Academic literature on the topic 'South Korean Foreign public opinion'
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Journal articles on the topic "South Korean Foreign public opinion"
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Bae, Joonbum. "Limits of engagement? The sunshine policy, nuclear tests, and South Korean views of North Korea 1995–2013." International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 20, no. 3 (May 16, 2019): 411–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcz004.
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Abstract Can positive domestic messages generated by a foreign policy of engagement toward another country change public views regarding that state? How resistant are such changes to events that contradict the positive messages? I argue that while positive government messages about an adversary can significantly improve public opinion, highly consequential foreign policy events that contradict the messages influence public opinion at the cost of elites’ ability to shape it through their messages. Such differing effects can lead to a polarization of opinion when the content of the messages and the nature of events diverge from each other. Leveraging the unpredictability of North Korea’s foreign policy behavior, the South Korean government’s sustained policy of engagement toward it during the years 1998–2007, and North Korea’s first two nuclear tests to examine the relative impact of consequential foreign policy events and elite messages on public opinion, I find strong evidence consistent with this argument.
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Du Pisani, Jacobus A., and Kwangsu Kim. "The Obama factor: Responses in South Korea (2008-2009)." New Contree 65 (December 30, 2012): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v65i0.313.
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An analysis is made in this article of responses in the South Korean media to the rise of Barack Obama, starting with his appearance on the scene as presidential contender, then being nominated as the official candidate of the Democratic Party, en then being elected to the office of President of the USA. At the outset the context is outlined of relations between South Korea and the USA. Then the opinions and attitudes of South Korean politicians, economists, editors, academics and letter writers from the general public at key moments during 2008 and 2009 in the American presidential election campaign are analysed. The focus is on expectations of Obama among the South Korean citizens mainly with regard to his economic policy and his policy on US foreign relations with South Korea. For the South Koreans Obama’s stance towards North Korea on its development of a nuclear capability and the future of the foreign trade agreement between the USA and South Korea was crucial. The analysis in this article of the reactions to Obama’s rise expressed in the South Korean newspapers confirms that globalisation and glocalisation are concurrent processes in the contemporary world. On the one hand a set of liberal moral values has become dominant among moderates all over the world that unites them in their attitudes towards global events. On the other hand those generic values only assume real significance for people when they are applied to local issues.
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Kim, Ji Young, Wenxin Li, and Seunghee Lee. "Making Sense of Japan’s Export Restrictions against South Korea." Asian Survey 61, no. 4 (July 2021): 683–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.4.683.
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Why did Japanese Prime Minister Abe impose controversial export restrictions after rulings by the South Korean Supreme Court on wartime forced laborers? This article answers this question through the lens of domestic symbolism in economic sanctions studies. We argue that domestic political calculations led the Japanese government to adopt hawkish measures against South Korea. Abe wanted to ensure continued support from his constituents and to win the upcoming election. A series of political reforms since the early 1990s have empowered the prime minister and made LDP politicians pay more attention to public opinion than to factional topography. Strong anti-Korean sentiment among the Japanese public reduced the leadership’s concerns about the audience costs of economic countermeasures. Through an examination of the interplay among various domestic actors over the policy measure, this study provides insights on how domestic symbolism can serve as an origin of foreign policy decision-making in democracies.
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Lee, Shin-wha. "Foreign Policy Dilemma in South Korean Democracy : Challenge of Polarized and Politicized Public Opinion." Peace Studies 28, no. 2 (October 31, 2020): 259–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.21051/ps.2020.10.27.2.259.
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Lee, Shin-wha. "Foreign Policy Dilemma in South Korean Democracy : Challenge of Polarized and Politicized Public Opinion." Peace Studies 28, no. 2 (October 31, 2020): 259–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.21051/ps.2020.10.28.2.259.
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Cho, Seo-Young, Daniela Claus Kim, Eun-Jeung Lee, and Suhon Lee. "The Rise of South Korea's Soft Power in Europe: A Survey Analysis of Public Diplomacy." Korea Observer - Institute of Korean Studies 54, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 227–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2023.54.2.227.
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This study investigates public perceptions of South Korea in Europe empirically through a survey. Using expert assessments in 19 countries, the results show that Europeans perceive the economic and technological development of South Korea positively, but opinions are more mixed regarding its standing in politics, culture, and education. Furthermore, we find evidence of undervaluation, as South Korea is often regarded as a developing country without well-functioning institutions despite its actual position as a high-income, democratic country. Nonetheless, our study highlights areas of South Korea's recent development that are viewed positively – such as information technology, the Korean Wave, and successful Covid-19 management. Additionally, our results disentangle regional differences inside Europe: more positive public perceptions in Eastern Europe and English-speaking countries, mixed in Southern and Latin Europe, and negative in Central and Northern Europe. Our findings underscore the importance of communicating with foreign publics as part of public diplomacy.
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KIM, JUNG HYOUN. "The Comparative Analysis of Public Support for Developing Regional Regime in East Sea Rim (Sea of Japan) Region." Japanese Journal of Political Science 15, no. 1 (February 10, 2014): 131–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109913000388.
