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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'South carolina, history'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Marshall, Amani N. "Enslaved women runaways in South Carolina, 1820--1865." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3278199.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History, 2007.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-09, Section: A, page: 4025. Adviser: Claude Clegg. Title from dissertation home page (viewed May 7, 2008).
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2

Egner, Harry Charles Jr. "Mutatis mutandis| Desegregating the Catholic schools in South Carolina." Thesis, College of Charleston, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1600167.

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The Catholic Diocese of South Carolina engaged in an extensive preparation program to ready the Catholic community for desegregation several years before the process occurred in 1963. After the Brown v. Board of Education decision, the diocese took steps to work for racial justice even though Catholics made up a small minority of the state’s population. In 1961, Bishop Paul J. Hallinan issued a Pastoral Letter that outlined the preparation process towards desegregation. The diocesan actions included integrating the first elementary school in South Carolina, challenging local politicians who were hostile to racial equality, and the development of a Syllabus on Racial Justice. While it took the diocese nine years to desegregate, the planning process allowed for an orderly transition. This work places the South Carolina Catholic desegregation story within the context of the struggle for and resistance to what C. Vann Woodward referred to as the Second Reconstruction.

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3

Williams, Jan Mark. "Stretching the Chains: Runaway Slaves in South Carolina and Jamaica." W&M ScholarWorks, 1991. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625689.

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4

Bell, Pierson J. "The Struggle for the South Carolina Backcountry, 1775-1776." W&M ScholarWorks, 2007. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626534.

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5

McIntyre, Larry. "The South Carolina Black Code and its legacy." Thesis, The University of North Carolina at Charlotte, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10117988.

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In December 1865 the South Carolina State Legislature ratified a series of laws designed to control the social and economic futures of the freedpeople. Informally known as the Black Code, South Carolina’s white leadership claimed these laws protected blacks from their own naiveté in their newfound freedom. Rather, the Black Code relegated African Americans to inferiority and perpetuated the long-standing belief in white supremacy that permeated the South.

The South Carolina Black Code limited the freedmen’s civil rights, regulated their employment opportunities, and attacked the details of their most intimate personal relationships. Despite the challenges they faced, African American’s did not quietly accept their new quasi-slave status. In South Carolina, the freedmen voiced their concerns regarding the new laws and became active in state politics. African Americans embraced their opportunity to create positive political change, which along with other factors ultimately led to the demise of the Black Code. With support both locally and nationally, black South Carolinians soon gained rights previously denied to them. In less than a year’s time, the South Carolina Black Code ceased to exist as a result of state and federal legislation.

The significance of the South Carolina Black Code was not as much in the letter of the laws themselves, but rather in the message the creation of the code sent to both the freedpeople and their supporters. To South Carolina’s white leadership, though free, African Americans were not their equals. Moreover, the Black Code established precedent for future laws designed to discriminate against African Americans. The Black Code created a foundation for antebellum-like hostilities against former slaves in the post-bellum South. Segregation and violence ensued and fostered a legacy that lasted for almost a century.

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6

Zuczek, Richard M. "State of rebellion : people's war in reconstruction South Carolina, 1865-1877 /." The Ohio State University, 1993. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487848891512231.

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7

Stubbs, Tristan Michael Cormac. "The plantation overseers of eighteenth-century Virginia, South Carolina and Georgia." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608227.

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8

Silver, Timothy Howard. "A new face on the countryside: Indians and colonists in the Southeastern forest (ecology, environment, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina)." W&M ScholarWorks, 1985. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623759.

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Using ecological literature and an ethnohistorical approach, this dissertation examines the nature and extent of environmental change resulting from European colonization in Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia.;European explorers in the Southeast saw mixed hardwood forests, pinelands, savannahs, marshlands, and inland swamps. These diverse habitats were home to an infinite variety of wildlife, including whitetailed deer, black bears, wild turkeys, buffalo, elk, and beaver. The landscape had been shaped by long-term ecological change and by varying patterns of topography, rainfall, and fire.;The environment had also been altered by Indians. Southeastern Indians were neither despoilers nor conservators of nature. Seeking subsistence and survival, they fished, farmed, hunted, and periodically burned the woods, all of which affected the various ecosystems.;Early contact between natives and Europeans introduced Old World diseases into the Southeast which killed Indians by the thousands. With their culture torn apart by depopulation, the natives ensured their survival by finding a place within the European system. Indians willingly supplied colonists with animal skins, meat, and medicinal plants, a systematic trade which led to the extinction of buffalo and elk and nearly wiped out beaver, deer, and ginseng.;Agricultural clearing by colonists reshaped local climates. Selective cutting of white and live oak, white cedar, and baldcypress made those trees scarce in settled regions. Naval stores production reduced sizeable tracts of pinelands to patches of scrubby hardwoods.;Commercial agriculture exhausted and eroded soils. Domestic animals destroyed native grasses and woody plants. European grasses and weeds, carried by transplanted livestock, replaced indigenous species. Agriculture and ranching simplified existing relationships between plants and animals, creating an ecologically unstable "new South.".;Attributing such changes solely to European capitalism is an oversimplification. Since his arrival in North America, man has been alienated from nature. The innovations of a capitalist economy triggered complex cultural interaction between Indians, colonists, slaves, and the land itself, a dialectic which pushed all three groups toward exploitation of the environment.
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9

Stahler, Kimberly Dawn. "Three Dead in South Carolina: Student Radicalization and the Forgotten Orangeburg Massacre." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1523443674232565.

