nationalism in Western North Carolina during the Civil War. Using secondary sources, newspapers, civilian, and soldiers' letters, this study will show that most Appalachians demonstrated a strong loyalty to their new Confederate nation. However, while a majority Appalachian Confederates maintained a strong Confederate nationalism throughout the war; many Western North Carolinians were not loyal to the Confederacy. Critically analyzing Confederate nationalism in Western North Carolina will show that conceptions of loyalty and disloyalty are not absolute, in other words, Appalachia was not purely loyal or disloyal.
ID: 029050263; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2010.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 146-151).
M.A.
Masters
Department of History
Arts and Humanities

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22

Harrell, Maegan K. "Parallel Identities: Southern Appalachia and the Southern Concepts of Gender During the American Civil War." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2014. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2407.

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Southern concepts of gender influenced Appalachian society throughout the antebellum and Civil War eras. Concepts of masculinity and femininity, including “the cult of true womanhood” and Southern manhood, shifted and broaden throughout the South due to wartime stressors. Appalachians adjusted these gender roles in order to survive chaos and turmoil in their region. The brutal political and community divisions, high rates of desertion, guerilla warfare, and threats of invasion in the mountain regions intensified these concepts of gender. Southern constructions of gender molded the Appalachian experience of war but the high level of conflict strengthened these new roles as a means of survival.

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Jones, Cherisse Renee. "Repairers of the breach black and white women and racial activism in South Carolina, 1940s-1960s /." Connect to this title online, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1060706692.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.
Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 256 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 247-256). Abstract available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center; full text release delayed at author's request until 2006 Aug. 12.

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Stahler, Kimberly Dawn. "Three Dead in South Carolina: Student Radicalization and the Forgotten Orangeburg Massacre." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1523443674232565.

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Lytle, Stephen Charles. "Giving Voice to the Past: New Editions of Select Repertoire of the 26th Regiment Band, North Carolina Troops, C.S.A." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1273167211.

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Jordan, Amanda Shrader. "Faith in Action: The First Citizenship School on Johns Island, South Carolina." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2008. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1964.

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This thesis examines the first Citizenship School, its location, participants, and success. Johns Islanders, Esau Jenkins, Septima Clark, Myles Horton, Bernice Robinson, and the Highlander Folk School all collaborated to create this school. Why and how this success was reached is the main scope of this manuscript. Emphasis is also placed on the school's impact upon the modern Civil Rights Movement. Primary sources such as personal accounts, manuscripts, and archive collections were examined. Secondary sources were also researched for this manuscript. The conclusion reached from these sources is that faith was the driving force behind the success of the Citizenship School. The schools unlocked the chains of political, social, and economic disenfranchisement for Gullah Islanders and African Americans all over the South, greatly affecting the outcome of the Civil Rights Movement. African Americans, who had once been forced into second-class citizenship, now through faith and the vote, obtained first-class citizenship.

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Berends, Kurt O. "#Thus saith the Lord' : the Bible and the Southern Evangelical world view in the era of the American Civil War." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390273.

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28

Adkins, Edward. "Opening Pandora's box : Richard Nixon, South Carolina, and the southern strategy, 1968-1972." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:594d27ff-85d8-4a72-9f99-a8d9ffd563e3.

