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Journal articles on the topic 'South Korean Foreign public opinion'
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1
Bae, Joonbum. "Limits of engagement? The sunshine policy, nuclear tests, and South Korean views of North Korea 1995–2013." International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 20, no. 3 (May 16, 2019): 411–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcz004.
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Abstract Can positive domestic messages generated by a foreign policy of engagement toward another country change public views regarding that state? How resistant are such changes to events that contradict the positive messages? I argue that while positive government messages about an adversary can significantly improve public opinion, highly consequential foreign policy events that contradict the messages influence public opinion at the cost of elites’ ability to shape it through their messages. Such differing effects can lead to a polarization of opinion when the content of the messages and the nature of events diverge from each other. Leveraging the unpredictability of North Korea’s foreign policy behavior, the South Korean government’s sustained policy of engagement toward it during the years 1998–2007, and North Korea’s first two nuclear tests to examine the relative impact of consequential foreign policy events and elite messages on public opinion, I find strong evidence consistent with this argument.
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Du Pisani, Jacobus A., and Kwangsu Kim. "The Obama factor: Responses in South Korea (2008-2009)." New Contree 65 (December 30, 2012): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v65i0.313.
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An analysis is made in this article of responses in the South Korean media to the rise of Barack Obama, starting with his appearance on the scene as presidential contender, then being nominated as the official candidate of the Democratic Party, en then being elected to the office of President of the USA. At the outset the context is outlined of relations between South Korea and the USA. Then the opinions and attitudes of South Korean politicians, economists, editors, academics and letter writers from the general public at key moments during 2008 and 2009 in the American presidential election campaign are analysed. The focus is on expectations of Obama among the South Korean citizens mainly with regard to his economic policy and his policy on US foreign relations with South Korea. For the South Koreans Obama’s stance towards North Korea on its development of a nuclear capability and the future of the foreign trade agreement between the USA and South Korea was crucial. The analysis in this article of the reactions to Obama’s rise expressed in the South Korean newspapers confirms that globalisation and glocalisation are concurrent processes in the contemporary world. On the one hand a set of liberal moral values has become dominant among moderates all over the world that unites them in their attitudes towards global events. On the other hand those generic values only assume real significance for people when they are applied to local issues.
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Kim, Ji Young, Wenxin Li, and Seunghee Lee. "Making Sense of Japan’s Export Restrictions against South Korea." Asian Survey 61, no. 4 (July 2021): 683–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.4.683.
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Why did Japanese Prime Minister Abe impose controversial export restrictions after rulings by the South Korean Supreme Court on wartime forced laborers? This article answers this question through the lens of domestic symbolism in economic sanctions studies. We argue that domestic political calculations led the Japanese government to adopt hawkish measures against South Korea. Abe wanted to ensure continued support from his constituents and to win the upcoming election. A series of political reforms since the early 1990s have empowered the prime minister and made LDP politicians pay more attention to public opinion than to factional topography. Strong anti-Korean sentiment among the Japanese public reduced the leadership’s concerns about the audience costs of economic countermeasures. Through an examination of the interplay among various domestic actors over the policy measure, this study provides insights on how domestic symbolism can serve as an origin of foreign policy decision-making in democracies.
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Lee, Shin-wha. "Foreign Policy Dilemma in South Korean Democracy : Challenge of Polarized and Politicized Public Opinion." Peace Studies 28, no. 2 (October 31, 2020): 259–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.21051/ps.2020.10.27.2.259.
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Lee, Shin-wha. "Foreign Policy Dilemma in South Korean Democracy : Challenge of Polarized and Politicized Public Opinion." Peace Studies 28, no. 2 (October 31, 2020): 259–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.21051/ps.2020.10.28.2.259.
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Cho, Seo-Young, Daniela Claus Kim, Eun-Jeung Lee, and Suhon Lee. "The Rise of South Korea's Soft Power in Europe: A Survey Analysis of Public Diplomacy." Korea Observer - Institute of Korean Studies 54, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 227–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2023.54.2.227.
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This study investigates public perceptions of South Korea in Europe empirically through a survey. Using expert assessments in 19 countries, the results show that Europeans perceive the economic and technological development of South Korea positively, but opinions are more mixed regarding its standing in politics, culture, and education. Furthermore, we find evidence of undervaluation, as South Korea is often regarded as a developing country without well-functioning institutions despite its actual position as a high-income, democratic country. Nonetheless, our study highlights areas of South Korea's recent development that are viewed positively – such as information technology, the Korean Wave, and successful Covid-19 management. Additionally, our results disentangle regional differences inside Europe: more positive public perceptions in Eastern Europe and English-speaking countries, mixed in Southern and Latin Europe, and negative in Central and Northern Europe. Our findings underscore the importance of communicating with foreign publics as part of public diplomacy.
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KIM, JUNG HYOUN. "The Comparative Analysis of Public Support for Developing Regional Regime in East Sea Rim (Sea of Japan) Region." Japanese Journal of Political Science 15, no. 1 (February 10, 2014): 131–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109913000388.
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AbstractThe East Sea (or Sea of Japan) (ESR/SOJ) Rim region, in which five countries – Japan, China, Russia, and North and South Korea – have their own coastal areas, is complex and dynamic, with many emerging regional security concerns. In this paper, the author tries to show that there is the possibility of a maritime regional regime in the ESR/SOJ region by investigating the level of public support, in Japan and South Korea, for the formation of a regional regime. Based on the theoretical assumptions of constructivism, the author analyzes what kinds of individual's social position factors influence the level of support for regional regime formation by conducting a nested regression model of survey datasets. The results of the statistical analysis suggest that people with a high level of national pride in South Korea are more likely to support a regional regime in the ESR/SOJ region. In contrast, for Japanese people, there is no relationship between people's national pride and the level of support for regional regime formation. The economic recession in Japan since the early 1990s has made public concern more about domestic policy than about foreign policy issues. Based on strong support of the bottom, public opinion towards regional regime formation, the South Korean government may play a leading role in developing a regional regime in the ESR/SOJ region (when the process of negotiation begins) as in the case of Japan in nineteenth century.
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Choi, Wooik. "Research of mutual perception of the Republic of Korea and Russia in the period 2016-2021." Vestnik instituta sotziologii 14, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 136–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/vis.2023.14.2.9.
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The study of the mutual perception of Korea and Russia can be considered an important form of cultural exchange for understanding the perception of the people and culture of another country. In addition, this project explores obstacles to the development of bilateral relations and possible points of contact for cooperation, that helps to determine the direction for strengthening the strategic partnership. This article is based on the results of the 2021 study, with particular attention to the differences in perceptions of the peoples of both countries and its changes since 2016.
