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1
Rich, Paul. "United States containment policy, South Africa and the apartheid dilemma." Review of International Studies 14, no. 3 (July 1988): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113257.
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Since the early 1970s, South Africa has become an increasingly important issue within US foreign policy after a long period of benign neglect. For a considerable part of the post-war period, US decision-makers felt it possible to avoid a direct confrontation with the moral and ethical issues involved in the South African government's policy of apartheid; the relative geographical isolation of the country from many central theatres of East–West conflict in central Europe, the Middle East and South East Asia ensured that South Africa was not in the front line of strategically vital states. Furthermore, South Africa's membership of the Commonwealth until 1960 meant that, for many US policy makers, South Africa could be seen as an issue within Commonwealth relations and thus not one for direct US involvement.
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Rizzo, Lorena. "Shades of Empire: Police Photography in German South-West Africa." Visual Anthropology 26, no. 4 (July 2013): 328–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08949468.2013.804701.
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Bischoff, Paul-Henri. "Reform in Defence of Sovereignty: South Africa in the UN Security Council, 2007–2008." Africa Spectrum 44, no. 2 (August 2009): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203970904400205.
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After 1994, South Africa became the sine qua non of an internationalist state, willing to promote cooperation amongst a plurality of actors, believing common interests to be more important than their differences. This raised the hopes of constitutionalists, and those who believed in the expansion of a liberal democratic peace. South Africa has acted out two seemingly contradictory roles: those of a reformer and those of a conserver. By 2007–2008 she had shifted towards the latter, conservative-reformist position. Thus, South Africa's voting record at the General Assembly expressed her overriding concern to regionalise African issues and minimise the US and the West shaping political events. This brought her foreign policy into sharper relief. But while in some sense successful, it came at a price: a controversy about her surrendering her internationalism and principles on human rights for African unity and traditional sovereignty. But it also marked the arrival of South Africa in the world of international Realpolitik.
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Rothmann, Sebastiaan. "Expectations of, and satisfaction with, the South African police service in the North West Province." Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management 29, no. 2 (April 2006): 211–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/13639510610667637.
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Brown, Gavin. "‘Burn it down!’: Materialising intersectional solidarities in the architecture of the South African Embassy during the London Poll Tax Riot, March 1990." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 38, no. 2 (June 15, 2019): 233–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654419857183.
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This paper offers a new way of conceptualising how intersectional solidarities are actualised. It recounts and theorises an outbreak of radical internationalism, when working class struggles in Britain and South Africa were unexpectedly linked. It examines how intersectional solidarity was materialised through a process of coming together against the architectural fabric of the South African Embassy and considers the interwoven temporalities that enabled this action to occur. On 31 March 1990, nearly a quarter of a million people demonstrated in London against the Poll Tax that was due to take effect in England and Wales the following day. On the day, the Metropolitan Police lost control of an already enraged crowd and provoked a large scale riot that engulfed the West End of London for several hours. In the midst of the riot, during a short retreat by the police, protesters took the opportunity to attack the South African Embassy in Trafalgar Square – many windows were broken and an attempt was made to set the building alight. Drawing on interviews with former anti-apartheid protesters who were present on that day (and who had concluded a four-year long Non-Stop Picket of the embassy a month earlier), this paper explores and analyses their memories of that unexpected moment when their previously symbolic call to ‘burn it down’ was (almost) materialised. In doing so, it contributes new ways of conceptualising the spatiality and temporality of intersectional solidarity.
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Sharpe, Barrie. "‘First the forest’: conservation, ‘community’ and ‘participation’ in south-west Cameroon." Africa 68, no. 1 (January 1998): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161146.