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Much discussed and little understood, Richard Nixon's southern strategy demands scrutiny. A brief survey of the literature suggests that study on this controversial topic has reached an impasse. Southern historians keen to emphasise the importance of class in the region's partisan development over the last fifty years insist that any southern strategy predicated on racialised appeals to disaffected white conservatives was doomed to failure. Conversely, conventional accounts of the Nixon era remain wedded to the view that the southern strategy represented a successful devil's bargain whereby an avaricious Californian exchanged the promise of racial justice for black southerners in return for white Dixie's electoral votes. Most sobering of all are political scientists concerned with executive power, who evidence the limited discretion enjoyed by presidents to implement any agenda inimical to the corporate will of the federal bureaucracy. Since Nixon's executive departments were brimming with Democratic holdovers from the Kennedy and Johnson years, the question of whether or not the President demanded concessions to southern racists apparently becomes more or less irrelevant: the 'fourth branch' of the federal government inevitably ensured that a southern strategy was simply impossible to execute. In reality, much of this stalemate is the product of academic territorial warfare on the battleground of a subject wide open to multiple interpretations. A southern historian keen to showcase the importance of his local research is likely to show little interest in evidence that a President based in Washington D.C. could initiate social change in Tuscaloosa, Alabama. Similarly, political scientists fighting an unrewarding battle to emphasise the autonomy of federal departments are naturally disinclined to highlight examples of presidential willpower altering bureaucratic culture. Nevertheless, an intriguing paradox remains in evidence. Despite leaning more towards the political philosophy of antediluvian white southerners than the demands of black Americans, Richard Nixon presided over a period of such fundamental social reconstruction below the Mason-Dixie line that he could legitimately claim to have desegregated more southern schools than any other President in history. Whilst a raft of excellent monologues demonstrating the impact of local movements down South on national politics have been published over the last decade, few have even attempted to explain this peculiar phenomenon. As Matthew Lassiter observed in a Journal of American History roundtable on American conservatism in December 2011, 'the recent pendulum swing has overstated the case for a rightward shift in American politics by focusing too narrowly on partisan narratives and specific election cycles rather than on the more complex dynamics of political culture, political economy, and public policy.' The purpose of this thesis is to explain how a President notorious for pursuing the votes of white segregationists rested at the head of a federal government that ruthlessly dismantled Jim Crow. By incorporating the range of methodologies elucidated above, it will identify exactly how much influence President Nixon and his executive officers exerted over civil rights policy. Was Nixon's reactionary agenda thwarted by over-mighty bureaucrats? Or did the President act more responsibly than the majority of commentators have admitted?

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Wells, Jennifer. "The Black Freedom Struggle and Civil Rights Labor Organizing in the Piedmont and Eastern North Carolina Tobacco Industry." Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4790.

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This thesis examines labor organizing in the U.S. South, specifically the Piedmont and eastern regions of North Carolina in the mid-twentieth century. It aims to uncover an often overlooked local history of civil rights labor organizing which challenged the southern status quo before America's 'mainstream' civil rights era of the 1950s and 1960s. This study argues that through labor organizing, African American tobacco workers challenged the class, gender, and race hierarchy of North Carolina's very profitable tobacco industry during the first half of the twentieth century. In doing so, the thesis contributes to the historiography of black working class protest, and the ever-expanding field of local civil rights histories and the long civil rights movement.

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Bruch, Tamara Elaine Carroll Alicia. "The evolution of the South Eliza Frances Andrews, General William T. Sherman, and green interpretations of the Civil War /." Auburn, Ala, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10415/1677.

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Bortolot, Zachary J., Carolyn A. Copenheaver, Robert L. Longe, and Aardt Jan A. N. Van. "Development of a White Oak Chronology Using Live Trees and a Post-Civil War Cabin in South-Central Virginia." Tree-Ring Society, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/251623.

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A 280-year old white oak chronology was developed for south-central Virginia to verify the timber harvesting and construction dates of a cabin located on the Reynolds Homestead Research Center. A plaque on the cabin stated that the logs were harvested in 1814. However, the outer rings of the logs dated to 1875 and 1876. From the land-use history of the area, the cabin was most likely constructed to house tenant farmers after the Civil War. Most of the periods of below average growth identified in the 280-year chronology were related to drought events. Correlations between the radial growth of the white oak with temperature and precipitation data from a local weather station were examined. Precipitation had more influence on radial growth than temperature, and significant correlations (p = 0.05) existed between radial growth and precipitation from the previous September, the current April, and the current June.

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Richard, Ashlie. "A Case Study of Civil War Environmental and Medical History Through the Disease Seasoning of the 58th North Carolina Infantry Regiment in East Tennessee." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2020. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3784.

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This thesis is a case study aimed at a key argument in the emerging field of Civil War medical and environmental history. While historians have long acknowledged disease as a major killer during the Civil War, only recently have environmental and medical historians turned their collective attentions to unpacking the complex interconnections of disease, environmental conditions, and culture. By examining the 58th North Carolina Infantry Regiment from the mountains of western North Carolina, this thesis asserts that the combined role of the disease environment and conditions in military camps created the massive outbreaks of disease that characterized the seasoning process of the regiment. Furthermore, the soldiers were practical in their response to conditions, weighing family, nation, and other factors in the face of death. When the threat of disease combined with personal and other factors, many soldiers deserted or took other actions of self-preservation over loyalty to the Confederacy.