Koreans still associate Russia with images of the past - the Soviet Union, a communist country, and communism. Russians associate South Korea with modern concepts such as the development of industry and technology and Korean culture. Both peoples express a desire to visit another country, while the interest in culture is slightly higher among Russians.
There are no significant changes in the perception of Koreans in bilateral relations. The proportion of Korean respondents expressing a positive attitude towards political cooperation has slightly decreased, positive sentiments can also be observed in relation to cooperation in the economic sphere. There are also no significant changes in Russians' perception of relations between the two countries. The proportion of those who positively assess the prospects for current bilateral relations has slightly decreased, just like the Koreans, the Russians have a positive attitude towards economic cooperation.
As the analysis of the survey results showed, cooperation between South Korea and the United States as allies and confrontation between Russia and the United States is the main obstacle to the development of relations between Russia and Korea. Foreign policy problems remain a decisive factor in the development of cooperation. Thus, in public opinion, a practical and effective way to develop bilateral relations can be an exchange in the field of economy, medicine, tourism and culture at the level of the private sector and local authorities, rather than political and diplomatic cooperation at the state level.
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Hoang Tien, Nguyen. "The friendly and cooperative relationship between Korea and Vietnam: The nature, current development and potential." Science & Technology Development Journal - Economics - Law and Management 3, no. 4 (January 25, 2020): 418–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjelm.v3i4.584.
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Diplomatic relations between Vietnam and South Korea officially began on December 22, 1992. Looking back over twenty years after the end of the Cold War, along with the profound changes in the world’s situation and the situation in Asia-Pacific region, Vietnam-South Korea relationship has grown exponentially. In the history of international relations, very few relationships have not gone through the ups and downs; but growing up steadily. It seems that the relationship between Vietnam and South Korea is an exception. In a quite short period of time, since the establishment of the diplomatic relationship in 1992, relations between the two countries have developed rapidly in many fields such as economic, political and cultural. South Korea is the fourth largest trading partner and the largest foreign investor in Vietnam, only after Japan. The Korean Samsung Corporation is the role model investor in Vietnam. South Korea also has the largest community group living and working in Vietnam. In contrary, Vietnamese students are among the largest groups of foreign students studying in South Korea. Vietnamese workers are among the largest groups of foreign labor force and Vietnamese community also is among the largest and vibrant groups of foreign communities in South Korea. In addition, beside the common historical origin and being in mutual strategic partnership relationship, Vietnam and South Korea share many similarities in business customs, cultural background, cuisine and life-styles. It can be commented that this relationship is only continually in the rise and the two countries' public opinions are particularly welcoming this booming relationship. This review article is trying to cover and analyze all-round current relationship between the two nations and the implication for the future.
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Efimova, Anna I. "Policy of nation branding in the Republic of Korea." Asia and Africa Today, no. 11 (2022): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750019805-7.
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The current interest in the Korea’s nation branding model is due to the rapid and apparent change of attitude to Korean cultural and industrial products globally. The policy of national branding has been implemented in the Republic of Korea for over 20 years. At the first stage, the creation of a favorable image of the country was supposed to help bringing the high standards of living and a developed economy into line with the predominantly negative assessments of Korea by foreign audiences of potential consumers of Korean products. The “Korea brand” building strategy is realized by the state with the implementation of branding campaigns through partnerships with private corporations. Public-private partnership allows ensuring the continuity of the process due to the mutual interest of the participating parties as raising the status of the “Korea brand” brings both political and economic dividends. In order to shape the social behavior of Koreans, domestic advertising campaigns are also organized in support of the objectives of improving the country’s image. Nation branding campaigns aim at promoting the country’s development goals, gaining international recognition in various fields, and are supported by South Koreans. At the same time, certain aspects and practices of implementing this policy encouraged public debate on the issue with the range of opinions from supportive to critical ones. The desire for international recognition, combined with the participation of many actors in the implementation of nation’s branding policy, often led to the incorrect presentation of Korea, its history, sports, and culture causing unexpected and undesirable results.
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Khan, Musa, Yong-Jin Won, and Nilüfer Pembecioğlu. "Cultural Exportation, Digital Distribution, and Penetration of K-Dramas in Turkey." Transnational Marketing Journal 9, no. 2 (September 13, 2021): 367–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/tmj.v9i2.1054.
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South Korea has pursued a multidimensional public diplomacy strategy in which Korean television exports and capitalization have emerged as a public and commercial cultural diplomacy tool over the last two decades. This article examines the widespread influence of Korean television content, including digital serial delivery, cultural exportation, cultural interactions, and capitalization—that is, content sales, indirect advertising, and media-induced tourism. Empirical data was obtained from Turkey’s audience members using the online survey tool. As a result of the social and cultural impact, the respondents’ opinions on Korean serials are both animated and rational. The creation of audience members’ social, psychological, and cultural experiences with K-Dramas clarifies their intimacy and activeness. Unlike local or other international content, a significant number of respondents claim that Korean TV serials are not only a source of entertainment but also have profound edifying aspects. According to the results, “Cultural Proximity” and “Content Availability” are two of the most important factors in choosing Korean TV serials over foreign content. The “content availability” is based on the emergence and expansion of Streaming TV; however, in cultural proximity, similarities in family norms and values in both nations are notable.
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Kriner, Douglas L., and Francis X. Shen. "Conscription, Inequality, and Partisan Support for War." Journal of Conflict Resolution 60, no. 8 (July 9, 2016): 1419–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715590877.
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While recent scholarship suggests that conscription decreases support for military action, we argue that its effect is contingent both on a draft’s consequences for inequality in military sacrifice and on partisanship. In an experiment examining public support for defending South Korea, we find that reinstating the draft significantly decreases support for war among Democrats; however, this effect is diminished if the draft reduces inequality in sacrifice. Support for war among Republicans, by contrast, responds neither to information about conscription nor its inequality ramifications. A follow-up experiment shows that conscription continues to significantly decrease support for war, even in the context of a retaliatory strike against a foreign state that targeted American forces. Moreover, partisanship and the inequality ramifications of the draft continue to moderate the relationships between conscription and public opinion. More broadly, our study emphasizes the importance of examining how Americans evaluate foreign policy–relevant information through partisan lenses.
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Tarikanov, Dmitry V. "Qualification of private divorce in private international law of Germany." RUDN Journal of Law 27, no. 3 (December 15, 2023): 765–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2337-2023-27-3-765-784.