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Western concern with ‘conserving’ or ‘managing’ the rain forests of Africa has led to the setting up of a number of conservation projects. In such projects the ‘participation’ of the ‘community’ in forest conservation has become the new orthodoxy. However, proposals about local people's participation presume that defining the future of the forest is a straight contest between the alternatives of conservation or forest clearing. Such proposals also presume that the existence of communities is non-problematic. In contrast, this article documents that there is already considerable local debate about forest use and conservation, much of it among those excluded from the formal arena of politics and policy-making. Concern with ‘the environment’ includes concern about the perpetuation of society, and represents a clear continuation of West African village cosmologies focused on the societalisation of space. At the same time, conservation aims of ‘keeping the forest as it is’ have few resonances, since forest people see society itself as an artful, but often problematic, construction in which the conversion of the forest plays a central part. In conclusion, the article suggests that the key to environmental management must be for external agencies to articulate with the interests and values of those who hold a legitimate stake in African forest resources.
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Enaifoghe, Andrew Osehi, and Harris Maduku. "African Big Economies on the Continental Trade Liberalisation and Migration Policy Development." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 11, no. 3(J) (July 18, 2019): 39–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v11i3(j).2867.
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African countries are faced with a broad spectrum of political and economic challenges that have shadowed hugely in an anticipated socio-economic prosperity. The continent overtime has resolved to come up with a single currency as well as opening borders for trade but none of that has been realised. Polarisation of economic development has caused brain drain within the continent with educated people from poorly governed countries moving across borders (Europe and America), and the same happens with gifted entrepreneurs who search for a country with a better business enabling environment than their own home countries. There is uneven development in Africa with very poor, fragile and better performing countries constituting the continent. This has caused a huge burden on those economies that are doing well as those economies have to create jobs for immigrants as well and for their own people. However, the founding principles of the African Union were basically to bring African countries together and help each other to see through economic and political prosperity across the continent in as much as there are laid out guiding rules.Africa has continued to be a highly protective continent especially amongst itself as most countries still require visas from citizens of other African countries, while countries still impose import duties and all forms of control on imports and practices that are against the foresights of the founding principles of the African Union. This paper acknowledges the efforts that have been done in the West and South of Africa for the formation of regional blocks that desire to achieve socio-economic progress in those regions. The formation of ECOWAS in the WEST and SADC in the South are good strides towards integration efforts in Africa but if the founding objectives of the African Union are to be achieved, member countries still have to do more. This paper recommends the two biggest countries in Africa to make use of their economic power to influence smaller member states to also envision possible socio-economic benefits that can emanate from total integration of the continent. They could make use of the African parliament, African Union summits and other several platforms to lobby for this important goal.
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Neethling, Theo. "South Africa’s Foreign Policy and the BRICS Formation: Reflections on the Quest for the ‘Right’ Economic-diplomatic Strategy." Insight on Africa 9, no. 1 (January 2017): 39–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087816674580.
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South Africa’s foreign policy has recently been gravitating away from an appeal to Western powers towards the establishment of new friendships in the Global South, especially with Asia and Latin America. Moreover, the favouring of the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) partnership and a rising tone of anti-Western sentiments have increasingly been evidenced in South Africa’s contemporary foreign policy, which are of major significance to the nature and direction of its economic-diplomatic strategy. Three broad perspectives or main arguments from this article are of special importance: First, most members of BRICS are troubled by slower economic growth, which should be of concern to South Africa’s current foreign policy stand. Second, anti-Western ideological concerns and related presumptions on the part of the South African government that the BRICS formation could potentially assume a counter-hegemonic character vis-à-vis the West are questionable and dubious. Third, South Africa stands to benefit from many networks and opportunities provided by BRICS membership. At the same time, because of its low economic growth, high levels of poverty and lack of employment opportunities, South Africa cannot afford to follow an approach of narrow interest concerning the BRICS formation and to constrain itself in its economic diplomacy. This article argues that the South African government will therefore have to consider the opportunities offered by a more nuanced and pragmatic foreign policy designed on multiple identities.
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Zollmann, Jakob. "Communicating Colonial Order: The Police of German South-West-Africa (c. 1894-1915)." Crime, Histoire & Sociétés 15, no. 1 (May 1, 2011): 33–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/chs.1240.
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Adler, Glenn. "Shop Floors and Rugby Fields: The Social Basis of Auto Worker Solidarity in South Africa." International Labor and Working-Class History 51 (April 1997): 96–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900002003.