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Richard, Ashlie. "A Case Study of Civil War Environmental and Medical History Through the Disease Seasoning of the 58th North Carolina Infantry Regiment in East Tennessee." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2008. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3784.

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This thesis is a case study aimed at a key argument in the emerging field of Civil War medical and environmental history. While historians have long acknowledged disease as a major killer during the Civil War, only recently have environmental and medical historians turned their collective attentions to unpacking the complex interconnections of disease, environmental conditions, and culture. By examining the 58th North Carolina Infantry Regiment from the mountains of western North Carolina, this thesis asserts that the combined role of the disease environment and conditions in military camps created the massive outbreaks of disease that characterized the seasoning process of the regiment. Furthermore, the soldiers were practical in their response to conditions, weighing family, nation, and other factors in the face of death. When the threat of disease combined with personal and other factors, many soldiers deserted or took other actions of self-preservation over loyalty to the Confederacy.

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Hoskins, Patricia Ann Noe Kenneth W. ""The Old First is with the South " The Civil War, Reconstruction, and memory in the Jackson Purchase Region of Kentucky /." Auburn, Ala, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10415/1685.

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Kiguli, Susan Nalugwa. "Oral poetry and popular song in post-apartheid South Africa and post-civil war Uganda : a comparative study of contemporary performance." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.411560.

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Joo, Hyo Sung. "South Korean Men and the Military: The Influence of Conscription on the Political Behavior of South Korean Males." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1048.

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This thesis evaluates the effects of compulsory military service in South Korea on the political behavior of men from a public policy standpoint. I take an institutional point of view on conscription, in that conscription forces the military to accept individuals with minimal screening. Given the distinct set of values embodied by the military, I hypothesize that the military would need a powerful, comprehensive, and fast program of indoctrination to re-socialize civilians into military uniform, trustable enough to be entrusted with a gun or a confidential document. Based on the existence of such a program and related academic literature, I go on to look at how a military attitude has political implications, especially for the security-environment of the Korean peninsula. Given the ideological nature of the inter-Korean conflict, the South Korean military was biased against the liberals, as liberals were most likely to generate policies supporting conciliatory and cooperative measures towards North Korea, like the removal of U.S. forces from South Korea and the repeal of the National Security Laws that outlaw discussion of communism. For an empirical evaluation, I pose the hypothesis that this political bias would manifest itself in the male public via the military’s indoctrinative program. With data from the Korean General Social Survey, the Public Opinion and Foreign Policy, and the South Korean General Election Panel Study, I have found that males respond acutely to specific security issues in favor or against according to the military’s point of view. However, the evidence for an overall bias on political parties generally was inconclusive. The uncertainty was mainly rooted in the fact that liberal parties have strategically avoided speaking out on specific policy issues during election.

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Esplin, Emron Lee. "Racial mixture and Civil War the histories of the U.S. South and Mexico in the novels of William Faulkner and Carlos Fuentes /." Diss., Connect to online resource - MSU authorized users, 2008.

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Aleu-Baak, Machar Wek. "Perceptions and Voices of South Sudanese About the North-South Sudan Conflict." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/184.

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The conflict in Sudan reflects historic hatred and ethnic discrimination between Northern Arab Muslims and Southern African Christians and Animists. The longest and worst conflict began in 1983 and ended in 2005, when African Christians and Animists struggled to form an interim autonomous government. This conflict claimed 2 million lives from both sides and displaced almost 4 million people from the South. This thesis attempts to understand how people from Southern Sudan perceive the root causes and sustaining factors of the Sudanese conflict between Arab Muslims and African Christians. This research looks specifically into the roles of ethnic differences and religion. In this study, 10 emigrants from South Sudan were chosen to present their perceptions and views about the conflict, in the form of written responses to 22 questions. Analysis of their responses in light of conflict resolution literature suggests that the North-South Sudan conflict involves complex issues primarily fueled by ethnic and religious differences. This research reveals that South Sudanese refugees from varying backgrounds and professions expressed similar experiences of racial, religious discrimination and political and economic marginalization, and suggests that Sudan's July, 2011 declaration of independence, creating two separate nations, North and South Sudan, was a positive solution to achieving a just peace.