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AbstractThe East Sea (or Sea of Japan) (ESR/SOJ) Rim region, in which five countries – Japan, China, Russia, and North and South Korea – have their own coastal areas, is complex and dynamic, with many emerging regional security concerns. In this paper, the author tries to show that there is the possibility of a maritime regional regime in the ESR/SOJ region by investigating the level of public support, in Japan and South Korea, for the formation of a regional regime. Based on the theoretical assumptions of constructivism, the author analyzes what kinds of individual's social position factors influence the level of support for regional regime formation by conducting a nested regression model of survey datasets. The results of the statistical analysis suggest that people with a high level of national pride in South Korea are more likely to support a regional regime in the ESR/SOJ region. In contrast, for Japanese people, there is no relationship between people's national pride and the level of support for regional regime formation. The economic recession in Japan since the early 1990s has made public concern more about domestic policy than about foreign policy issues. Based on strong support of the bottom, public opinion towards regional regime formation, the South Korean government may play a leading role in developing a regional regime in the ESR/SOJ region (when the process of negotiation begins) as in the case of Japan in nineteenth century.
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Choi, Wooik. "Research of mutual perception of the Republic of Korea and Russia in the period 2016-2021." Vestnik instituta sotziologii 14, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 136–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/vis.2023.14.2.9.
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The study of the mutual perception of Korea and Russia can be considered an important form of cultural exchange for understanding the perception of the people and culture of another country. In addition, this project explores obstacles to the development of bilateral relations and possible points of contact for cooperation, that helps to determine the direction for strengthening the strategic partnership. This article is based on the results of the 2021 study, with particular attention to the differences in perceptions of the peoples of both countries and its changes since 2016.
Koreans still associate Russia with images of the past - the Soviet Union, a communist country, and communism. Russians associate South Korea with modern concepts such as the development of industry and technology and Korean culture. Both peoples express a desire to visit another country, while the interest in culture is slightly higher among Russians.
There are no significant changes in the perception of Koreans in bilateral relations. The proportion of Korean respondents expressing a positive attitude towards political cooperation has slightly decreased, positive sentiments can also be observed in relation to cooperation in the economic sphere. There are also no significant changes in Russians' perception of relations between the two countries. The proportion of those who positively assess the prospects for current bilateral relations has slightly decreased, just like the Koreans, the Russians have a positive attitude towards economic cooperation.
As the analysis of the survey results showed, cooperation between South Korea and the United States as allies and confrontation between Russia and the United States is the main obstacle to the development of relations between Russia and Korea. Foreign policy problems remain a decisive factor in the development of cooperation. Thus, in public opinion, a practical and effective way to develop bilateral relations can be an exchange in the field of economy, medicine, tourism and culture at the level of the private sector and local authorities, rather than political and diplomatic cooperation at the state level.
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Hoang Tien, Nguyen. "The friendly and cooperative relationship between Korea and Vietnam: The nature, current development and potential." Science & Technology Development Journal - Economics - Law and Management 3, no. 4 (January 25, 2020): 418–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjelm.v3i4.584.
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Diplomatic relations between Vietnam and South Korea officially began on December 22, 1992. Looking back over twenty years after the end of the Cold War, along with the profound changes in the world’s situation and the situation in Asia-Pacific region, Vietnam-South Korea relationship has grown exponentially. In the history of international relations, very few relationships have not gone through the ups and downs; but growing up steadily. It seems that the relationship between Vietnam and South Korea is an exception. In a quite short period of time, since the establishment of the diplomatic relationship in 1992, relations between the two countries have developed rapidly in many fields such as economic, political and cultural. South Korea is the fourth largest trading partner and the largest foreign investor in Vietnam, only after Japan. The Korean Samsung Corporation is the role model investor in Vietnam. South Korea also has the largest community group living and working in Vietnam. In contrary, Vietnamese students are among the largest groups of foreign students studying in South Korea. Vietnamese workers are among the largest groups of foreign labor force and Vietnamese community also is among the largest and vibrant groups of foreign communities in South Korea. In addition, beside the common historical origin and being in mutual strategic partnership relationship, Vietnam and South Korea share many similarities in business customs, cultural background, cuisine and life-styles. It can be commented that this relationship is only continually in the rise and the two countries' public opinions are particularly welcoming this booming relationship. This review article is trying to cover and analyze all-round current relationship between the two nations and the implication for the future.
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Efimova, Anna I. "Policy of nation branding in the Republic of Korea." Asia and Africa Today, no. 11 (2022): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750019805-7.