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The private divorce is such a dissolution of marriage that does not require the participation of the state. The examples are the Islamic talaq in its original concept still existing in some Arabic countries, the customary divorces in some countries of Sub-Saharan Africa as well as, according to the prevailing opinion in Germany, the divorce by mutual consent in the Far-East countries (Japan, Thailand, South Korea). The problem of classifying a divorce in the situation when European legal order raises the question of its recognition is generated by the fact that there is a conflict method for assessing the validity of transactions made abroad in classical private international law, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the divorce in the European legal orders is the public instrument which is performed by the state or at least by its active participation so that for the purpose of recognition it is submitted to the special procedure of recognition and enforcement of foreign judgments. Private international law of Germany is a unique case of dual classification of the foreign private divorce both as a public instrument (on the ground of fiction) and as a legal transaction according to the purpose of classification. To apply the procedure of recognizing foreign private divorce in Germany, such a divorce is equated to the foreign public instrument. To determine the scope of verification, such a divorce is regarded as a legal transaction and submitted to the conflict of laws-approach, not to the approach of procedural recognition.
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Streltsov, D. V. "Russian-Japanese Relations: Long-Term Development Factors." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 3 (July 8, 2020): 68–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-3-72-68-85.
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The article analyzes long-term external and internal factors determining the course of development of Russian-Japanese relations in 2019-2020. On the one hand, the anti-Russian component in Tokyo's foreign policy is shaped by its membership in the Security Treaty with the United States and its solidarity with the sanctions policy of the Group of Seven towards Russia. On the other hand, Japan and Russia are both interested interest in political cooperation in creating multilateral dialog mechanisms of international security in East Asia, resolving the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula, and easing tensions around territorial disputes in the East China and South China seas. Among the economic factors, the author focuses on the significant place of Russia in the context of Japan's task of diversifying sources of external energy supplies, as well as on Russia's desire to avoid unilateral dependence on the Chinese market while reorienting the system of foreign economic relations from the West to the East. Personal diplomacy of political leaders plays a significant role in relations between Russia and Japan, and, above all, close personal relationships and frequent meetings between Prime Minister Abe and President Putin, which make it possible to partially compensate the unfavorable image of the partner country in the public opinion of both Russia and Japan. Against the background of a deadlock in the Peace Treaty talks which emerged in 2019, the search for a way out of the diplomatic impasse is on the agenda. In the author's opinion, it would be appropriate at the first stage to proceed to the conclusion of a basic agreement on the basis bilateral relations, which would be "untied" from the Peace Treaty. In addition, Russia could stop criticizing Japan for its security policy and show greater understanding of the Japanese initiative in the field of quality infrastructure. In turn, Japan could take a number of strategic decisions on cooperation with Russia and announce them in the Prime Minister's keynote speech. In addition, Tokyo could stop positioning the issue of the peace Treaty as the main issue in relations with Russia, which would allow our countries to "untie" bilateral relations from the problem of border demarcation and focus on their positive agenda.
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Goodrich, Derrick I. "Comparing portraits." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 13, no. 2 (October 31, 2007): 35–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.13.2.3.
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The charge given to a nation’s free press in informing the public of the world around them is immense and essential to a functioning democratic society. A free press functions optimally when it operates independent from the constraining influence of powerful entities within its government, thus, allowing it to fulfil its role as an independent check on government action. As events unfold overseas, papers fill various columns with what is deemed “newsworthy.” If and how these unfolding events are reported back to the public carries tremendous weight in helping to form public opinion that either supports, opposes, or remains indifferent to the policy that governments implement abroad. The boardrooms of a nation’s leading news outlets are filled with individuals who also possess the ability to significantly counter or reinforce government claims concerning the relevance, consequences, or threats encompassed within overseas developments; from their leading headlines splashed across page one to the very wording used to depict a particular event. These abilities, when combined, allow a nation’s media to exert substantial influence on constraining or expanding decision-making options for policymakers who wish to garner public support or avoid potential public backlash. This paper will examine how this influence was exercised within U.S. society and its three leading news sources (The New York Times, Washington Post, and Chicago Tribune) in the reporting of four significant events: the 1960 Sharpeville Massacre in apartheid South Africa, the 1975 Indonesian invasion of East Timor, the Kwangju Massacre of 1980 in South Korea, and the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. The goal of this paper is to recount the historic role the U.S. media has played in its telling of developing international events, and determine whether it has fulfilled its duty to inform the public with the impartiality it lays claim to or whether, at times, it simply mirrors the foreign policy agenda of a particular administration and operates in a manner as to ensure its successful implementation.
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Chung, Il-Joon. "South Korean Democracy and Public, Public Opinion, Public Opinion Poll : From Ideology to Imagology?" Media & Society 31, no. 2 (May 31, 2023): 90–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.52874/medsoc.2023.05.31.2.90.
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Wiegand, Krista E., and Ajin Choi. "Nationalism, public opinion, and dispute resolution." Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 27, no. 2 (November 20, 2017): 232–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/japc.27.2.05wie.
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Abstract For several decades South Koreans have rallied around the Dokdo/Takeshima islets, small rocky outcroppings in the East Sea/Sea of Japan. There have been significant mobilization efforts by the Korean government, opposition parties, media, and civic groups that stir up a strong level of nationalism in South Korea. Why is public opinion about Dokdo, as the islets are named by Koreans, so fierce in South Korea despite the fact that South Korea has maintained effective control of the islets for over 50 years? How can public opinion and territorial nationalism affect dispute resolution? In this research project, we argue that domestic mobilization, stalwart public opinion, and strong territorial nationalism exist primarily because the islets symbolize other salient issues disputed with Japan and such issue linkage makes the territorial dispute difficult to resolve.
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Rich, Timothy S., Kaitlyn Bison, and Aleksandra Kozovic. "Who is welcome? South Korean public opinion on North Koreans and other refugees." Japanese Journal of Political Science 22, no. 3 (June 17, 2021): 117–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109921000116.
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AbstractWhat explains South Korean public opposition for refugees and does the public differentiate among groups? Although a sizable literature addresses perceptions of North Korean arrivals, few studies directly compare sentiment for this group to others. Using an original web survey with an embedded experimental design, we find clear greater support for accepting North Korean arrivals compared to both non-ethnic Korean refugees and Muslim refugees. Additional analysis finds clear majorities view Islam as incompatible with Korean values. Our results suggest the challenge of encouraging multiculturalism in the largely homogeneous country.
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Wu, Yingning. "Analyzing the Factors Contradicting Public Opinion and Governmental Decision-Making in the Attitudes of South Korea towards Japan’s Nuclear Contaminated Water." Highlights in Business, Economics and Management 35 (June 16, 2024): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/c1zc2078.