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Collopy, Catherine T. "Seeking the Middle in a Sectionalizing America: James Dinsmore and the Shaping of Regional Cultural Economies, 1816-1872." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1447688709.

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Crider, Jonathan B. "Printing Politics: The Emergence of Political Parties in Florida, 1821-1861." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2017. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/427023.

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History
Ph.D.
This dissertation makes three key arguments regarding politics and print culture in antebellum Florida. First, Florida’s territorial status, historic geographical divisions, and local issues necessitated the use of political parties. Second, Florida’s political parties evolved from a focus on charismatic men and local geographic loyalties to loyalty to party regardless of who was running to national and regional loyalties above local issues and men. Lastly, the central and most consistent aspect of Florida’s political party development was the influence of newspapers and their editors. To understand Florida politics in the nineteenth century it is necessary to recognize how the personal, geographical, and political divisions in Florida’s territorial past remained a critical factor in the development and function of national political parties in Florida. The local divisions within Florida in the 1820s created factions and personal loyalties that would later help characterize national parties in the 1840s. Political leaders, with the help of editors and their newspapers, created factions based more on personal loyalties than on ideology. By the 1850s party loyalty became paramount over personal or regional loyalties. In the last years before the Civil War Democrats linked Southern loyalty to the Democratic party and accused their opposition of treason against the South leading Florida and the nation to Civil War. Yet, throughout these political changes, editors and their newspapers remained central to political success, becoming the voice of political parties and critical to attracting and maintaining potential voters. In addition to understanding how politics functioned in antebellum Florida, this dissertation contributes to our larger understanding of the Second Party System and the South. An underlying argument of this dissertation is that while the Democrats tended to be better organized and more ideologically coherent, the Whigs suffered from constant in-fighting and splintering. This led to the Democratic domination of politics and, in the South, the ability of secession supporters to control the public conversation during the Sectional Crisis of the 1850s and lead the nation to war. This dissertation also claims that there is not just one South but many and exposes the myth of a changeless and monolithic South.
Temple University--Theses

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Troy, Daniel Conor. "Ruining the King’s Cause in America: The Defeat of the Loyalists in the Revolutionary South, 1774-1781." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1436285532.

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Rhodes, Quinn J. "Limited war under the nuclear umbrella an analysis of India's Cold Start doctrine and its implications for stability on the subcontinent /." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FRhodes.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.
Thesis Advisor(s): Kapur, Paul S. ; Second Reader: Porch, Douglas. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Cold Start, principal-agent problem, compellence, civil-military relations, inter-service rivalry, escalation, deliberate and inadvertent, limited war, nuclear weapons. Includes bibliographical references (p. 101-108). Also available in print.

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Gassner, Patricia. "Icons of war photography : how war photographs are reinforced in collective memory : a study of three historical reference images of war and conflict." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2461.

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Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.
There are certain images of war that are horrific, frightening and at the same time, due to an outstanding compositional structure, they are fascinating and do not allow its observers to keep their distance. This thesis examines three images of war that have often been described as icons of war photography. The images “children fleeing a napalm strike” by Nick Ut, “the falling soldier” by Robert Capa and Sam Nzima’s photograph of Hector Pieterson are historical reference images that came to represent the wars and conflicts in which they were taken. It has been examined that a number of different factors have an impact on a war photograph’s awareness level and its potential to commit itself to what is referred to as collective consciousness. Such factors are the aesthetical composition and outstanding formal elements in connection with the exact moment the photograph was taken, ethical implications or the forcefulness of the event itself. As it has been examined in this thesis, the three photographs have achieved iconic status due to different circumstances and criteria and they can be described as historical reference images representing the specific wars or conflicts. In this thesis an empirical study was conducted, questioning 660 students from Spain, South Africa and Vietnam about their awareness level regarding the three selected photographs. While the awareness level of the Spanish and the South African image was rather high in the countries of origin, they did not achieve such a high international awareness level as the Vietnamese photograph by Nick Ut, which turned out to be exceptionally well-known by all students questioned. Overall, findings suggest that the three selected icons of war photography have been anchored in collective memory. Ut, Robert Capa, Sam Nzima, semiotics, Spanish Civil War, the falling soldier, Vietnam War