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The current interest in the Korea’s nation branding model is due to the rapid and apparent change of attitude to Korean cultural and industrial products globally. The policy of national branding has been implemented in the Republic of Korea for over 20 years. At the first stage, the creation of a favorable image of the country was supposed to help bringing the high standards of living and a developed economy into line with the predominantly negative assessments of Korea by foreign audiences of potential consumers of Korean products. The “Korea brand” building strategy is realized by the state with the implementation of branding campaigns through partnerships with private corporations. Public-private partnership allows ensuring the continuity of the process due to the mutual interest of the participating parties as raising the status of the “Korea brand” brings both political and economic dividends. In order to shape the social behavior of Koreans, domestic advertising campaigns are also organized in support of the objectives of improving the country’s image. Nation branding campaigns aim at promoting the country’s development goals, gaining international recognition in various fields, and are supported by South Koreans. At the same time, certain aspects and practices of implementing this policy encouraged public debate on the issue with the range of opinions from supportive to critical ones. The desire for international recognition, combined with the participation of many actors in the implementation of nation’s branding policy, often led to the incorrect presentation of Korea, its history, sports, and culture causing unexpected and undesirable results.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "South Korean Foreign public opinion"
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Joo, Hyo Sung. "South Korean Men and the Military: The Influence of Conscription on the Political Behavior of South Korean Males." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1048.
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This thesis evaluates the effects of compulsory military service in South Korea on the political behavior of men from a public policy standpoint. I take an institutional point of view on conscription, in that conscription forces the military to accept individuals with minimal screening. Given the distinct set of values embodied by the military, I hypothesize that the military would need a powerful, comprehensive, and fast program of indoctrination to re-socialize civilians into military uniform, trustable enough to be entrusted with a gun or a confidential document. Based on the existence of such a program and related academic literature, I go on to look at how a military attitude has political implications, especially for the security-environment of the Korean peninsula. Given the ideological nature of the inter-Korean conflict, the South Korean military was biased against the liberals, as liberals were most likely to generate policies supporting conciliatory and cooperative measures towards North Korea, like the removal of U.S. forces from South Korea and the repeal of the National Security Laws that outlaw discussion of communism. For an empirical evaluation, I pose the hypothesis that this political bias would manifest itself in the male public via the military’s indoctrinative program. With data from the Korean General Social Survey, the Public Opinion and Foreign Policy, and the South Korean General Election Panel Study, I have found that males respond acutely to specific security issues in favor or against according to the military’s point of view. However, the evidence for an overall bias on political parties generally was inconclusive. The uncertainty was mainly rooted in the fact that liberal parties have strategically avoided speaking out on specific policy issues during election.
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Copsey, Nathaniel. "Informed public opinion in south-eastern Poland and Western Ukraine and the making of foreign policy." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.439029.
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Mosia, Serame R. "Post apartheid politics and issues of race : the views and position of political parties in South Africa on the crisis in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53554.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Race has been used as an instrument of domination and separation of the South African population for a long time. The dawn of the democratic dispensation in 1994marked a shift from the policy of racial separation to the creation of the non-racial democratic South Africa. However, political parties in this country have constantly re-politicised race in the post apartheid era mainly for political gain. The purpose of this study will be to describe, explain and analyse how political parties in South Africa use the crisis in Zimbabwe to racialise politics in this country. The study will show that the dilemma facing political parties in South Africa is that they cannot avoid focusing on racial issues. The focus is on four main political parties, the ANC, the PAC, the NNP and the DA. The study specifically looked at the following issues in Zimbabwe: the Land crisis, the 2003 March presidential elections and the economic crisis to see how they have influenced political discourse in South Africa. As anticipated, predominantly black parties have shown some empathy with Robert Mugabe's government, while predominantly white parties have called for a more confrontational measure against Mugabe's government. Nonetheless, this study found no conclusive evidence to suggest that the crisis in Zimbabwe has fuelled race conflict in this country. But that race is politicised by parties in South Africa for political gain.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In Apartheld-Suid-Afrika was rasse verskille gebruik as 'n instrument van onderdrukking en skeiding van die bevolking. Met die totstandkoming van demokrasie in 1994 het 'n verskuiwing van 'n rasse-beleid na 'n nie-rassige, demokratiese Suid-Afrika gelei. Politieke partye politiseer egter steeds ras in post-Apartheid Suid-Afrika vir politieke gewin. Die doel van hierdie studie is om te beskryf, verduidelik en te analiseer hoe politieke partye die krisis in Zimbabwe gebruik om politiek in Suid-Afrika steeds gebonde ras te hou. Hierdie studis al aandui dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika nie die fokus van ras identiteite kan vermy nie. 'n Moontlike rede hiervoor is dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika 'nsolidariteit met hul kiesers wil behou. Die studie fokus op vier van die mees prominente politieke partye in Suid-Afrika naamlik: ANC, PAC, NNP en die DA. Om elke party se stand-punt op hierdie onderwerp te verstaan, gaan die studie fokus op die volgende punte in Zimbabwe: grondhervorming, die 2003Presidensiële verkiesing en die impak wat die ekonomiese krisis in Zimbabwe op die politieke gebied gehad het. Soos verwag, het partye met histories oorheersende swart oortuigings empatie met Robert Mugabe se regering betoon. Mugabe word gesien as 'n slagoffer van onsimpatieke wit settelaars wat vasklou aan hul eertydse voorregte. Terwyloorwegende wit partye vra vir strenger optrede teenoor die regering van Robert Mugabe. Nie te min, het hierdie studie geen uitsluitende bewyse gevind wat aandui dat die krisis in Zimbabwe konflik rasse in Suid- Afrika aangespoor het nie. Dit is egter belangrik om in ag te neem dat die politisering van ras grootliks deur partye gebruik word om ondersteuning te werf.