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10

Hollingsworth, David E. "POLITICAL PIETY: EVANGELICALS AND THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION IN SOUTH CAROLINA AND GEORGIA." Lexington, Ky. : [University of Kentucky Libraries], 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10225/1050.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Kentucky, 2009.
Title from document title page (viewed on September 16, 2009). Document formatted into pages; contains: viii, 234 p. : ill., maps. Includes abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 220-233).
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11

Talley, Harold Glymph. "City council minutes reveal Black life in Charleston and Greenville, South Carolina, 1850-1900." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1991. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1373.

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In this dissertation, the writer has been concerned with the life of blacks In Charleston and Greenville, South Carolina during slavery, Reconstruction and early segregation. Throughout history, the black: segment- of the pOPlJlatlon hae played an important role in the aevelopment of their cities. However, the I nst i tut Ions of s j avery ana segrega tl on createa a distinct economic, political and social order for blacks. As blacks struggled to improve their life style, they found the city government to be an avenue of change. The writer has selected city council minutes as a means of filling in a portion of the missing segment of history. It is hoped that the material in this dissertation uncovered the vital role Blacks played In shaping the communities of Charleston and GreenvilIe, South Carolina.
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12

Buchanan, J. E. "The Colleton family and the early history of South Carolina and Barbados: 1646-1775." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.329665.

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13

Woytonik, Kristen Ann. "Authority and Consent: Politics, Power, and Plunder in Charleston, South Carolina, 1700-1745." W&M ScholarWorks, 2011. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626651.

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14

Hall, John A. "Quieting the storm : the establishment of order in post-revolutionary South Carolina." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.303537.

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15

Witzig, Fred. "The Great Anti-Awakening anti-revivalism in Philadelphia and Charles Town, South Carolina, 1739-1745 /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3319836.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History, 2008.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on May 13, 2009). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-08, Section: A, page: 3292. Adviser: Stephen J. Stein.
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16

Weber, Heidi Amelia-Anne. "Power, Prestige, and Influence of the Nineteenth Century Upcountry Georgia, South Carolina and North Carolina Cotton Planters and Their Appropriation of the Greek Revival House." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1447787950.

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17

Cox, Samuel P. "Slavery and a Low Country South Carolina Merchant-Planter Elite: The Dilemma of Henry Laurens." W&M ScholarWorks, 1993. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625842.

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18

Bledsoe, Julia Grace. "The Failure of Colonial Government and the American Revolution in South Carolina: A Long View." W&M ScholarWorks, 1996. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626071.

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19

Sawyer, Angus Caldwell. "History, historical archaeology, and cultural resource management a case study from Jasper County, South Carolina /." Click here to access dissertation, 2008. http://www.georgiasouthern.edu/etd/archive/spring2008/angus_c_sawyer/sawyer_angus_c_200801_ma.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia Southern University, 2008.
"A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Georgia Southern University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts." Under the direction of Sue Mullins Moore. ETD. Electronic version approved: May 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 97-102)
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20

Whitford, Peter Kurt. "“No Unimportant Part to Play”: South Carolina’s General Assembly During the American Civil War." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1321925192.

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21

Gillin, Kate Fraser. ""From eager lips came shrill hurrahs": Women, gender, and racial violence in South Carolina, 1865--1900." W&M ScholarWorks, 2007. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623512.

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In the years following the Civil War, southerners struggled to adapt to the changes wrought by the war. Many, however, worked to resist those changes. In particular, southern men fought the revised racial and gender roles that resulted from defeat and emancipation. Southern men felt emasculated by both events and sought to consolidate the control they had enjoyed before the war. In their efforts to restore their pre-war hegemony, these men used coercion and violence with regularity.;White southern women were often as adamant as their male counterparts. Women of the elite classes were most eager to bolster antebellum ideals of womanhood, the privileges of which they enjoyed and guarded carefully. In keeping with the turmoil of the war, however, white women endorsed, encouraged, and engaged in acts of racial violence alongside their men. Such behavior may have been intended to preserve the antebellum order, but it served only to alter it.;In addition, black women were as determined to carve out a measure of womanhood for themselves as powerfully as white women worked to keep it from them. Black women asserted their rights as mothers, wives, and independent free women in the post-war years. Ironically, they too participated in acts of intimidation and racial violence in an effort to safeguard their rights. Such activities did not simply force the inclusion of black women in white definitions of womanhood, but altered the meaning of womanhood for both races.;The fields of battle on which these men and women engaged included the struggle for land and labor immediately following the war's end; the rise of black politicization and the reaction of white Democrats; the creation of the Ku Klux Klan as an agent of both gender and politics; the election of 1876 in which men and women of both races used the political contest to assert their competing gender definitions; and the rise of lynching as the final, desperate act of antebellum white manhood. Despite the reactionary nature of white women's activism, the fact of their activism and the powerful presence of black women in these violent exchanges reshaped the nature of southern gender roles forever.
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22

Jordan, Amanda Shrader. "Faith in Action: The First Citizenship School on Johns Island, South Carolina." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2008. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1964.