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When 4,000 black workers at Volkswagen South Africa went on strike on the morning of June 16, 1980, their walkout and march through Uitenhage—twenty-five kilometers inland from the Indian Ocean city of Port Elizabeth—did far more than disturb the streets of a conservative industrial town. The Workers struct after an impasse in negotiations between the automobile companies and their union, the National Union of Motor Assembly and Rubber Workers of South Africa (NUMARWOSA) over the union's demand for a “living wage.” Within days the entire town was engulfed in a general strike. The South African Police declared Uitenhage a “security area,” effectively cutting it off from the outside world. The other strikes soon ended or were repressed, most fiercely at the American multinational Goodyear, where the work force was dismissed and then selectively reemployed under police guard. However, Volkswagen workers continued their action for more than three weeks before winning awage increase and returning to work with their jobs intact and their union strengthened (Plates 1, 2, 3).
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Aidoo, Richard, and Steve Hess. "Non-Interference 2.0: China's Evolving Foreign Policy towards a Changing Africa." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 44, no. 1 (March 2015): 107–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261504400105.
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China's non-interference policy has come under scrutiny in regards to its growing and deepening relations in Africa. The policy has come to represent an about-face from conditional assistance and investment associated with the Washington Consensus. Although often well received in much of the global South, this policy has drawn a lot of criticism from the West and others. These commentators have perceived non-interference as an opportunistic and often inconsistent instrument for enabling China's increasing access to African resources and markets. This article suggests that despite some consistent support for the rhetoric of non-interference, China's implementation of the policy has become increasingly varied and contextualized in reaction to Africa's ever-more diversified political and economic landscape since the early 2000s.
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Emeka, Osuji. "Intra-African Trade, Macroeconomic Conditions and Competitiveness in Africa." Studies in Business and Economics 15, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 171–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sbe-2020-0014.
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AbstractMore than ever before, trade and regional integration have become two important arguments in the development equation of most modern states and, probably, explains the current rise in regional integration around the world. However, regional integration will not produce optimal benefits in the absence of favourable macroeconomic conditions and substantial internal trade among the integrating members. This paper employs descriptive statistics and econometric techniques to analyze the competitiveness of the continent by studying the impact of relevant intra-African trade indices on the competitiveness of Africa, based on a panel dataset spanning 2000 to 2016. The results show considerable variations in both inter- and intra-regional trade performance and competitiveness among African regional groupings and nations. Intra-African trade, especially in exports, over the study period, was consistently low. While the South Africa region had the highest intra-regional trade in imports, East Africa region had the highest level of inter-regional imports. West Africa, with Nigeria’s dominance, had the highest level of intra-regional exports, while South Africa had the highest inter-regional exports at country level. For the Regional Economic Communities (RECs), SADC reported the highest intra-African import trades, while SACU reported the highest inter-regional imports. SADC has the highest intra-African exports, while COMESA has the highest inter-regional exports. African Competitiveness Index (ACI) ranking puts the East Africa Region on top, and South Africa as the most competitive African economy. Using panel data covering 2012 to 2016 for 20 African economies, ACI was regressed on a 7-variable model, including intra-regional imports and exports, inflation rate, nominal exchange rate, gross capital formation, and the growth rate of GDP. The results were mixed but plausible. All the variables were correctly signed and significant in different regions, reflecting the huge structural and policy disparities among the regions. Continued transformation of African economies with emphasis on both physical and financial infrastructure, and human capital development will enhance intra-African trade and regional competitiveness.
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Zaidman, Tomer. "The Political Economy of Sino-African Relations: Reconciling Chinese-Style Development with the Western Aid Paradigm." Global Affairs Review 1, no. 2 (June 15, 2021): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.51330/gar.0020215.