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Freemantle, Simon Arthur Christopher. "Brand South Africa : Dutch impressions of the ‘Rainbow Nation’." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3337.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.This thesis aims to assess what perceptions a sample population of Dutch students in Amsterdam have of South Africa from a broad range of social, political and cultural indicators. Until now, research into the existent perceptions regarding South Africa in the international community has been limited, which has implications for the formulation of its branding strategies and the possibility of their successful implementation at a crucial stage in the development of the country’s international reputation. Based on a theoretical framework which assumes the potential of nation branding for developing states, this thesis aims to provide an assessment of several historical and contemporary challenges faced by Brand South Africa, the most salient of which are linked to the fundamental need for consistency in the promotion of the nation’s identity. This analysis introduces the empirical research upon which the study is based and thereby explains the ambiguous nature of South Africa’s post-Apartheid brand identity.
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Agboaye, Ehikioya. "Media Agenda-Building Effect: Analysis of American Public Apartheid Activities, Congressional and Presidential Policies on South Africa, 1976-1988." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331332/.
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The mass media's role in informing the American public is critical to public support for government policies. The media are said to set the national agenda. This view is based on the assumption of selective coverage they give to news items. Media coverage also influences the salience the public attaches to issues.
However, media agenda effect has been challenged by Lang and Lang (1983). These scholars, in their media agenda-building theory, argued that the success of media effect on national agenda is dependent on group support.
In order to test this theory, time-related data on South Africa crises, media coverage"of South Africa, American public reactions, congressional, and presidential apartheid-related activities, between 1976 and 1988, were analyzed. Congressional anti-apartheid policies were the dependent and others, the independent variables. The theory made analysis of the data amenable to the additive adopted to test for the significance of the interactive variables, indicated that these variables were negatively related to congressional anti-apartheid policies. The additive model was subsequently analyzed. The time series multiple regression analysis was used in analyzing the relationships. Given autocorrelation and multicollinearity problems associated with time series analysis, the Arima (p, d, q) model was used to model the relationships. This model was used to indicate support, or nonsupport, for the time series regression analysis.
The result of the additive model indicated that South African political crises were negatively related to congressional anti-apartheid actions. It also showed that the relationship between the American public reactions and congressional anti-apartheid policies was greater in comparison to all other independent variables. The presidential actions taken against South Africa were negatively related to Congress' anti-apartheid actions. Television had the greatest relationship with congressional anti-apartheid actions compared to newspapers and magazines.
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Hofmeyr, Jan Hendrik. "Foreign observers in South African elections : an assessment of their contributions." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51768.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Over the past three decades the practice of international election observation has shifted its focus from elections taking place within a decolonialisation context, to those in independent, but formerly undemocratic, states. The latter accepted the presence of international observers with some reservation, citing the contention that observation amounted to an infringement on national sovereignty. The demise of the former East Block, however, established the primacy of the liberal democratic ideology in world politics, leaving these states with a limited choice between democratisation and isolation. Pro-democracy supporters in former authoritarian countries embraced the change in ideological climate. Realising the lack of capacity and trust to run elections by themselves, they generally supported the presence of international observers in elections of states emerging from prolonged periods of authoritarianism. Over the past decade this affinity with international missions has been transformed into skepticism. Three primary reasons for this disenchantment have been the apparent lack of electoral standards, uncoordinated observer missions and failure to convince voters of their impartiality. This assignment represents a scholarly attempt to evaluate the contributions of international election observers to South African elections. On a theoretical level it addresses the three criticisms against foreign observation. Drawing on the vast body of international literature, the author suggests three countermeasures. These suggestions, aimed at enhancing the contributions of international observer consist of: 1) a greater consideration for the political context within which an election takes place; 2) the pooling of international observer capacity and 3) more scope to, and cooperation with, local observer groups. Each of these measures is transferred to the South African electoral reality to establish the extent of their application in this practical context. With regard to the first proposal the author finds that clear consideration has been given to contextual factors in both elections. An assessment of the quality of coordination of international observer groups also indicates that the practice of pooling resources have been employed with success by a number of missions. In this field the U.N. played a leading role. Cooperation between international observers and their local counterparts is however an aspect that has been lagging behind. The opportunity for capacity building, a significant benefit of such cooperation, has therefore to a large extent been lost. In the light of this, and the uncertainty of future international involvement, the author asserts that in future South Africans will increasingly be dependent on the cultivation of homegrown capacity. He therefore believes that initiatives such as the creation of the SADC Electoral Forum in 1998 are commendable and should be encouraged.