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In August 2023, Japan began to discharge a pile of nuclear contaminated water into the sea, which is very harmful to the environment and ecology as well as human health. South Korea, as one of Japan’s closest neighbours and also the most affected by nuclear-contaminated water, the public broke out in large-scale protests and marches in many places, and was strongly condemned by the opposition party. However, the Korean government also ignored domestic public opinion and the demands of the opposition parties this time and insisted on supporting the Japanese government’s behaviour. This paper analyses and compares the conflict between the Korean government and the public, Korean parties, and the international situation through this crisis. The study found that with the polarisation of the Korean political scene and the tension of the international situation, the two-party conflict at home, the international conflict between the two poles against the confrontation led by China, Russia and the United States, the two pairs of major contradictions are gradually severe, in which the interests of the involvement of the authorities and the regime of strife to the extent that the South Korean government authorities to ignore public opinion brought about by the negative impacts of the public opinion, so it chose to focus on stabilizing the situation at home and abroad to stabilize and consolidate the power. Understanding these factors is essential in comprehending the complexities and contradictions between public opinion and governmental decision-making.
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BONG, Youngshik Daniel, and John Jihyung LEE. "Choosing Partners: South Korean Public Opinion on the United States and China." Journal of Peace Studies 17, no. 2 (June 29, 2016): 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.14363/kaps.2016.17.2.37.
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NOËL, ALAIN, and JEAN-PHILIPPE THÉRIEN. "Public Opinion and Global Justice." Comparative Political Studies 35, no. 6 (August 2002): 631–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414002035006001.
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The concept of global justice has been developed to stress the worldwide implications of moral problems. Not much, however, has been written about the actual politics of global justice. This article focuses on public opinion and argues that attitudes about international redistribution are not a simple projection of attitudes about the domestic situation. In countries where domestic income redistribution is seen as an important priority, foreign aid is less popular; where this is less so, there is more concern for the fate of the poor in the South. Far from reflecting a lack of coherence in public opinion, these counterintuitive results need to be understood in connection with policy achievements in donor countries. The authors' empirical findings suggest that although the commitment to redistribute is stronger at the national level, relationships of solidarity do not stop at national boundaries. The achievement of justice at home in fact sustains justice abroad.
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Nadtochey, Yuriy. "The Impact of the Korean and Vietnam Wars on US Foreign and Domestic Politicy." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 2 (2022): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640014886-2.
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The article compares the two most significant military conflicts of the Cold War era, the Korean War and the Vietnam War, in terms of their impact on US domestic and foreign policy. To this end, they are analysed on eight key parameters (objectives of the war, changes in foreign policy concepts, economic consequences of the war, public opinion, etc.). Unlike numerous studies on the impact of the US on Asian regions and nations, the main thrust of this study is to focus on the reverse impact of the Korean and Vietnam Wars, namely on the ways these conflicts affected the domestic affairs of the US and altered its foreign policy behaviour. The empirical base for the study encompasses declassified White House and Pentagon papers, memoirs of American presidents, public opinion polls, as well as extensive research literature. The authors conclude that, although the war on the Korean Peninsula was one of the hottest points of the Cold War and had a serious impact on the social and political life of the country, it has in fact turned out to be a “forgotten” event in American history. By contrast, the Vietnam War, although it had a significant impact on the public consciousness of Americans, was on the whole largely a local conflict, failed to substantially change the international situation, and could not impede the policy of détente in international relations, which was essential for both the USA and the USSR.
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Mesquita, Rafael. "Public opinion and emerging powers: perceptions of the assertive diplomacies of South Africa, Brazil, and Turkey in national and regional surveys." Opinião Pública 29, no. 1 (April 2023): 166–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1807-01912023291166.
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This article investigates whether there is evidence of a “rise and fall” of emerging powers over the past 20 years in the eyes of public opinion. We compared several national and regional surveys on the foreign policies of South Africa, Brazil, and Turkey in search of signs of endorsement or disapproval of the more assertive foreign policies exercised by these countries. The results suggest a pronounced rise and decline for Ankara and some decline for Brasília; however, the results are inconclusive for Pretoria. The present work seeks to contribute to the debate on status and regional leadership by adding a public opinion and comparative regionalism perspective, in addition to offering a convenient summary of diplomatic surveys for countries of the Global South.
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f, f., and f. f. "Role of Cultural Public Diplomacy in Enhancing Foreign Policy." Korea Observer - Institute of Korean Studies 54, no. 4 (November 30, 2023): 525–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2023.54.4.525.
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Over the past two decades, South Korea has increasingly engaged in cultural public diplomacy; however, empirical research on its effectiveness in advancing foreign policy interests is lacking. Existing studies focus on how cultural public diplomacy shapes Korea's image and the attractiveness of Korean products among foreign consumers without addressing the ultimate diplomatic objective of influencing the actions of foreign governments. This study fills this research gap by examining the impact of the King Sejong Institute (KSI), a government-funded cultural institution, on Korea's foreign policy pursuits worldwide. Analyzing data from 2005 2021 - spanning 192 countries (84 with KSI), our study reveals that the presence of KSI leads to increased political alignment in voting on United National General Assembly resolutions and greater de jure economic integration between the Korean and host governments. These results suggest that KSI can serve as a strategic tool to foster amicable bilateral relations.
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Lee, Seong-Hyon. "U.S. Semiconductor Policy and South Korea: A Delicate Balancing Act between National Priorities and International Collaboration." Asia Policy 30, no. 3 (July 2023): 101–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/asp.2023.a903868.
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executive summary: This article provides insights on how U.S. semiconductor policy is reported, discussed, and perceived in the South Korean public sphere and proposes potential actions for Washington and Seoul as allies. main argumentAlthough not widely known in Washington, the U.S. faces accusations of pursuing "economic nationalism" at the expense of its allies. There are growing perceptions in South Korea that the U.S. is prioritizing its own self-interests while concurrently emphasizing unity among its allies against China. This view has led to grievances about U.S. strategy, particularly in relation to the semiconductor sector and supply chains—sensitive topics in Northeast Asia's trade-focused economies. While the U.S. has advocated for an alliancecentered reorganization of semiconductor supply chains, concerns persist that it is ultimately pursuing semiconductor hegemony. Increasing public discontent in South Korea regarding U.S. semiconductor and technology policies serves as an illustrative example and could develop into a contentious issue for the broader alliance between the two countries unless handled with care and attention to South Korea's concerns. While Washington may disregard South Korean public sentiment as inconsequential, in South Korea's vibrant and vocal democracy, public opinion can quickly shift to the extremes and significantly influence Seoul's policy choices. To maintain a strong alliance with South Korea and effectively advance its policy regarding China, the U.S. must closely monitor South Korean public opinion and confront these concerns. policy implications • Economic sacrifices made by allies will not benefit U.S. national interests and may lead to disenchantment and resentment on the part of these partners. It is imperative that the U.S. engage in dialogue with its allies to enhance economic collaboration and explore new market opportunities. • The public uproar observed so far in South Korea's young democracy has the potential to suddenly turn volatile. Consequently, preventive public diplomacy by Washington can play a crucial role in managing the semiconductor issue. • A technology alliance commits countries to jointly secure their national interests; thus, mutual trust and a shared vision for the future are essential.