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Western analysts perceive aggressive Chinese foreign investment as a grave threat to sustainable development in the Global South. China’s more centralized and uncompromising strategies have the potential to lock recipient countries into a cycle of increasing unserviceable sovereign debt. On the other hand, they have often seen successes where the Washington Consensus had not. This paper seeks to explain why China’s monetary and financial systems are uniquely placed to offer the Global South – and Africa in particular – an alternative model for development. It also places reasonable doubt on Chinese investment as a monolithic expansionist project, emphasizing China’s constant need for new markets and Africa’s long-term ties to Asia and its export-oriented model. By examining the empirical realities of Chinese investment against dominant Western schools of thought, this article concludes that the two aid paradigms may be reconcilable, and that policy coherence between China and the West is possible and desirable. Also, as noted by the many scholars now reevaluating the issue with a focus on African agency, African governments will have to develop the bargaining power and policy ownership to guide the conversation in a regionally specific and Africa-centric direction.
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Bokpin, Godfred A., Lord Mensah, and Michael E. Asamoah. "Legal source, institutional quality and FDI flows in Africa." International Journal of Law and Management 59, no. 5 (September 11, 2017): 687–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijlma-03-2016-0028.
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Purpose This paper aims to find out how the legal system interacts with other institutions in attracting Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) into Africa. Design/methodology/approach The authors use annual panel data of 49 African countries over the period 1980 to 2011, and use the system generalized method of moments (GMM) estimation technique and pooled panel data regression. Findings The authors find that the source of a country’s legal system deters FDI inflow as institutions alone cannot bring in the needed quantum of FDI. In terms of trading blocs, it was found that there is negative significant relationship between institutional quality and FDI for South African Development Community (SADC) as well as Economic Community of West Africa States (ECOWAS) countries. Practical implications For policy implications, the results suggest that reliance on institutions alone cannot project the continent to attract the needed FDI. Originality/value Empiricists have devoted considerable effort to estimating the relationship between institutions and FDI on the African continent, but this paper seeks to ascertain the effect of legal systems and institutional quality within African specific trade and regional blocks.
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Bruce, David. "Shot while surrendering: Strikers describe Marikana Scene 2." South African Crime Quarterly, no. 65 (September 30, 2018): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2413-3108/2018/v0n65a3049.
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This article is concerned with the events of 16 August 2012 at the Lonmin Marikana mine in the North West province, when members of the South African Police Service killed 34 people, most of whom were striking mineworkers. These killings, now widely referred to as the Marikana massacre, are regarded not only as a tragedy but also as an event of great significance in South Africa’s contemporary history. A commission of inquiry was held into the killings, but it did not reach any conclusions about what had happened at the second massacre site, commonly referred to as Scene 2, at which 17 of the fatal shootings took place. While these events are now the subject of an investigation by police oversight and criminal justice agencies, we cannot assume that this will reveal the truth about the killings at Scene 2. To add to our understanding of the events at Marikana, this article analyses statements from the injured and arrested strikers taken by the Independent Police Investigative Directorate in the five days immediately after the massacre. This article examines data from the statements, and the circumstances in which these statements were taken, in order to interrogate the assertion that ‘strikers were shot by police while surrendering or injured at Scene 2’.1 It concludes that, taken as a whole, the statements are a reliable source of information that some of the strikers at Scene 2 were indeed shot while surrendering.
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Grundy, Kenneth W. "The Angolan Puzzle: Varied Actors and Complex Issues." Issue 15 (1987): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700506015.
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Too frequently policy makers in Washington or Moscow see local or regional issues in southern Africa solely through their own, often distorted, lenses. And seen exclusively in ideological, or alternatively East-West or Cold War terms, they view their interests as inherently antagonistic. The old African maxim popular among non-aligned leaders in the early 1960’s is apropos: “When the bull elephants fight, the grass gets trampled.” Yet, unlike two elephants contesting clashing claims to territory of or sexual supremacy, southern Africa is not the territory of either of the super powers. Nor does Angola belong to other regional powers, notably South Africa. Although such states may have “interests” there. Angola is not their’s to shape.
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Onyiriuba, Leonard, E. U. Okoro Okoro, and Godwin Imo Ibe. "Strategic government policies on agricultural financing in African emerging markets." Agricultural Finance Review 80, no. 4 (April 25, 2020): 563–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/afr-01-2020-0013.