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This thesis examines the first Citizenship School, its location, participants, and success. Johns Islanders, Esau Jenkins, Septima Clark, Myles Horton, Bernice Robinson, and the Highlander Folk School all collaborated to create this school. Why and how this success was reached is the main scope of this manuscript. Emphasis is also placed on the school's impact upon the modern Civil Rights Movement. Primary sources such as personal accounts, manuscripts, and archive collections were examined. Secondary sources were also researched for this manuscript. The conclusion reached from these sources is that faith was the driving force behind the success of the Citizenship School. The schools unlocked the chains of political, social, and economic disenfranchisement for Gullah Islanders and African Americans all over the South, greatly affecting the outcome of the Civil Rights Movement. African Americans, who had once been forced into second-class citizenship, now through faith and the vote, obtained first-class citizenship.
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23

Hoit-Thetford, Elizabeth. "An Educational History of the Gullahs of Coastal South Carolina from 1700 to 1900 (black Education)." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 1986. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2922.

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The educational efforts of the first fifty years of the 1700s for the Gullahs, black slaves brought to South Carolina's low country, were a by-product of the Church of England's concern for the souls of heathens. Through the Church's offspring, the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, missionaries were sent to South Carolina beginning in 1702. By 1704, Samuel Thomas, the Society's first missionary there, reported that he had taught about twenty blacks to read, and by 1743 the Society opened a school for blacks in Charleston despite a 1740 law prohibiting slave education. Using two black slaves as teachers, the Society's school continued until 1764, "graduating" about twenty students a year. After the Revolutionary War, the free person of color population grew in numbers and influence, establishing the Brown Fellowship Society, the first non-white benevolent society in Charleston. One of its activities was the education of members' children. Other societies followed suit, and by 1834 there were dozens of private schools in Charleston for free persons of color. While an 1834 law created additional restrictions on the education of the free persons of color, many private schools continued to operate. As early as 1861, teachers from the North, under the auspices of freedmen aid societies, arrived in the sea islands to help the blacks adjust to their new status. In 1865, their efforts were coordinated by the federal government under the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands. With a new state constitution in 1868, the public schools of South Carolina were reorganized. Although tremendous gains were made, by 1870, the majority of the black students were still studying only spelling and reading. After the 1896 Plessy v. Ferguson decision which created a "separate but equal" school system, the actual situation was anything but equal, with black schools in session a shorter term and a higher pupil-teacher ratio for black students. The education of the Gullahs from 1700 to 1900 was the result of compromise, and the blacks suffered from a lack of educational opportunities, not a lack of intellectual abilities.
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24

Fravel, Philip M. "A History of Agricultural Education in South Carolina With an Emphasis on the Public School Program." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/27205.

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The researcher focused on the numerous elements that led to an organized state supported system of Agricultural Education in South Carolina. Emphasis was placed upon the secondary school program, but the various contributing events leading to the formal study of Agricultural Education were identified and examined. Many historical studies of 20th century Agricultural Education focus on the impact of the Smith-Hughes legislation. Upon deeper investigation, the Palmetto State can credit numerous influential factors that provided forms of agricultural instruction prior to 1917. The 18th and 19th century agricultural societies provided a clearinghouse for the socialization and sharing of experimental farming techniques by progressive agriculturalists. John C. Calhoun and his son-in-law Thomas Green Clemson, benefactors of Clemson Agricultural College, were members of the Pendleton Farmers Society. Support for agricultural research came one year prior to the federal Hatch Act. The Hatch Act of 1887, followed by the Smith-Lever Act of 1914, assisted in providing fertile conditions for community recognition and need for Agricultural Education. Prior to the Smith-Lever Act, South Carolina was active in attempts to infuse Agricultural Education into the public school system and rural communities. A series of demonstration trains traversed the state providing first hand opportunities for individuals to examine the revelations in agricultural techniques. A series of agricultural clubs, including boy's corn clubs, pig clubs, and even demonstration farms on schoolhouse grounds linked Agricultural Educators with school students. Prior to the Smith-Hughes method of vocational agriculture, students in sections of the state received textbook-based instruction in agriculture. Passage of the Smith-Hughes legislation in February 1917 was the catalyst that created a form of Agricultural Education recognized even in the 21st century. The rapid propagation of high school programs throughout the state created an immediate demand for teachers of Agricultural Education. Clemson College, still in its infancy, quickly arose to provide a new program to train collegiate students to become what were then referred to as "Smith-Hughes men." Specific objectives investigated and analyzed by the researcher included: 1. Describing the development of Agricultural Education in South Carolina prior to 1900. 2. Documenting the development of Agricultural Education in South Carolina from 1900-1945. 3. Documenting the redefining of Agricultural Education in South Carolina from 1946-1990. 4. Describing the development of the teacher-training program for Agricultural Education in South Carolina. 5. Documenting the development of administrative and supervisory provisions for the vocational agriculture programs for South Carolina. 6. Describing the historical events that led to the founding of the Future Palmetto Farmers and evolution of the Future Farmers of America in South Carolina.
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25

Irwin, Stephan W. "Life history characteristics of the turquoise darter (Etheostoma inscriptum) in the Upper Piedmont of South Carolina." Connect to this title online, 2009. http://etd.lib.clemson.edu/documents/1263397336/.