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Saniya, Nurdavletova, and Kyungyon Moon. "Foreign Relations between Kazakhstan and South Korea from the Perspective of Public Diplomacy." Korean Association of Area Studies 41, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 201–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.29159/kjas.41.2.201.
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Thirty-one years have passed since diplomatic relations between Kazakhstan and South Korea in 1992, and economic, social, and diplomatic exchange and cooperation between the two countries are more active than ever. Korea’s diplomatic strategy for Kazakhstan is at a significant turning point under the Indo-Pacific strategy created amid the Ukrainian war and the U.S.-China confrontation. This paper examined changes in economic, social, and diplomatic cooperation relations after diplomatic relations between the two countries in 1992 under the Korean government's northern policy. From the perspective of public diplomacy, recent changes in the aspect of cooperation between the two countries were tracked. Despite the rapid development of cooperation in public diplomacy between the two countries, this paper concluded that the direction of cooperation is one-sided from Korea to Kazakhstan, and that Korean public diplomacy needs to be improved in the process of being delivered outside the border.
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Li, Qingchang, Seungkook Roh, and Jin Won Lee. "Segmenting the South Korean Public According to Their Preferred Direction for Electricity Mix Reform." Sustainability 12, no. 21 (October 30, 2020): 9053. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12219053.
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The current South Korean government headed by President Moon Jae-in has put a great deal of effort into electricity mix reform by pushing forward the phasing out of coal and nuclear power and the expansion of natural gas and new renewable energy in the country’s electricity generation processes. Noting the importance of understanding public responses to energy policy, the present study segmented the South Korean public according to their preferred direction for electricity mix reform using a nationwide sample. Through a series of latent class analyses, we extracted four distinct segments: Gradual Reformists, Drastic Reformists, Selective Gradual Reformists, and Status-quo Seekers. Overall, apart from the Status-quo Seekers segment (8.75%), support for the transition from coal and nuclear power to natural gas and new renewable energy seems to be the prevailing opinion of the Korean public. However, the degree of such preferences varies across the segments. In addition, regardless of the segment, the South Korean public generally seems to categorize the energy sources in a manner consistent with the underlying framework of the government’s electricity mix reform: they tend to treat coal and nuclear power similarly and natural gas and new renewable energy similarly.
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Yoon, Sung-Won, and Sae Chung. "Semantic Network Analysis of Legacy News Media Perception in South Korea: The Case of PyeongChang 2018." Sustainability 10, no. 11 (November 2, 2018): 4027. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su10114027.
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This paper aims at exploring how conservative and liberal newspapers in South Korea framed PyeongChang 2018 directly. Our research questions addressed four points: first, different attitudes of conservative and liberal newspapers in the PyeongChang news reporting; second, their success and failure in influencing public opinion; third, South Koreans’ perceptions on PyeongChang 2018; and fourth, South Korean public reliance on the newspapers. To investigate the framing differences, we employed a big data analytic method (automated semantic network analysis) with NodeXL (analytic software). Conclusively, we were able to find out four main findings. First, the conservative media showed pessimistic attitudes to the Olympics, and the liberal media did conversely. Second, despite the conservative media’s resourcefulness, they could not succeed in influencing public opinion. Third, the conservative media perceived the Olympics as an undesirable event, but the liberal media did the Olympics as a significant event for further peace promotion. Fourth, the conservative media’s framings did not considerably influence upon the public opinion. As a conclusion, the public are no longer passive recipients of the messages from the media. Instead, they tend to selectively accept the information from the media based on ‘collective intelligence’. This trend provides a significant implication for enhancing the sustainability of the media environment in South Korea.
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Garnett, Richard, Nolan ‘Youngkwang’ Lee, and Lee Carroll. "Enforcement of Arbitral Awards in South Korea." Asian International Arbitration Journal 18, Issue 2 (November 1, 2022): 89–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/aiaj2022005.
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Not only is South Korea an economic powerhouse, but it is also a pro-arbitration and pro-enforcement jurisdiction. This article examines the enforcement framework of both domestic and foreign arbitral awards in South Korea, considering the latest amendments to the Korean Arbitration Act (KAA). In doing so, the authors argue that South Korea is a sophisticated jurisdiction for arbitration and its regime for enforcement is consistent with leading Model Law jurisdictions in the Asia-Pacific region. Most notably, enforcement proceedings in South Korea follow an expeditious ‘decision to enforce’ process, akin to a common law summary judgment type procedure and South Korean courts only require the bare minimum documents to be submitted as proof. Furthermore, South Korean courts take an internationalist and narrow approach to the defences to enforcement, requiring a serious breach or impact on due process before granting refusal. The pro-arbitration nature of South Korea is particularly noticeable in the context of arbitrability and public policy. Competition and intellectual property matters are now both likely arbitrable in South Korea, and South Korean courts maintain a high threshold for refusing to enforce awards under the public policy ground. Arbitration, enforcing arbitral awards, South Korea, Korean Arbitration Act
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Fitria, Vita, Haekal Adha Al Giffari, Daffa Al Falah, and Muhammad Zul Razin. "Analyzing the practice of South Korea’s public diplomacy in Indonesia: An approach with communication pyramid of public diplomacy." Journal of Social Studies (JSS) 17, no. 2 (October 5, 2021): 197–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/jss.v17i2.42479.
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The dissemination of South Korean culture in Indonesia becomes prominent as it attracts lot of people and creates many fans. The penetration of its spread in Indonesia is supported by some institutions which emphasizes on advocating and developing the South Korean culture and practice. The phenomena are not incidentally occurred, but it is well-managed by the government of South Korea as the advocate country of public diplomacy in collaboration with the target country which is Indonesia in achieving this mission. Public diplomacy is positioned as an approach of the advocate country to influence the public of foreign country to support the advocate’s country position which can be implemented through their state and non-sate actors in achieving mutual benefits. This paper observes the practice, impact, and challenges of South Korea’s public diplomacy in Indonesia based on Communication Pyramid Public Diplomacy framework. The findings show that the practice of public diplomacy allows cultural hybridity and increase enthusiasm of Indonesian in understanding the culture of the advocate country while the challenge is asymmetric direction between state and non-state actors of South Korea in the implementation of public diplomacy.