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Ognibene, Terri Ann. "Discovering the Voices of the Segregated: Oral History of the Educational Experiences of the Turkish People of Sumter County, South Carolina." unrestricted, 2008. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04262008-165638/.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2008.
Title from file title page. Joyce E. Many, committee chair; Mary Ariail, Randy Fair, Dana Fox, Carol Semonsky, committee members. Electronic text (240 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed July 7, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 220-229).

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Grogan, John. "Emergency law: judicial control of executive power under the states of emergency in South Africa." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003189.

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This work examines the legal effects of a declaration of a state of emergency under the Public Safety Act 3 of 1953 and the exercise of legislative and administrative powers pursuant thereto. The general basis of judicial control over executive action and the various devices used to limit or oust the court's jurisdiction are set out and explained. Against this background, the courts' performance of their supervisory role under the special circumstances of emergency rule is critically surveyed and assessed. The legal issues raised by the exercise of emergency powers is examined at the various levels of their deployment: first, the declaration of a state of emergency; second, the making of emergency regulations; third, their execution by means of administrative action, including detention, banning, censorship and the use of force. The major cases concerning emergency issues, both reported and unreported, are analysed in their appropriate contexts, and an overview provided of the effects of emergency regulations and orders on such freedoms as South Africans enjoy under the 'ordinary' law. Finally, an attempt is made to assess how these decisions have affected the prospect of judicial review of executive action, both in the emergency context and in the field of administrative law generally. The conclusion is that, however far the Appellate Division may appear to have gone towards eliminating the role of the law in the emergency regime, grounds remain for the courts to exercise a more vigorous supervisory role should they choose to do so in future.

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Wallace, Jessica Lynn. ""Building Forts in Their Heart": Anglo-Cherokee Relations on the Mid-Eighteenth-Century Southern Frontier." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1404334391.

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Albassam, Mohammed. "The Effects of Frequent Atmospheric Events and Hydrologic Infrastructure on Flow Characterization in Tims Branch and its Major Tributary, SC." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3732.

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Hydrological models are powerful tools used to predict water systems behavior such as flow and water level characteristics for rivers and streams. In this research, a fully dynamic 1-D model was developed using the MIKE 11 model for a specific stream called A-014, this stream is in the Savannah River Site (SRS), SC. A field study was conducted in order to collect data needed as inputs for the model development. Data like water velocity and cross-section measurement played a major role in understanding the behavior of the A-014 and the validation of our model. Results showed a correlation capable to predict the water flow of the A-014 stream and how it can be affected by atmospheric events and hydrologic infrastructure. Rain fall events had a big effect in the stream flow by increasing it along many cross-sections. In addition, hydrological infrastructures effected the stream flow by slowing it down and by forming ponds around the culvert and weir which are located in the A-014 stream.

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Edmondson, Taulby Hawthorne. "The Wind Goes On: 'Gone with the Wind' and the Imagined Geographies of the American South." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/82863.