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26

Cooper, Margaret W. "The John De La Howe Site: A Study of Colonoware on the South Carolina Frontier." W&M ScholarWorks, 1998. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626157.

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27

Adkins, Edward. "Opening Pandora's box : Richard Nixon, South Carolina, and the southern strategy, 1968-1972." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:594d27ff-85d8-4a72-9f99-a8d9ffd563e3.

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Much discussed and little understood, Richard Nixon's southern strategy demands scrutiny. A brief survey of the literature suggests that study on this controversial topic has reached an impasse. Southern historians keen to emphasise the importance of class in the region's partisan development over the last fifty years insist that any southern strategy predicated on racialised appeals to disaffected white conservatives was doomed to failure. Conversely, conventional accounts of the Nixon era remain wedded to the view that the southern strategy represented a successful devil's bargain whereby an avaricious Californian exchanged the promise of racial justice for black southerners in return for white Dixie's electoral votes. Most sobering of all are political scientists concerned with executive power, who evidence the limited discretion enjoyed by presidents to implement any agenda inimical to the corporate will of the federal bureaucracy. Since Nixon's executive departments were brimming with Democratic holdovers from the Kennedy and Johnson years, the question of whether or not the President demanded concessions to southern racists apparently becomes more or less irrelevant: the 'fourth branch' of the federal government inevitably ensured that a southern strategy was simply impossible to execute. In reality, much of this stalemate is the product of academic territorial warfare on the battleground of a subject wide open to multiple interpretations. A southern historian keen to showcase the importance of his local research is likely to show little interest in evidence that a President based in Washington D.C. could initiate social change in Tuscaloosa, Alabama. Similarly, political scientists fighting an unrewarding battle to emphasise the autonomy of federal departments are naturally disinclined to highlight examples of presidential willpower altering bureaucratic culture. Nevertheless, an intriguing paradox remains in evidence. Despite leaning more towards the political philosophy of antediluvian white southerners than the demands of black Americans, Richard Nixon presided over a period of such fundamental social reconstruction below the Mason-Dixie line that he could legitimately claim to have desegregated more southern schools than any other President in history. Whilst a raft of excellent monologues demonstrating the impact of local movements down South on national politics have been published over the last decade, few have even attempted to explain this peculiar phenomenon. As Matthew Lassiter observed in a Journal of American History roundtable on American conservatism in December 2011, 'the recent pendulum swing has overstated the case for a rightward shift in American politics by focusing too narrowly on partisan narratives and specific election cycles rather than on the more complex dynamics of political culture, political economy, and public policy.' The purpose of this thesis is to explain how a President notorious for pursuing the votes of white segregationists rested at the head of a federal government that ruthlessly dismantled Jim Crow. By incorporating the range of methodologies elucidated above, it will identify exactly how much influence President Nixon and his executive officers exerted over civil rights policy. Was Nixon's reactionary agenda thwarted by over-mighty bureaucrats? Or did the President act more responsibly than the majority of commentators have admitted?
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Winslow, Michael G. "Cultivating leisure : agriculture, tourism, and industrial modernity in the North Carolina sandhills, 1870-1930." Diss., University of Iowa, 2016. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2295.

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This project is an environmental and cultural history of the sandhills region of North Carolina as it was transformed after the Civil War. It brings together agricultural science and the creation of a leisure industry in the sandhills to argue that they were interdependent in the transformation of the region. Chapter One narrates the gradual emergence and transformation of agricultural science in North Carolina from a venture of learned planters to a state-run institution, located in universities and government buildings, but still heavily influenced by the heirs of planters. Chapter Two examines the trajectory of resort creation in the sandhills after the region had been tapped out and cutover by naval stores producers and loggers. Its remained an agricultural problem area, while its acres of sandy land were available to be remade by developers. Importantly these new investors, like Pinehurst’s James and Leonard Tufts, reconstructed the sandhills to reflect a fantasy of yeoman agriculture—while deploying scientific findings and commercial fertilizers as advocated by state agricultural experts. Chapter Three analyzes a community that developed in the vicinity of Pinehurst after 1910, when a generation of idealistic Northern progressives turned to the sandhills, both to uplift the region and to escape the nervous problems they had experienced in the industrial North. Just as Pinehurst used agricultural science to create a leisure landscape, this group of Ivy Leaguers was inspired by visions of using agricultural technologies to turn the “sand barrens” into a state-of-the-art farmscape. Chapter Four turns to a literary account of the sandhills in the work of Charles Chesnutt, taking Chesnutt’s motif of gift-giving as a lens for understanding the author’s short stories set in the sandhills. This chapter focuses especially on Chesnutt’s conception of usufruct and an economy based in local social connections as an alternative to the version of commodity agriculture that had animated so many other projects in the sandhills. This dissertation reveals how the conceptual and material tools of an industrializing culture reconfigured this region, long seen as barren, from a cutover turpentine district into a tourist paradise.
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Mercer, A. P. "Medicine and slavery : The health of slaves in the Louisiana sugar and South Carolina rice regions 1795-1860." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1985. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.374801.