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Kim, Bomi, Eun Joo Yoon, Songyi Kim, and Dong Kun Lee. "The Effects of Risk Perceptions Related to Particulate Matter on Outdoor Activity Satisfaction in South Korea." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17, no. 5 (March 2, 2020): 1613. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17051613.
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In recent years, the Korean public has become aware of the form of air pollution known as particulate matter, with a consequent growth of public anxiety causing a negative risk perception about outdoor activity. This study aims at determining the causal relationship between risk perceptions about particulate matter and outdoor activity satisfaction in South Korea. An Internet survey was conducted with 412 people, and a structural equation model was used to perform confirmatory factor analysis. The statistically significant results show that the perceived risk of particulate matter is higher when people do not show interest in or trust public opinion or policy on the subject. This increases people’s perceptions of health risks, which in turn lowers their satisfaction with outdoor activity. Although trust levels in public opinion or policy had a positive impact on outdoor activity satisfaction, this was not statistically significant. These results are expected to contribute to risk communication guidelines in public opinion reporting and to the direction of environmental health policies in developing countries with high levels of air pollution, such as particulate matter.
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Won, Tae Joon. "To Be or Not to Be? The North Korean Challenge to British Foreign Policy, 1971–1976." Britain and the World 7, no. 2 (September 2014): 212–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2014.0149.
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This article seeks to explore the arguments that occurred mainly within the British Foreign Office and in its discussions with other government ministries in the early 1970s concerning the matter of affording diplomatic recognition to North Korea. Legal experts within the Foreign Office were concerned that London's non-recognition of Pyongyang could render Britain's position hypocritical and even illegal vis-à-vis its potential recognition of North Vietnam. British diplomats in Seoul however were adamant that North Korea should be not recognized for fear of angering both the South Korean and the American allies and damaging British commercial interests in South Korea. The Foreign Office ministers decided to delay the inevitable recognition for as long as they could, but then the illegal activities of North Korean diplomats in Europe came to light in 1976 and subsequently put an end to potential public queries about Britain's legal duty to recognise the North Korean regime.
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Lee, Hong Yung. "South Korea in 2002: Multiple Political Dramas." Asian Survey 43, no. 1 (January 2003): 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.1.64.
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This article analyzes how political actors maneuvered and counter-maneuvered in South Korea in 2002, developing political strategy and exploiting national issues in order to position themselves for the presidential election of December 19, which dominated Korean politics throughout the year. Since public opinion polling conducted regularly by major news media had to a great extent shaped important decisions of all aspirants for daekwon (big power), the analysis focuses on explaining how the popularity of Lee Hoi-chang, Roh Moo-hyun, and Chung Mong-jun fluctuated, and how Roh finally won the presidential election.
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Pugacheva, O. S. "Social and Humanitarian Factor in South Korea's External Relations and The Korean Question." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 1 (March 3, 2020): 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-1-70-147-168.
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The development of the socio-humanitarian dimension of world politics provides new opportunities for enhancing the role and influence of the middle powers in the global affairs. That is why for understanding and assessment of their political opportunities on the international arena, it is necessary to analyze the approaches and policies of such countries on using socio-humanitarian factor to balance in the existing world balance power and ensure their foreign policy interests. The aim of the article is to analyze South Korea’s activities in the social and humanitarian sphere of world politics in the context of its foreign policy interests. The research question is: what is the role of the socio-humanitarian factor, in particular public diplomacy, in the external activities of South Korea with regard to the settlement of the Korean question? The author argues that South Korea sees social and humanitarian sphere as a possibility to strengthen its role and influence on the international arena. While developing the discourse of South Korea as a middle power, the South Korean leadership seeks to take part in creating norms and rules in different fields of global governance. Despite controversies concerning its status and policy as that of a middle power, South Korea advances through public diplomacy the discourse that constructs and enhance its middle power status and can contribute in forming the corresponding national identity. South Korea uses national branding as well to strengthen its political image. Further, the article points out that promoting South Korea’s stance and defending its interests on the Korean Peninsula represent a key task of South Korea’s public diplomacy. In particular, the article examines South Korea’s public diplomacy mechanisms on the Korean track towards the United States and emphasizes that although South Korea has actively engaged in public diplomacy in the USA, it still has a lot to do to explain South Korea's concerns to American political elites and U.S. publics and ensure that the relationship with the United States fully serves South Korean interests. Moreover, it is noted that enhancing South Korea’s role in global governance as well as forming constructive unification discourse (unification as a process now and as a result someday in the future) within the country and abroad are supposed to expand its opportunities to maneuver in the regional politics of East Asia and provide support for the South Korean initiatives on the Korean settlement. In the end, the author turns to the inter-Korean relations. The author states that different South Korean administrations have prioritized different functions of the socio-humanitarian factor. Conservative administrations put an emphasis on information pressure on the DPRK while the development of inter-Korean relations was conditioned by the denuclearization of North Korea. Progressive administrations prefer engaging the DPRK in social, humanitarian and economic interactions. In the first case the result was a rollback in inter-Korean relations with the North Korean leader-ship receiving additional grounds for the development of its military nuclear program. In the second case the social and humanitarian area was and remains a dimension providing promising opportunities for cooperation that is beneficial to the both parties as it is aimed at solving specific and practical problems of common interest. In that sense, the author argues that social and humanitarian factor in inter-Korean relations could serve as a safety cushion during intensification of the inter-Korean conflict and provide a launch pad for finding a way out of the impasses.
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Choe, Myong Sang. "Korean War and the International Relations (Focusing on the Origins of the War as related to U.S. and Soviet Union`s Foreign Policy)." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 9 (December 31, 1994): 153–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps09010.
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I believe the most important patriotic duty of Korean is to continue lasting peace in Korea and reunify the Korean peninsula while promoting growth and prosperity. Although it has been almost fifty years since the outbreak of the Korean War, we have yet to accurately examined the origins of the war. With the recent death of Kim, Il-Sung, who might have had an intimate knowledge of the facts, the effort to uncover truth of the origins of the Korean War seem even more distant. With the truth behind veils, some Korean college students still have believed the North Korean view that the Korean War was a war of national liberation and the unification of the fatherland. These students even proclaim that the South initiated the war.