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die fokus van internasionale verkiesingwaarneming het in die loop van die laaste drie dekades wesenlik verskuif van die tradisionele dekolonisasie verkiesingskonteks, na waarneming binne onafhanklike state waar die omskakeling van outoritêre na demokratiese regeringsvorms redelik onlangs plaasgevind het. Laasgenoemde state moes waarnemers, en die verkiesings wat waargeneem is, met voorbehoud aanvaar. Die alternatiewe was egter beperk. Die val van die voormalige Oosblok en die gevolglike triomf van die liberale demokrasie, het ondemokratiese state met 'n eenvoudige keuse gelaat: hervorm of staar isolasie in die gesig. Pro-demokratiese groepe in voormalige outoritêre state het die nuwe klimaat van politieke vryheid verwelkom. In die besef dat nuwe demokrasieë waarskynlik nie oor die nodige ervaring en wedersydse vertroue binne die bevolking beskik om verkiesings volkome te laat vlot nie, is buitelandse bystand - met inbegrip van internasionale waarneming - deur dié groepe verwelkom. In die afgelope dekade het die positiewe konnotasie aan internasionale verkiesingswaarneming egter in gedrang gekom. Drie kernredes hiervoor was die skynbare gebrek aan universele verkiesingstandaarde, swak georganiseerde waarnemer afvaardigings en 'n algemene gebrek om hul motiewe bo verdenking te plaas. Die sentrale oogmerk van hierdie werkstuk is die evaluasie van die bydraes gemaak deur internasionale verkiesingswaarnemers in die twee Suid-Afrikaanse verkiesings van 1994 en 1999. Op 'n teoretiese vlak is die drie bogenoemde gebreke aangespreek, en na raadpleging van internasionale literatuur oor die onderwerp is drie teenmaatreëls geidentifiseer. Hierdie aktiwiteite, gemik op meer effektiewe internasionale betrokkenheid bestaan uit: 1) groter aandag wat geskenk moet word aan politeke konteks; 2) die kombinering van internasionale waarnemer vaardighede vir beter resultate, en 3) groter klem wat gelê moet word op samewerking tussen nasionale en internasionale waarnemers. Elkeen van hierdie vereistes is oorgedra na die Suid-Afrikaanse verkiesingskonteks om vas te stel tot watter mate dié gebruike in Suid-Afrika wortel geskied het. Wat betref die eerste voorstel met betrekking tot konteksgebonde evaluasie, is daar vasgestel dat dit wel deel was van internasionale waarnemer praktyk in beide verkiesings. 'n Waardeskatting van die koordinasie van internasionale waarnemingsgroepe dui verder daarop dat samewerking tussen waarnemergroepe oor die algemeen bygedra het tot 'n versterking van inisiatiewe deur internasionale waarnemers. Op hierdie gebied het die Verenigde Nasies veral 'n sleutelrol gespeel. 'n Aspek wat egter agterweë gebly het, is die vlak van samewerking tussen internasionale waarnemers en hul Suid- Afrikaanse eweknieë. Hier is 'n waardevolle geleentheid verspeel om die kapasiteit van plaaslike verkiesingswaarnemers te versterk. Dit, en die feit dat toekomstige internasionale teenwoordigheid in die toekoms nie 'n sekerheid is nie, sal volgens die skrywer, beteken dat Suid-Afrikaners in die toekoms toenemend aangewese sal wees op die ontwikkeling van eie kapasiteit. In die lig hiervan moet inisiatiewe soos SAOG se nuutgestigte Verkiesingsforum verwelkom en aangemoedig word.
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Schnitzer, Shira Danielle. "Imperial longings and promised lands : Anglo-Jewry, Palestine and the Empire, 1899-1948." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:61db8aca-0ade-422f-9ba4-5afcbc1f3d25.
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This thesis concentrates on two discrete contexts in which Jewish and imperial concerns converged: the Boer War and the British Mandate for Palestine. For Britain's Jews, the Boer War represented a rare and uncomfortable moment in which the Jewish Question achieved relative prominence. However the war also generated a different set of 'Jewish questions', leading the Anglo-Jewish establishment to refine its own understanding of patriotic and imperial duty. The case of Palestine, by contrast produced less straightforward and predictable outcomes. Ottoman entry into World War I, which prompted both British and Zionist considerations into the merits of a Jewish homeland as part of the imperial system, created an acute conflict for British Jewry's communal leadership. Although not negating the advantages of a British-Jewish Palestine either to the Empire or to Jews in need of refuge, its decision to oppose the Balfour Declaration privileged at some cost a distinctive reading of Jewish interests over a more obvious synthesis of national and sectarian goals. Despite continued objections to Zionism's ideological outlook and its pursuit of statehood, the Anglo-Jewish establishment located in the interwar development of a British-Jewish Palestine a means to advance both Jewish communal and imperial agendas. As the alliance between the Zionists and Britain unravelled in the final decade of the Mandate, British Jews eager to safeguard their position as well as their vision of Palestine's future would persist in defending this relationship. In its exploration of the evolution of Anglo-Jewish attitudes towards Britain, the Empire and Mandatory Palestine, this thesis aims to address both thematic and chronological gaps in the historiography of Anglo-Jewry. By drawing attention to the uniqueness of Anglo-Jewry's imperial connection to Palestine and to the domestic impact of British involvement, my work also contributes to scholarship on Zionism and the Mandate Finally, it offers a framework for considering the impact of, and relationship to, Empire of minority groups residing in Britain.