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PurposeThe purpose of this study is to identify and review strategic government policies on agricultural financing in Egypt, Morocco, Nigeria and South Africa. Four factors dictated the choice of these countries. In the first place, the study is set in African emerging markets – and the four countries are the widely acknowledged emerging markets in Africa (Onyiriuba, 2015). Secondly, the spread of the countries, to a large extent, mirrors Africa in general – Egypt and Morocco are in North Africa; Nigeria is a West African country; and, of course, South Africa. Thirdly, other countries in Africa tend to look up to the four countries, apparently as the largest economies in their respective regions. Needless to say, Nigeria alternates with South Africa as the largest economy in Africa. In this capacity, the two countries influence – indeed, mirror – continental Africa's emerging economic progress. Fourthly, lessons from agricultural policy and financing experiences of the four countries will certainly be useful to the other African countries. The specific objective of this paper is to determine how the government seeks to address the financing issues attendant on the risk-laden nature of agriculture through policy interventions. With this end in view, the paper analyses the strategic goals, objectives and beneficiaries of the agriculture financing policies of the government, as well as the constraints on access to finance by the farmers and the policy response.Design/methodology/approachThe study involves a review of empirical literature and government policies on agricultural financing in Egypt, Morocco, Nigeria and South Africa. The high risks in agriculture (Onyiriuba, 2015; Mordi, 1988), risk aversion behaviour of banks towards agricultural financing (Onyiriuba, 2015, 1990), and the reluctance of insurers to take on agricultural risks (World Bank, 2018; Federal Republic of Nigeria, 2016; Onyiriuba, 1990; Mordi, 1988) underpin this methodology. There are two other considerations: the needs to find out how government seeks to address the financing issues in agriculture through policy intervention, and to avoid unwieldy research, one that combines government and institutional policy perspectives on agriculture financing. Thus the study is not approached from the perspective of banks and other lending institutions; neither does it combine government and institutional policy perspectives. It rather focuses on government policy in order to properly situate implications of the findings.FindingsThe authorities seek to get rid of bottlenecks, ease participation and redress constraints on access to finance in agriculture through policy interventions as a means of sustainable economic growth. The findings are characteristic of emerging markets, rooted in the transitional challenge of opening economies, economic reforms and the March of progress. However, with agriculture and natural resources – rather than industrialisation – as the main stay of their economies, the African emerging markets face an uphill task in their development efforts. This is evident in the divergent and gloomy pictures in which the literature paints their agricultural economies.Practical implicationsGovernment should gear financing policies to boost output as a means of ensuring food security. It should address risk aversion tendencies among the lenders and feeble credit guarantee, subsidies and budgetary allocations to agriculture. This will ensure effective commitment of the lenders to agriculture and underpin agricultural insurance. However, it demands strengthening links in the chain of access to, and monitoring of, credit for agricultural production. A realistic policy response should target the rural economy – with youth, women and smallholder farmers as ultimate beneficiaries. These actions should be intensified as measures to boost farming and the rural economy.Originality/valueCurrent literature fails to situate the empirical findings in emerging markets context, reflecting economies in transition. Besides, in its current state, the literature does not explicitly clarify that agriculture, like most other sectors in such economies, is bound to experience the observed financing constraints. Neither does it clearly reflect how and why the findings should be seen as fleeting realities of the March of progress in transitional economies. This study will help to fill the gap.
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Njindan Iyke, Bernard. "Exchange rate undervaluation and sectoral performance of the South African economy." Journal of Economic Studies 44, no. 4 (September 11, 2017): 636–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jes-03-2016-0052.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to uncover the channels through which real exchange rate undervaluation influences the performance of the South African economy. Design/methodology/approach The author decomposes the South African economy into three sectors: agriculture, industry, and services. Specifying a model for each sector, the author employs the ordinary least squares (with Newey-West and robust standard errors) and generalized method of moments estimation techniques. The annual time series data cover the period 1962-2014. Findings The author finds that real exchange rate undervaluation exerted a positive influence on agriculture and industry, and a negative impact on services. Research limitations/implications The results have practical policy implications, which are discussed in the paper. Originality/value Although the growth effect of real exchange rate undervaluation has been well established in the literature, the channels through which this occurs has received limited attention. Prior to this study, no study has considered the impact of real exchange rate undervaluation on the economy through the various sectors in the South African context.