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CHOO, Jaewoo. "South Korea in 2016." East Asian Policy 09, no. 01 (January 2017): 114–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930517000095.
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In 2016, a scandal that involved President Park Geun-hye and her confidante shook the country. Cases of bribery, corruption, nepotism, cronyism, illegal persecution of dissenters and so on surfaced. Confidence in Park’s leadership began to waver when she closed the chapter on ‘comfort women’ issue with Japan in December 2015 without public consultation. The deal was unacceptable to the Korean public in the absence of a formal apology from the Japanese government. The speed with which President Park sealed the agreement with the United States to deploy Thermal High Altitude Area Defence also took the country by surprise. These foreign affairs endeavours have wiped out her diplomatic success achieved in 2015.
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Kim,Sun-Sik. "Analysis of the Historical Trend of Public Opinion on Korean Inward Foreign Direct Investment and Policies." Review of Business History ll, no. 43 (June 2007): 49–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.22629/kabh.2007..43.002.
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Soojung, Kim, and Yu Woosik. "An Empirical Analysis of Violent Crimes Committed by Foreign Nationals in South Korea." Corvinus Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 14, no. 2 (December 22, 2023): 73–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.14267/cjssp.2023.2.4.
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As the number of foreigners residing in South Korea has increased, the overall scale of crimes committed by non-Korean nationals and the associated public anxiety have both risen. This paper seeks to explore the trends in violent crimes committed by foreigners in Korea by examining crime statistics from the Korean National Police Agency and immigration data from the Korean Ministry of Justice. Additionally, this paper empirically examines the attributes of the home countries of foreign criminals who are arrested in Korea. The results of our analysis, based on the violent crime statistics for foreign nationals of twelve types from 2003 to 2019, reveal that foreigners from higher-income countries with better educational environments are more likely to be involved in violent criminal activities. Individuals from countries with relatively strong law enforcement are less likely to engage in violent crime while residing in South Korea.
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Horesh, Niv, Hyun Jin Kim, Peter Mauch, and Jonathan Sullivan. "Is My Rival's Rival a Friend? Popular Third-Party Perceptions of Territorial Disputes in East Asia." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 32, no. 1 (September 11, 2014): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v32i1.4594.
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This article examines how China's rise and increasing tensions with Japan are portrayed by South Korean bloggers. The deterioration in relations between China and Japan over the last two years generally projects onto the ways and means by which China's rise is portrayed in South Korea. Since Korea's relations with both its more populous neighbours have been historically fraught, and since it is also implicated in various territorial disputes with both countries, determining Korean sensibilities is an important way of gauging shifts in public opinion across the region. Although the conservative political establishments in both South Korea and Japan might see China as a constant threat, South Korean and Japanese netizens still popularly view each other with suspicion. By contrast, popular perceptions of the China threat in either country can be swayed by escalation of territorial disputes these two US allies still have with one another.
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Owen, David A. "Measuring Pro-North Korean sentiment in South Korea during the Kim Jong-il Era." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 47, no. 2 (May 21, 2014): 171–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2014.04.005.
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This study analyzes recent claims regarding positive sentiment towards North Korea among South Koreans using cross-sectional public opinion data from the 2004 and 2006 waves of the Asian Barometer. Pro-North Korean sentiments are proposed to be highest among those who feel a stronger sense of common ancestry and language with North Koreans, the wealthy, the younger, those who trust NGOs, those in Seoul and those in the southwest region. I use ordered logistical regression to test hypotheses derived from these propositions. I find support for the southwest hypothesis, though the percentage of South Koreans with these sentiments is actually very low. The results have important implications for relations on the Korean Peninsula and the study of North Korean politics.
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Dwijayani, Rista Herjani, and Ali Maksum. "The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s Law on the Elimination of Reactionary Thought and Culture Under Kim Jong-Un’s Leadership." JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL 22, no. 2 (January 16, 2024): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jis.22.2.2023.1-17.
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This study aims to explain how Korean Wave, or Hallyu, influenced the enactment of theElimination of Reactionary Thoughts and Culture Laws in North Korea. To answer the ques-tions, this research used securitization theory and a qualitative descriptive method. The re-search combined several sources of literature, such as journals, books, the official website of the South Korean government, and several official reports from online media in East Asia. The results of the research show that the Law on the Elimination of Reactionary Thoughts and Culture, which was passed by the North Korean government, was caused by the negative assumptions made by the leader of the country about the spread of Hallyu or Korean Wave in his country. The various distributions of South Korean cultural content are viewed as a "threat" to the continuity of North Korean ideology. Meanwhile, South Korean cultural products have inevitably spread rapidly and massively in almost all parts of the world. Therefore, the North Korean government needs laws with legal force and ideological campaigns to prevent public disturbances caused by foreign cultural influences, especially those from South Korea.
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Song, Juyoung, Tae-Min Song, Sangho Lee, and Dong-Chul Seo. "Depression in South Korean Adolescents Captured by Text and Opinion Mining of Social Big Data." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 20, no. 17 (August 28, 2023): 6665. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph20176665.
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Depression in adolescence is recognized as an important social and public health issue that interferes with continued physical growth and increases the likelihood of other mental disorders. The goal of this study was to examine online documents posted by South Korean adolescents for 3 years through the text and opinion mining of collectable documents in order to capture their depression. The sample for this study was online text-based individual documents that contained depression-related words among adolescents, and these were collected from 215 social media websites in South Korea from 1 January 2012 to 31 December 2014. A sentiment lexicon was developed for adolescent depressive symptoms, and such sentiments were analyzed through opinion mining. The depressive symptoms in the present study were classified into nine categories as suggested by the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual for Mental Disorders, 5th Edition (DSM-5). The association analysis and decision tree analysis of data mining were used to build an efficient prediction model of adolescent depression. Opinion mining indicated that 15.5% were emotionally stable, 58.6% moderately stressed, and 25.9% highly distressed. Data mining revealed that the presence of depressed mood most of the day or nearly every day had the greatest effect on adolescents’ depression. Social big data analysis may serve as a viable option for developing a timely response system for emotionally susceptible adolescents. The present study represents one of the first attempts to investigate depression in South Korean adolescents using text and opinion mining from three years of online documents that originally amounted to approximately 3.1 billion documents.
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Kim, Eunsoo, Suyon Kim, and Jaehong Lee. "Do Foreign Investors Affect Carbon Emission Disclosure? Evidence from South Korea." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 19 (September 26, 2021): 10097. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph181910097.