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Lee, Eunjoo. "The effect of an in-service workshop on the attitudes and perceptions of South Korean educator participants toward community based instruction." Virtual Press, 1995. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/958771.
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The purpose of this study was to examine the effect of an inservice workshop on the attitudes and perceptions of South Korean educator participants toward community based instruction for students with mental retardation. Thirty South Korean educator participants from EMI, TMI, SMI, and SXI focused on classrooms were asked to respond to a questionnaire containing items that demographics, importance of community based instruction, necessity of community based activities for their students' adult lives, required instructional time for community based activities, satisfaction with their current instructional time for community based activities, and potential barriers to community based instruction. For the treatment procedure, an extensive in-service workshop on community based instruction was given to all educator participants. Results indicated that in general, educator participants expressed overall positive attitudes toward community based instruction and showed strong support for the necessity of community based activities in their students' adult lives. Interestingly, all of the 13 community based activities provided in this questionnaire received at least one rating of "never would be needed" in the adult lives for students with mental retardation. In general, these educator participants appeared to be dissatisfied with the current amount of instructional time allocated for community based activities. In addition, these educator participants perceived limited staff, transportation, scheduling, cost, and administrator reluctance factors as the major potential barriers to community based instruction. Further, differential responses between EMI educator participants and TMI, SMI, and SXI educator participants were noted for the questionnaire items related to necessity of community based activities, and satisfaction with the total amount of instructional time in community based activities. EMI educator participants indicated community based activities were more necessary and more satisfied with current amount of, time allocated in community based instruction than TMI, SMI, and SXI educators. Implication concerning the future prospects for community based instruction in South Korea for students with mental retardation were also presented.Department of Special Education
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Åström, Alexander. "The Korean Peninsula: Where the Cold War Never Ended : The Foreign Policy of the Republic of Korea on a peaceful reunification with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle (HOS), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-23189.
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This paper examines different foreign policies of the Republic of Korea (South Korea) towards the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea) with regards to a peaceful reunification of the Korean Peninsula. The paper uses the theoretical framework of Social Constructivism to analyze what impact the different foreign policies of South Korea towards North Korea have had on their relations, thus providing an understanding of what impact those foreign policies have had on the peaceful reunification process of the Korean Peninsula. The paper will also look at the First Korean Nuclear Crisis, the Second Korean Nuclear Crisis, the ROKS Cheonan sinking and the shelling of Yeonpyeong, and with the help from the theoretical framework of Social Constructivism, analyze what impact those incidents have had on South Korea’s foreign policy and relations with North Korea, thus providing an understanding what impact those incidents have had on the peaceful reunification process of the Korean Peninsula.
Books on the topic "South Korean Foreign public opinion"
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1957-, Larson Eric V., Levin Norman D, Baik Seonhae, and Savych Bogdan, eds. Ambivalent allies?: A study of South Korean attitudes toward the U.S. Santa Monica, CA: Rand, 2004.
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Sawada, Katsumi. Kankoku "hannichi" no shinsō. Tōkyō: Kabushiki Kaisha Bungei Shunjū, 2015.
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Tamaki, Taku. Deconstructing Japan's image of South Korea: Identity in foreign policy. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
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WWUK. "Shinnichi Kankokujin" desu ga, nani ka?: Ringoku na noni dōshite konna ni mo kachikan ga chigau no ka. Tōkyō: Gokū Shuppan, 2020.
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Kwŏn, Yul. ODA e taehan kungmin insik chosa kyŏlgwa mit kukche pigyo: Trends in Korean public opinion about foreign aid. Sŏul T'ŭkpyŏlsi: Taeoe Kyŏngje Chŏngch'aek Yŏn'guwŏn, 2011.
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translator, Kim Su-bin, and Pak, T'ae-gyun, writer of added commentary, eds. Panmijuŭi ro ponŭn Han'guk hyŏndaesa: Anti-Americanism in democratizing South Korea. Sŏul-si: San Ch'ŏrŏm, 2017.
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Kisha, Shimin Seminā Nikkan. Tōkyō 2020: Gorin, Pararinpikku no tenmatsu ; heiroku, Nikkan supōtsu, bunka kōryū no igi. Tōkyō: Shakai Hyōronsha, 2021.
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Sun, Tokko, and Hanʼguk Kukpang Yŏnʼguwŏn, eds. Kukpang e taehan kungmin ŭisik chosa (2007-yŏndo). [Seoul]: Hanʼguk Kukpang Yŏnʼguwŏn, 2007.
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Wakatsuki, Yasuo. Kankoku, Chōsen to Nihonjin: Kankoku, Chōsenjin no kirai na Nihonjin, Nihonjin no kirai na Kankoku, Chōsenjin. Tōkyō: Hara Shobō, 1989.