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Novak, Andrew. "Averting an African Boycott: British Prime Minister Edward Heath and Rhodesian Participation in the Munich Olympics." Britain and the World 6, no. 1 (March 2013): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2013.0076.
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In 1968, the British government of Prime Minister Harold Wilson lobbied behind the scenes for Rhodesia's exclusion from the Mexico City Olympics. Three years earlier, the former British colony of Southern Rhodesia had seceded from the British Empire under white minority rule and faced isolation from international sporting events. With the election of Conservative Prime Minister Edward Heath in 1970, British foreign policy shifted more heavily to Europe rather than the former British colonies of the Commonwealth, and Heath sought to allow Rhodesia to compete in the 1972 Munich Games lest it isolate West Germany and create a controversy similar to South Africa's expulsion from the Olympics. With the help of Foreign Minister Alec Douglas-Home, Heath manoeuvred Conservative Party factionalism on the issue of Rhodesian sanctions and the Party's traditionally ambiguous relationship with Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith. The merger between the Foreign Office and the Commonwealth Relations Office coincided with this increased emphasis on European foreign policy matters, the Foreign Office's traditional expertise. Ultimately, Rhodesia was excluded from the Olympics despite Heath's hesitation, and the threatened African boycott movement proved to be a critical episode toward the development of the Gleneagles Agreement, which ultimately led to the sporting isolation of South Africa in 1978. Relying on documents in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office Archives, the International Olympic Committee Archives, the Avery Brundage papers at the University of Illinois, and microfilm of African newspapers, this paper reconstructs the pressures on Heath and the International Olympic Committee to expel Rhodesia.
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Bräutigam, Deborah A., and Tang Xiaoyang. "China's Engagement in African Agriculture: “Down to the Countryside”." China Quarterly 199 (September 2009): 686–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741009990166.
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AbstractAgriculture is a rapidly growing arena for China's economic engagement in Africa. Drawing on new field research in East and West Africa, and in Beijing and Baoding, China, as well as earlier archival research, this article investigates the dimensions of China's agricultural engagement, placing it in historical perspective. It traces the changes and continuities in China's policies in rural Africa since the 1960s, as Chinese policies moved from fraternal socialism to amicable capitalism. Beginning in the 1980s, the emphasis on aid as mutual benefit began to blur the lines between aid, south–south co-operation and investment. Today, Beijing has established at least 14 new agro-technical demonstration stations using an unusual public–private model that policy makers hope will assist sustainability. At the same time, a stirring of interest among land-scarce Chinese farmers and investors in developing farms in sub-Saharan Africa evokes a mix of anticipation and unease.
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Youkhana, Eva, and Wolfram Laube. "Virtual water trade: a realistic policy option for the countries of the Volta Basin in West Africa?" Water Policy 11, no. 5 (October 1, 2009): 569–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2009.087.
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Trade in virtual water, the substitution of the use of scarce water resources for agricultural production by importing food from water-rich countries has been said to be a potential solution to water crises and water conflicts throughout water-stressed regions worldwide. While trade in foodstuffs may have helped to alleviate water stress in parts of the Middle East and Northern Africa and provides an efficient response to the periodic drought occurrences, it has to be doubted whether virtual water trade is a water governance option that can be applied in many countries of the South. As examples from the West African Volta River Basin suggest, cultural values focussing on agricultural and livestock production, socio-economic factors such as a low level of education and a strong dependency of livelihoods on subsistence agriculture, weak governments that are unable to trigger and finance large-scale reform processes, as well as dysfunctional and unfair market systems, largely limit the widespread application of virtual water trade.
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Hutchings, K., and S. J. Lamberth. "Likely impacts of an eastward expansion of the inshore gill-net fishery in the Western Cape, South Africa: implications for management." Marine and Freshwater Research 54, no. 1 (2003): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/mf01209.