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Butler, Tamara T. "Sweetgrass and Saltwater: Reclaiming the Classroom for the Preservation of South Carolina Gullah-Geechee Culture." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1243903850.

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31

Paulett, Robert. ""To Lay What Restraint They Could": Deerskins, Regulators, and Social Disorder in the South Carolina Backcountry, 1761-1772." W&M ScholarWorks, 2000. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626269.

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32

Wall, William Kevin. "Recalling Cahokia: Indigenous influences on English commercial expansion and imperial ascendancy in proprietary South Carolina, 1663-1721." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/298767.

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This dissertation explores the nature of Indigenous influences on trade and diplomacy in proprietary South Carolina. While I was initially interested in the ways in which Indigenous slavery enriched proprietary Carolina and capitalized its commercial and imperial expansion, I was not willing to begin my investigation in AD 1670 because principle agents of this economic activity were members of Native societies, which had only a few generations prior to the establishment of Charles Town had lived under the hegemony of Mississippian mound centers and participated in Mississippian systems of governance, diplomacy, and exchange. As a result, this dissertation contextualizes Charles Town's commercial and diplomatic interactions with Native southeastern peoples from various Indigenous perspectives. Part One considers the long tradition of North American mound construction, emphasizing the Mississippian period, final epoch of moundbuilding, because Mississippian peoples encountered European explorers throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and interacted with Euro-American settler populations until the 1730s. Part Two attempts to demonstrate cultural, social and political continuity between Last Mississippian societies and historic southeastern tribal confederacies by critically considering the nature of Indigenous sociopolitical reorganization during the protohistoric period, embracing tribal traditions that openly celebrate connections to moundbuilding societies, and identifying Mississippian survivals in the sociopolitical institutions of Native southeastern peoples. Part Three demonstrates the utility of such broad methodological approaches, using Native history and culture as backdrops for examining, re-reading, and explicating the events of cross-cultural interaction during Carolina's proprietary period. By creating and nurturing a market for indigenous slaves, Charles Town merchants were able to profoundly affect the social, economic, and political reorganization of indigenous peoples throughout the region; however, the institutional parameters and practical logistics of southeastern cross-cultural interaction remained distinctly Indigenous in character. I argue that Charles Town's Indian slave economy was subsidized by Indigenous institutions, which, although modified from their Pre-Columbian character, retained numerous Mississippian qualities. By incorporating English traders and commodities into preexisting commercial and diplomatic networks, Native peoples subsidized Carolina's commercial expansion and imperial ascendancy both directly and indirectly, catapulting South Carolina into positions of economic and diplomatic prominence, in ways which have not been completely explored.
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Musselwhite, Paul Philip. "Conflict, Coexistence, and Community: Settlement Politics and the Emergence of a Social Network in Proprietary South Carolina, 1670-1700." W&M ScholarWorks, 2006. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626516.

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34

Anderson, Lawrence (Lawrence M. ). "Secession, sequence, and the state : South Carolina's decision to lead the secession movement in 1860." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37864.

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In the United States, the transition from aristocratic agriculturalism to liberal democratic industrialism was distinguished from instances of this transformation in other countries by a threat to the territorial integrity of the Union. In this dissertation, I provide novel insight into this unique challenge and its link to American political development. Drawing on recent works on the process of secession, I have developed an innovative framework for the analysis of secession in which the institutional design of the state plays a central role in facilitating this act of territorial and political withdrawal. This framework specifies five factors that contribute to the development, timing, and success of a movement for secession: grievance, the institutional design of the state, boundaries, leadership, and sequence. My framework is generalizable and can be used to illuminate the desire for secession in other regions of the world.
In order to provide a thorough analysis of this case of secession, I examine the historical background of the decision to secede, with an emphasis on the nullification crisis and the first secession crisis. Without the steps and missteps taken in these moments, secession would have been unlikely. In addition, I examine the actions of the other states of the South: the early-seceders of the Deep South, the late-seceders of the Upper South, and the non-seceders of the Border South.
I conclude that secession in South Carolina was the result of a number of dynamically interacting factors, beginning with the grievance experienced by the elites and the rest of the white, male population of South Carolina. This grievance was produced by demographic changes in the Union that allowed Republican Abraham Lincoln to be elected president without needing electoral support in the South. The grievance (fear) wrought by these changes animated the desire for secession, but secession was politically feasible because of the institutional design of the American state. Central to my argument is the notion that federal states are both easier to enter, because they facilitate the maintenance of local autonomy, and easier to exit (than other states), because the maintenance of state capacity and a high degree of autonomy at the state level makes withdrawal from the federal state possible with minimal disruption.
The very sequence by which secession was accomplished provides essential insight into the dynamics of secession. The South did not secede simultaneously, but sequentially---with South Carolina seceding unilaterally, and forcing the hand of the remaining states. Given the divisions present in the South, this strategy of seeking sequential exit through unilateral secession in South Carolina was the best possible strategy to realize the goal of a Southern Confederacy.
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35

Davis, Sarajanee O. "“Power and Peace:” Black Power Era Student Activism in Virginia and North Carolina." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1593097046041952.