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Sakuwa, Tōru. Nihonjin "kankokujin" wa suki daga Nihon "Kankoku" wa kirai: Nikkan no gakusei ishiki chōsa. Tōkyō: Nisshin Hōdō, 1998.
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"Mobilizing public opinion for/against foreign labor policies in Korea, 1995–2005: NGOs, trade unions, and employers’ associations in contested terrain." In Contemporary South Korean Society, 223–34. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203084373-21.
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Ku, Jae H. "PUBLIC OPINION, REGIONALISM AND FOREIGN POLICY EVALUATION IN SOUTH KOREA." In National Security, Public Opinion and Regime Asymmetry, 49–77. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789813206953_0003.
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"Public Opinion and Pressure Groups." In Inside South Africa’s Foreign Policy. I.B. Tauris, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755619221.ch-003.
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"Influencing Public Opinion and Foreign Policy Decision Making." In The Independence of South Sudan, 43–52. Wilfrid Laurier Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.51644/9781771120838-006.
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Pacheco Pardo, Ramón. "Foreign Policy." In The Oxford Handbook of South Korean Politics. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780192894045.013.34.
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Abstract The foreign policy of South Korea since the Sixth Republic was established in 1987 has remained remarkably stable. In terms of structures, goals, and tools, there has been little change across administrations. The structures underpinning South Korea’s foreign policymaking process reflect the country’s strong presidentialism. Thus, the president and its office dominate foreign policy decision-making. Throughout this period, the key goals have been strengthening national security, autonomy, Korean reunification, promoting economic openness at the global level, and influencing international affairs. When it comes to foreign policy tools, South Korea prioritizes its alliance with the United States, strong military capabilities, multilateralism and cooperation, soft power and public diplomacy, and trade multilateralism and bilateralism. Ultimately, South Korea is a middle power. Its foreign policy objectives and, especially, tools reflect this.
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Fields, David P. "Mr. Rhee Goes to Washington." In Foreign Friends, 85–107. University Press of Kentucky, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813177199.003.0004.
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Chapter 3 examines how Rhee and the Korean independence movement utilized this constituency to place pressure on American policymakers during the fight over the ratification of the Versailles Treaty and during the Washington Naval Conference of 1921–1922. The chapter pays special attention to the common cause the Korean activists and their American supporters made with the so-called Irreconcilables in the US Senate. The Korean independence movement provided these senators with an “internationalist” justification for opposing the treaty and thus an answer to the charge that they were advocating isolationism. The Koreans in return received an airing of their views in the US Senate and even a vote on a Korean reservation to the Versailles Treaty. While scholars have examined the importance of the issue of the Shantung Peninsula to the case against the Versailles Treaty in the Senate, few have realized that it was the brutal Japanese suppression of the March First Movement that injected such passion into the debate over the Shantung. While Korean activists’ passionate invocations of the American mission during both the fight over the Versailles Treaty and the Washington Naval Conference did not result in any official policy changes toward Korea, they significantly shifted American perceptions of the Japanese colonization of Korea and brought much of informed American public opinion on the situation into sympathy with the Koreans.
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Galstyan, Narek S. "How to Deal with Armenia’s Geopolitical Trilemma? Examining Public Opinion." In Eastern Chessboard: Geopolitical Determinants and Challenges in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus, 209–20. Ksiegarnia Akademicka Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/9788376386706.16.
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This article focuses on the analysis of foreign policy attitudes and perceptions within Armenia’s society. The analysis is based on the comparison and interpretation of results of various quantitative surveys conducted in Armenia from 2009 to 2015. The results of this comparative chronological analysis are compared with the basic principles of official foreign policy, enshrined in the National Security Strategy of Armenia (2007). In this framework, the core emphasis is placed perceptions of European and Eurasian dimensions of Armenia’s foreign policy. The objective of this analysis is to identify the existing and changing features of the foreign policy orientation within Armenia’s society. It is concluded that for Armenia’s society there was and is not any “Eurasian”, but only a “Russian” choice: the vast majority of Armenia’s population considers relations with Russia as strategic and as based not on economic or socio-cultural, but mainly on political (security) reasons. However, absolute majority also welcomes Armenia’s broad cooperation with West, especially with the EU. Moreover, the majority even stands for Armenia’s membership in the European Union alongside with the membership in the Eurasian Union.
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Ahmed, Mehmood. "Conflict and Communication in the Global South." In Handbook of Research on Deconstructing Culture and Communication in the Global South, 247–70. IGI Global, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-6684-8093-9.ch016.
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Mass media's content is the vital source of eventual changes in individuals' as well as community's preferences about foreign policy, public opinion, and relations among nations. Policymakers consult media content on public opinion, and the media are the people's major source of information on what policymakers are doing. The discourse in the communication scholarly society on how to influence and shape mass media content under situations of systematic violence and conflict keeps budding not just in geographical capacity, but also on the praxis and epistemological fronts. The practitioners of the paradigm of peace journalism, the theoretical base of this chapter, forward the idea of revisiting norms of conventional journalism that until now take side of violence and/or conflict and to develop new norms that favour communal harmony and address common grounds. This chapter explores the trends, influences, and interplay of conflict and communication in the Global South with a particular reference to South Asia.