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The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between foreign investors and voluntary disclosure. Focusing on voluntary disclosure of carbon emissions information and using South Korean firms from 2014 to 2019, we found that foreign investors are likely to voluntarily release information on carbon emissions. Thus, foreign investors play a role in controlling the information gap in a capital market. We also discuss the effect of environmental, social, and governance activities on the relationship between foreign investors and voluntary disclosure. We infer that the analysis result shows that foreign investors motivate firms to improve the environment to prepare for future environmental risks. Our study also suggests solving environmental problems actively, such as responding to climate change, by presenting a direction for policymaking on sustainable management.
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van Nieuwkerk, Anthoni. "Where is the voice of the people? Public opinion and foreign policy in South Africa." South African Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 2 (January 1994): 98–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220469409545105.
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Kim, Daesik, Chung Joo Chung, and Kihong Eom. "Measuring Online Public Opinion for Decision Making: Application of Deep Learning on Political Context." Sustainability 14, no. 7 (March 30, 2022): 4113. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14074113.
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Thoughts travel faster and farther through cyberspace where people interact with one another regardless of limitations in language, space, and time. Is a poll sufficient to measure people’s opinions in this era of hyperconnectivity? This study introduces a deep learning method to measure online public opinion. By analyzing Korean texts from Twitter, this study generates time-series data on online sentiment toward the South Korean president, comparing it to traditional presidential approval to demonstrate the independence of the masses’ online discourse. The study tests different algorithms and deploys the model with high accuracy and advancement. The analysis suggests that online public opinion represents a unique population as opposed to offline surveys. The study model examines Korean texts generated by online users and automatically predicts their sentiments, which translate into group attitudes by aggregation. The research method can extend to other studies, including those on environmental and cultural issues, which have greater online presence. This provides opportunities to examine the influences of social phenomenon, benefiting individuals seeking to understand people in an online context. Moreover, it helps scholars in analyzing those public opinions—online or offline—that are more important in their decision making to assess the practicality of the methods.
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Singh, Baljinder, and Hakim Singh. "China's Foreign Policy towards South Asia: Knocking at the Doorstep of Indian Backyards." TECHNO REVIEW Journal of Technology and Management 3, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 01–07. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/trjtm2023.v03.n02.001.
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Before 18th century China along with India had 50% share of world economy. It is believed that China will emerge as largest world economy till 2030. Domestic circumstances and public opinion always effected the foreign policies of countries and also are major drivers of foreign attitude of China. South Asia occupies an important place in foreign policy of China which includes Nepal, Bhutan, India and Pakistan having common border with it. India is big South Asian giant and dominating power of the region. Furthermore, South Asian region is also known as Indian backyard and Chinese foreign policy towards the sub region revolves around the India - China relationship. During the initial years of post-cold war era, Chinese export of South Asian states increased from 71,910 million US dollars to 182,917 million US dollars from 1991 to 1997 and import expanded from 63791 million US dollars to 142,189 million US dollars within same span of time.
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Hak-Sung Kim. "Korean Foreign Policy and Public Opinion: Focused on Theoretical mplications of Candlelight Protests against U.S. Beef Imports." Korea and World Politics 26, no. 3 (September 2010): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17331/kwp.2010.26.3.001.
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Yang-Sup Shim. "The Issues of South Korean Anti-Multicultural Discourses and their Realities: Focus on Public Opinion Data." Journal of Korean Political and Diplomatic History 37, no. 2 (February 2016): 137–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.18206/kapdh.37.2.201602.137.
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Ramsey, S. Robert. "Language Policy in South Korea and the Special Case of Japanese." Korean Linguistics 12 (January 1, 2004): 131–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/kl.12.05srr.
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Abstract. At the beginning of the 21st century, South Koreans have embraced foreign languages with almost unbridled enthusiasm. Most of the enthusiasm is directed toward English of course but, for both economic and cultural reasons, Japanese also looms large. Moreover, the decision by the Ministry of Culture and Tourism in October 1998 to open up the country to Japanese popular culture has increased the appetite for the Japanese language, especially among the young. Koreans now study Japanese again; they access Japanese Web sites; they travel to Japan. Yet Koreans' enthusiasm for Japanese is qualitatively different from their appetite for English. Japanese may be learned, but it is to be kept out of the Korean language itself. English loans may be adopted "out of necessity," but not Japanese. The South Korean policy of linguistic purism is aimed explicitly at Japanese, and numerous books, manuals, and pamphlets instruct the public on how to recognize and purge Japanese influences from their speech and writing. Newspapers and other media wage periodic campaigns to do the same. The Korean public generally supports and cooperates with these policies and campaigns, which, for the most part, are surprisingly effective. There are numerous problems with Korean linguistic purism, however, and prescriptive intervention in the Korean language by government and media requires a continued investment of research, resources, and public support. How successful these efforts will be in the face of ever-closer ties with Japan remains to be seen.
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Pugacheva, Oksana. "POSSIBILITIES AND LIMITATIONS OF SOUTH KOREA'S PUBLIC DIPLOMACY TOWARDS NORTH KOREA." Political Expertise: POLITEX 19, no. 2 (2023): 318–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2023.211.
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The article investigates South Korea’s public diplomacy toward North Korea. The author analyzes the factors that determine the choice by a state of a model of public diplomacy — cooperative (consultative) or non-cooperative (advocating interests) — in relation to a particular foreign society. The key research question: to what extent it is possible to use the instruments of public diplomacy in inter-Korean relations, which are distinguished by a conflict and highly centralized interactions. The restrictions that prevent the ROK from using public diplomacy in relation to the DPRK are defined as well as solutions are proposed to overcome the limitations and search for opportunities for inter-Korean interaction in the long term. The possibilities of the ROK in conducting both cooperative and informational public diplomacy toward the DPRK are rather limited. Social and humanitarian exchanges require reciprocity from the North. South Korea’s offensive unification rhetoric and politics meets rejection from the DPRK and hinders the normalization of inter-Korean relations. The lack of consensus in the ruling circles of the ROK on the necessity and content of the broadcasting of “promises” to the North Koreans also serves as an obstacle to the implementation of public diplomacy with respect to the DPRK. Despite the difficulties and limitations, it would be politically expedient for South Korea to continue to search for formats of cooperation with North Korea in the social and humanitarian field and to conduct a discourse focused on normalizing inter-Korean relations. The social and humanitarian dimension offers promising opportunities for interaction since it is aimed at solving practical problems of mutual interest. South Korea’s public diplomacy towards North Korea should prioritize the engagement of the DPRK in the transnational links.