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36

Gismondi, Melissa. ""How far will they go God knows": Slave Policing and the Rise of the South Carolina Association in Charleston, S.C., 1790s-1820s." Thesis, McGill University, 2012. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=110520.

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In 1820 a South Carolinian judge noted that, "the Patrol Law ought to be considered as one of the safe guards of the people of South Carolina…as a security against insurrection; a danger of such a nature that it never can or ought to be lost sight of in the southern states." Just two years later, another judge ruled on a patrol behaving badly. The issue of a militia captain "acting under the colour of authority" arose, and Judge Abraham Nott lamented that if the problem persisted "we are subject to a state of things even worse than that against which they [patrols] were intended to afford us protection." This essay explores slave policing regimes in Charleston, South Carolina, and their relation to political and social changes within the city between the 1790s and 1820s. The project describes problems that arose with slave policing in the years before the 1822 Denmark Vesey rebellion, and then identifies a major shift that followed, in which the South Carolina Association—an elite vigilante group—assumed control of this fundamental dimension of governance within a slave society.
En 1820, un juge de la Caroline du Sud a souligné que «la loi de patrouille devrait être considéré comme une mesure de protection pour le peuple de la Caroline du Sud… comme sécurité contre l'insurrection: un danger d'une telle nature qu'il ne doit et ne devrait jamais être perdu de vu dans les états du sud. « Seulement deux ans plus tard, un autre juge a statué sur une patrouille se conduisant mal. Lorsqu'un problème est survenu avec un capitaine de milice qui « agissait sous la bannière de l'autorité », le juge Abraham Nott a déploré que si le problème persiste «nous sommes assujettis à un état des choses encore pire que celui duquel ils (patrouilles) sont destiné à nous protéger. » Cet essaie examine les régimes de patrouille d'esclaves à Charleston en Caroline du Sud et leurs liens avec les changements politiques et sociaux de cette ville entre les années 1790 et 1820. Le projet décrit des problèmes survenus lors de patrouilles d'esclaves dans les années avant la rébellion de Denmark Vesey en 1822 et ensuite identifie un changement majeur qui a suivi, dans lequel la South Carolina Association—un group élite de justicier—a prit la direction de cette dimension fondamentale de la gouvernance dans une société d'esclavage.
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37

Ngonya, Karen Wanjiru. "Kongolese Peasant Christianity and Its Influence on Resistance in Eighteenth-and Nineteenth-Century South Carolina." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1250192500.

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38

Ognibene, Terri Ann. "Discovering the Voices of the Segregated: Oral History of the Educational Experiences of the Turkish People of Sumter County, South Carolina." unrestricted, 2008. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04262008-165638/.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2008.
Title from file title page. Joyce E. Many, committee chair; Mary Ariail, Randy Fair, Dana Fox, Carol Semonsky, committee members. Electronic text (240 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed July 7, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 220-229).
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Holmquist, Richard K. "Life History Attributes of Mid-Atlantic Menidia menidia (Pisces: Atherinidae) and a Comparison with Northern (Massachusetts) and Southern (South Carolina) Populations." W&M ScholarWorks, 2001. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539617782.

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40

Riehle, Ashley. "“The transition from Maritime Knights to Enemies of Mankind”: As seen in the stories of William Kidd and Stede Bonnet." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1310064266.

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41

David, Huw T. "The Atlantic at work : Britain and South Carolina's trading networks, c. 1730-1790." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ecb3aae6-ba02-4537-b5b0-7f3c7e758613.

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This thesis describes the sixty years of transatlantic interaction, connection, dislocation and reconstruction in Anglo-Carolinian trade between 1730 and 1790. Focussing on about two dozen of London’s ‘Carolina traders’, it integrates their personal and collective stories of profit and loss, reputation and notoriety, and political activity and inactivity, with the broader forces they shaped and were in turn shaped by – forces of economic growth, political stability and instability, and imperial harmony and disharmony. Through their conjoined political and commercial agency – a dual role better appreciated by contemporaries than by historians – they profoundly influenced commerce between Britain and South Carolina. Their intermediation served firstly as a stabilising force in the Anglo-Carolinian polity as they procured favourable treatment for the colony’s goods and represented its grievances in the imperial metropolis. An important influence on this was their ‘absentee’ ownership of property in South Carolina and the thesis explores in depth the underappreciated prevalence and significance of this transatlantic absenteeism. From the mid-1760s, however, the traders’ political and commercial agency aggravated intra-imperial discord. Disputes between British merchants and their Carolinian correspondents reflected in microcosm the geo-political shifts of the time and reveal at an inter-personal level how resistance to British imperial authority developed among Carolinians. Furthermore, these disputes played a constitutive role in this resistance, as the purported commercial iniquities and political orientations of British merchants led their correspondents to question and reject the commercial and political norms that had once sustained Anglo-Carolinian relations. The thesis thus helps explain how South Carolina moved, often imperceptibly, against British authority during the 1760s and early 1770s by emphasising commercial discord within the growing political-economic friction. It further contributes to the burgeoning historiography of the eighteenth-century ‘Atlantic world’ by exploring the reconstruction of trading links between Britain and South Carolina after American independence. It reveals how strongly these were influenced by pre-war politics. In so doing, it demonstrates that Carolinians exercised greater commercial discretion after the war than contemporaries and historians have appreciated, and thus challenges contentions of South Carolina’s continuing commercial subservience to British trading interests.
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42