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Fouser, Robert J. "Social Attitudes toward ‘School English’ in Classroom Practice in South Korea from 1970 to the Present." In Policies and Practice in Language Learning and Teaching. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463722049_ch15.
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This chapter investigates social attitudes toward ‘school English’ in South Korea from 1970 to 1999. As the South Korean economy developed rapidly in the 1970s, the perceived importance of English grew. The trend accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s with continued growth and the transition to democracy. The chapter uses a corpus of forty-nine selected articles on English education from four major South Korean daily newspapers. Articles were selected based on the insight provided into social attitudes and analysed qualitatively to discern trends over time. Results showed that pushes to reform ‘school English’ originated from policy markers intent on linking English proficiency to economic and social development. Instead of reflecting attitudes, policy makers acted as drivers of public opinion.
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Bitkova, Tatiana N. "Features of the foreign policy of Romania." In Central and South-Eastern Europe in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries: researches and documents, 240–53. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences; Nestor-Istoriia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2712-8342.2021.2.16.
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The main part of this chapter is devoted to the consideration of the Euro-Atlantic direction of Romanian foreign policy. A brief overview of foreign policy under the administrations of the four presidents is given. The core idea that stands out is that, despite some nuances of foreign policy preferences of various presidential teams, Romania throughout the post-communist period firmly adhered to the course of participation in Euro-Atlantic structures. The chapter touches on important aspects of regional cooperation from the point of view of Romania's geopolitical ambitions: relations with the Republic of Moldova, Ukraine, and Hungary. The country's foreign policy priorities are determined by taking into account its active “pro-Americanism” and complicated relations with Russia, which have resulted from negative perception of the latter's foreign policy. The main contours of Romania's foreign policy are also examined through the prism of public opinion, including statements by representatives of nationalist groups that negatively assess the Euro-Atlantic priorities of Romanian foreign policy.
Conference papers on the topic "South Korean Foreign public opinion"
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Minsagitov, Askad. "CULTURE OF SOUTH KOREA, MODERN CHALLENGES." In UZBEKISTAN-KOREA: CURRENT STATE AND PROSPECTS OF COOPERATION. OrientalConferences LTD, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/ocl-01-19.
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The article is devoted to the study of traditional Korean culture, its features, the history of the formation and development of intercultural exchange with neighboring countries; assessment of the processes of unification of national culture in modern conditions of development; issues of preserving the national identity of Koreans in the political, economic life. In this article, special attention is paid to the analysis of the phenomenon of the Korean “cultural wave”, the history of its development, the identification of the main reasons for its popularization among the masses of a global nature, the identification of the main vehicles of both modern and traditional culture of the Korean people. This article explores the policy of interest and the role of governmental and non-governmental institutions for the dissemination of knowledge about Korea on a global scale. Consideration of the national Korean media culture as the main source of influence on public opinion and a factor contributing to the formation of an imitative image of the Korean (style) of life.
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Fedorova, Kapitolina. "Between Global and Local Contexts: The Seoul Linguistic Landscape." In GLOCAL Conference on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 2020. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/cala2020.5-1.
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Multilingualism in urban spaces is mainly studied as an oral practice. Nevertheless, linguistic landscape studies can serve as a good explorative method for studying multilingualism in written practices. Moreover, resent research on linguistic landscapes (Blommaert 2013; Shohamy et. al. 2010; Backhaus 2006) have shed some light on the power relations between different ethnic groups in urban public space. Multilingual practices exist in a certain ideological context, and not only official language policy but speaker linguistic stereotypes and attitudes can influence and modify those practices. Historically, South Korea tended to be oriented towards monolingualism; one nation-one people-one language ideology was domineering public discourse. However, globalization and recent increase in migration resulted in gradual changes in attitudes towards multilingualism (Lo and Kim 2012). The linguistic landscapes of Seoul, on the one hand, reflect these changes, and However, they demonstrates pragmatic inequality of languages other than South Korean in public use. This inequality, though, is represented differently in certain spatial urban contexts. The proposed paper aims at analyzing data on linguistic landscapes of Seoul, South Korea ,with the focus on different contexts of language use and different sets of norms and ideological constructs underlying particular linguistic choices. In my presentation I will examine data from three urban contexts: ‘general’ (typical for most public spaces); ‘foreign-oriented’ (seen in tourist oriented locations such as airport, expensive hotels, or popular historical sites, which dominates the Itaewon district); and ‘ethnic-oriented’ (specific for spaces created by and for ethnic minority groups, such as Mongolian / Central Asian / Russian districts near the Dongdaemun History and Culture Park station). I will show that foreign languages used in public written communication are embedded into different frameworks in these three urban contexts, and that the patterns of their use vary from pragmatically oriented ones to predominately symbolic ones, with English functioning as a substitution for other foreign languages, as an emblem of ‘foreignness.’