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Published in 1936, Margaret Mitchell's Gone with the Wind achieved massive literary success before being adapted into a motion picture of the same name in 1939. The novel and film have amassed numerous accolades, inspired frequent reissues, and sustained mass popularity. This dissertation analyzes evidence of audience reception in order to assess the effects of Gone with the Wind's version of Lost Cause collective memory on the construction of the Old South, Civil War, and Lost Cause in the American imagination from 1936 to 2016. By utilizing the concept of prosthetic memory in conjunction with older, still-existing forms of collective cultural memory, Gone with the Wind is framed as a newly theorized mass cultural phenomenon that perpetuates Lost Cause historical narratives by reaching those who not only identify closely with it, but also by informing what nonidentifying consumers seeking historical authenticity think about the Old South and Civil War. In so doing, this dissertation argues that Gone with the Wind is both an artifact of the Lost Cause collective memory that it, more than anything else, legitimized in the twentieth century and a multi-faceted site where memory of the South and Civil War is still created. My research is grounded in the field of memory studies, in particular the work of Pierre Nora, Eric Hobsbawn, Andreas Huyssen, Michael Kammen, and Alison Landsberg. In chapter one, I track the reception of Gone with the Wind among white American audiences and define the phenomenon as rooted in Benedict Anderson's conception of the nation. I further argue that Gone with the Wind's Lost Causism provided white national subjects with a collective memory of slavery and the Civil War that made sense of continuing racial tensions during Jim Crow and justified white resistance to African American equality. Gone with the Wind, in other words, reconciled the lingering ideological divisions between white northerners and southerners who then were more concerned with protecting white supremacy. In chapter two and three, I analyze Gone with the Wind's continuing popularity throughout the twentieth century and its significant influence on other sites of national memory. Chapter four uses contemporary user reviews of Gone with the Wind DVD and Blu-ray collector's editions to reveal that the phenomenon remains popular. Throughout this study I analyze the history of black resistance to the Gone with the Wind phenomenon. For African Americans, Gone with the Wind's Lost Causism has always been understood as justification for racism, imbuing the white national conscious with a mythological history of slavery and black inferiority. As I argue, black protestors to Gone with the Wind were correct, as the phenomenon has always resonated most during moments of increased racial tension such as during the civil rights era and following the Charleston Church Massacre in 2015.
Ph. D.

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Robinson, Sarah Elizabeth. "Civil Liberties and National Unity: Reaction to the Sedition Act in the Southern States, 1798." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1062890/.

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The traditional narrative of political party development in the United States of America during the latter half of the 1790s ascribes the decline in popularity of the Federalist Party in the Election of 1800 to that party's passage of controversial legislation, specifically the Sedition Act of 1798, prior to the election. Between the passage of the Sedition Act and the Election of 1800, however, the midterm elections of 1798-1799 transpired and resulted in a significant increase in Federalist popularity in four states – North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and Virginia. This study seeks to ascertain why these four states increased their support for the Federalist Party in 1798-1799, despite the passage of the Sedition Act by the Federalist Party. By examining newspapers and election results, this study analyzes the reaction of these four states to the passage of the Sedition Act and finds that generally, these states did not react strongly against the Sedition Act in the immediate aftermath of its passage. Instead, all four states urged national unity and emphasized the need to support the national government because the United States faced the threat of war with France. This study employs a state-by-state formula to determine each state's individual reaction to the Sedition Act and the Quasi-War, finding that ultimately, the Sedition Act did not have as significant of an impact in these states as the popular narrative holds.

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Strandow, Daniel. "Fighting for Aid : Foreign Funding and Civil Conflict Intensity." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-231034.

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This dissertation focuses on the sub-national impact of foreign aid on civil conflicts by asking the question: How does foreign aid committed to contested areas affect the intensity of violence in those areas? The main theoretical contribution is to focus on how aid influences warring parties’ decisions to engage in contests over territorial control and how that in turn influences violence intensity. The study introduces two concepts: funding concentration and barriers to exploiting aid. A contested area has greater concentration of funding if warring parties expect a high value of aid to be distributed to only a few locations. Funding is instead diffused if the parties expect aid to be spread over many locations. A low barrier to exploiting aid is present if it is of a type that both state and non-state actors could potentially misuse. There is a high barrier if territorial control is required in order to exploit funding channels. The theory introduces three testable implications: First, greater funding concentration encourages conventional contests over territorial control, which increases military fatalities. The second proposal is that if there is a low barrier to exploiting aid (e.g. humanitarian and food aid) then there will be increased competition between warring parties and civilians, and hence more civilian fatalities. Third, high barrier funding (e.g. education aid) will motivate contests over territorial control and increase military fatalities. This dissertation uses geo-coded aid commitments data and introduces data of warring parties’ battleground control in sub-Saharan Africa, 1989–2008. The research design relies on propensity score matching where pairs of observations are matched based on a range of covariates. The results concerning barriers to exploitation are partially supported. High barrier aid increases military fatalities whereas low barrier aid has little impact on violence. Greater funding concentration increases military fatalities substantially compared to if there is low or no funding concentration. In line with theory, greater funding concentration does not increase civilian fatalities.

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