Greene, Tyler Gray. "Accessible Isolation: Highway Building and the Geography of Industrialization in North Carolina, 1934-1984." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2017. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/431217.

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History
Ph.D.
Between the 1930s and mid-1980s, North Carolina became one of the most industrialized states in the country, with more factory workers, as a percentage of the total workforce, than any other state. And yet, North Carolina generally retained its rural complexion, with small factories dispersed throughout the countryside, instead of concentrated in large industrial cities. This dissertation asks two essential questions: first, how did this rural-industrial geography come to be, and second, what does the creation of this geography reveal about the state of the American political economy in the post-World War II era? I argue that rural industrialization was a central goal of North Carolina’s postwar political leaders and economic development officials. These industry hunters, as I call them, wanted to raise their state’s per capita income by recruiting manufacturers to develop or relocate operations in North Carolina. At the same time, they worried about developing large industrial cities or mill villages, associating them with class conflict, congestion, and a host of other ill-effects. In the hopes of attracting industry to its countryside, the state invested heavily in its secondary roads and highways, increasing the accessibility of rural communities. In their pursuit of rural industrialization, however, North Carolina also constructed a political economy that anticipated the collapse of the New Deal state. While historians typically see New Deal liberalism as the prevailing form of statecraft in the postwar United States, North Carolina achieved economic growth through a model that state officials termed “accessible isolation.” What accessible isolation meant was that North Carolina would provide industries with enough of a state apparatus to make operating a factory in a rural area possible, while maintaining policies of low taxes, limited regulations, and anti-unionism, to make those sites desirable. Essentially, industry hunters offered industrial prospects access to a supply of cheap rural labor, but isolation from the high wages, labor unions, government regulations, and progressive tax code that defined New Deal liberalism. Accessible isolation was attractive to businesses in postwar America because it offered a “business-friendly” alternative to the New Deal, and factories began sprouting throughout rural North Carolina. But the success of accessible isolation was built on a shaky foundation. Indeed, most of the employers persuaded by its promises were those in low-wage, labor-intensive industries, making North Carolina’s rural communities especially vulnerable to transformations in the global economy by the late twentieth century.
Temple University--Theses
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43

Troy, Daniel Conor. "Ruining the King’s Cause in America: The Defeat of the Loyalists in the Revolutionary South, 1774-1781." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1436285532.

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44

Wells, Jennifer. "The Black Freedom Struggle and Civil Rights Labor Organizing in the Piedmont and Eastern North Carolina Tobacco Industry." Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4790.

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This thesis examines labor organizing in the U.S. South, specifically the Piedmont and eastern regions of North Carolina in the mid-twentieth century. It aims to uncover an often overlooked local history of civil rights labor organizing which challenged the southern status quo before America's 'mainstream' civil rights era of the 1950s and 1960s. This study argues that through labor organizing, African American tobacco workers challenged the class, gender, and race hierarchy of North Carolina's very profitable tobacco industry during the first half of the twentieth century. In doing so, the thesis contributes to the historiography of black working class protest, and the ever-expanding field of local civil rights histories and the long civil rights movement.
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45

Smith, David R. "Nathanael Greene and the Myth of the Valiant Few." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1062831/.

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Nathan Greene is the Revolutionary Warfare general most associated with unconventional warfare. The historiography of the southern campaign of the revolution uniformly agrees he was a guerrilla leader. Best evidence shows, however, that Nathanael Greene was completely conventional -- that his strategy, operations, tactics, and logistics all strongly resembled that of Washington in the northern theater and of the British commanders against whom he fought in the south. By establishing that Greene was within the mainstream of eighteenth-century military science this dissertation also challenges the prevailing historiography of the American Revolution in general, especially its military aspects. The historiography overwhelmingly argues the myth of the valiant few -- the notion that a minority of colonists persuaded an apathetic majority to follow them in overthrowing the royal government, eking out an improbable victory. Broad and thorough research indicates the Patriot faction in the American Revolution was a clear majority not only throughout the colonies but in each individual colony. Far from the miraculous victory current historiography postulates, American independence was based on the most prosaic of principles -- manpower advantage.
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46

Morgan, Nancy. "“Fraught with Disastrous Consequences for our Country”: Cherokee Sovereignty, Nullification, and the Sectional Crisis." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2015. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/341519.

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History
Ph.D.
““Fraught with Disastrous Consequences for our Country”: Cherokee Sovereignty, Nullification and the Sectional Crisis” explores how the national debates over Indian sovereignty rights contributed to the rise of American sectionalism. Although most American citizens supported westward expansion, the Cherokee Nation demonstrated effectively that it had adopted Western civilized standards and, in accord with federal treaty law, deserved constitutional protections for its sovereignty and homelands. The Cherokees’ success divided American public opinion over that nation’s purported rights to constitutional protections. When Georgian leaders and the state militia harassed Northern white American missionaries who supported Cherokee sovereignty rights, even citizenship rights seemed in question. South Carolina’s leaders capitalized on the Cherokee debate by framing their own protest against federal tariffs as a complementary states’ rights issue. Thus, in 1832, nine months after the U.S. Supreme Court upheld Cherokee sovereignty protections against Georgia’s removal efforts in Worcester v. Georgia, South Carolina issued an Ordinance of Nullification, proclaiming its state right to nullify federal taxation. Current historiography tends to suggest that most Americans at that time ignored Cherokee sovereignty to confront South Carolina’s Nullification challenge. Alternatively, this project proposes that the debates over Cherokee sovereignty exacerbated Americans’ fear over South Carolina’s Nullification crisis, because together they representing a two-state challenge to federal authority. While current historiography also recognizes that expansion was a critical feature of American sectionalism, the debate over Indian sovereignty within already established Eastern states demonstrates that the politics of expansion was not simply a Western borderlands issue. Nullification threatened the Union because Georgia and President Andrew Jackson simultaneously ignored the U.S. Supreme Court’s authority to interpret constitutional law, while promoting the vital importance of constitutional law. To explore the sectional tensions that linked Cherokee sovereignty and Nullification, this project reviews the earlier period in American politics when these issues evolved separately to demonstrate the effect of their eventual connection. The first chapter provides an example that shows how the Cherokees protected their treaty rights successfully during this earlier period. Chapter Two considers the unique histories of South Carolina and the Cherokee Nation, and their collective challenges to the evolving American political economy. Chapter Three explores how the non-white republic of the Cherokee Nation contributed to the weakening of race-based slavery positivism, despite its own investment in slavery. Chapter Four demonstrates how a widening circle of congressional figures began connecting publicly the debates over Cherokee removal, tariffs, and slavery, made especially visible during the Webster-Hayne debates in the Senate. Chapter Five delineates the national discord over the extra-legal violence against white missionaries who protected Cherokee interests. As evident through the recently discovered prison journal of Rev. Samuel Austin Worcester—of Worcester v. Georgia—this chapter also demonstrates that despite their rhetoric otherwise, Jacksonians recognized the sectional toxicity when the American public connected Cherokee sovereignty and Nullification.
Temple University--Theses
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47

恵実子, 三島(原), 三島 恵実子, 原. 恵実子, and Emiko Mishima Hara. "Beyond "white supremacy:" white reactions to The Clansman and The Birth of a nation in New South North Carolina and Georgia." Thesis, https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13100526/?lang=0, 2019. https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13100526/?lang=0.

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昨今「白人至上主義」という単語が多用されているが、その定義は不明確なままである。なぜならば、たとえ人々の「白人至上主義」への認識に多少の差異があったとしても、結果がほぼ変わらないという見解が一般的であるからである。しかしながら本研究は、「白人至上主義」とは時代、場所、そして歴史的・社会的背景によって変容するものであると定義付けた。またある特定の「白人至上主義」を強調した演劇『クランズマン』、後の映画『國民の創生』、に対する南部白人の評価を分析することで、その概念を最も享受したであろう彼らが如何にその言葉の意味を定義し、またどのように保持し習慣づけていったのかを解明しようと試みたものである。
This dissertation hypothesizes that white supremacy is a flexible ideology that changes depending on the location, the period, and historical as well as social conditions in which it is promoted. By examining and comparing the differences between the responses of white North Carolinians and white Georgians towards The Clansman in 1905 and The Birth of a Nation in 1915, this dissertation argues that even though we assume that Radical white supremacy seems to have covered the entire South during the Jim Crow era, and images and stories of supposed “black beast rapists” obscured social differences within the white group, there were a range of variable and sometimes competing ideologies among white supremacists.
博士(アメリカ研究)
Doctor of Philosophy in American Studies
同志社大学
Doshisha University
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48

Boyce, Travis D. "I am Leaving and not Looking Back: The Life of Benner C. Turner." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1242396920.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Ohio University, June, 2009.
Title from PDF t.p. Release of full electronic text on OhioLINK has been delayed until June 1, 2014. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 260-274)
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49

Soltz, Wendy Fergusson. "Unheard Voices and Unseen Fights: Jews, Segregation, and Higher Education in the South, 1910–1964." The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1469136499.

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50

Carey, Kim M. "Straddling the Color Line: Social and Political Power of African American Elites in Charleston, New Orleans, and Cleveland, 1880-1920." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1366839959.

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