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Current South African government policy aims to create more equitable access to marine resources and there is pressure to increase the inshore gill-net fishing effort. At present, the gill-net fishery in the Western Cape is confined to the cool temperate west coast. In order to ascertain the potential catch if the fishery was to expand along the warm temperate south-west coast, a program of experimental netting was conducted. Estuarine and coastal marine sites were sampled bimonthly, using a range of commercial gill-nets (44–178 mm stretch-mesh). Although the target species, Liza richardsonii, dominated the catches, at least 33 of the by-catch species caught were also targeted by the commercial or recreational line-fish sectors. The number of species captured and the line-fish (by-catch) catch per unit effort (CPUE) were greatest in areas currently closed to the commercial gill-net fishery. Multivariate analysis indicated significant differences in catch rates and composition between exploited west coast and unexploited south-west coast sites. A combination of natural biogeographical trends and the impact of over 100 years of commercial gill-netting on the west coast are the likely causes of these differences. A spatial expansion of the gill-net fishery could have a detrimental impact on overexploited line-fish stocks and lead to increased user conflict.
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Pisa, Noleen, Riaan Rossouw, and Wilma Viviers. "Industrial Cluster Formation As A Strategy To Diversify A Sub-National Economy: Illustrations From South Africas North West Province." International Business & Economics Research Journal (IBER) 14, no. 4 (July 14, 2015): 623. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v14i4.9354.
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Economic modelling techniques can assist policy makers to understand the effects of policy or external shocks and to make informed decisions about economic development programmes. Economic diversification is a priority of resource-dependent regions such as South Africas North West Province (NWP) in the wake of the 2014 platinum strike. The economy of the NWP is highly specialised and dependent on a few sectors - in particular, mining and quarrying. Both the NWP and the South African economies were adversely affected by a prolonged strike in the platinum sector.This paper sets out to illustrate the effects of industrial cluster formation as a strategy to enhance competitiveness in the NWP and diversify its economy using SAM multiplier analysis. The supported activity of eight of the ten industrial clusters was shown to be greater than the actual activity, indicating that industrial cluster formation will enhance economic activity in the NWP. Of the ten identified clusters for the NWP, four were found to be moderately integrated and to have high upstream effects. Finally, structural change in the NWP economy through industrial cluster formation was observed using economic landscaping. A key finding was that the identified industrial clusters are significant contributors to the structural change of the NWP economic landscape with the promotion of cluster-specific exports. It is recommended that the North West provincial government adopt this strategy with a view to enhancing competitiveness and economic diversification.
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Bragina, E. A. "India – Africa: Trade and Investments in the XXI Century." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 5 (December 3, 2018): 182–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-5-182-199.
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In article commercial relations and investment streams between India and the countries of Africa in the conditions of globalization of the XXI century are considered. Scales and filling of their economic interaction are significantly differ, determined by the level of development of national economy and features of external demand for the made production. High need of the countries of Africa for inflow of foreign investments, especially taking into account strong lag of most of them in development of own research and development remains. In intercontinental communications o f Africa the high activity is characteristic of India which government in 2002 has adopted the program “In focus Africa”, aimed at continuous development of economic contacts with the countries of the continent. The considerable share in their GDP of the shadow sector remains essential negative feature of economic structures of the countries of Africa and India. It not only complicates adequate assessment of the economic processes happening in these countries, but also has an adverse effect on efficiency of the state institutes. It was designated, though uneven on scales, formation of the middle class and, as a result, new types of consumption, demand and their proliferation. Respectively, their domestic markets increase and differentiated that increases interest in access to them for foreign exporters and investors. Special importance is represented by economic policy of India in the relations with the countries of Africa, including with use of “soft power” for further expansion of the positions. The main forms of economic relations of India and the countries of Africa, the growing activity of large business structures, the top-level annual economic summits are considered. In export of the African countries to India the high share of raw materials, first of all agricultural and also hydrocarbons steadily remains. The share of the African oil in the general import of India in 2016 has made 15%. Along with traditional presence in the African and South Asian markets of the leading countries of the West, economic influence of China as exporter and investor amplifies. Influence of the Japanese and South Korean capitals grows in competition for the African markets. In February, 2018 the countries of Africa have agreed about creation of the common market. Such prospect will significantly aggravate the competition for economic positions in trade and investments with the countries of African continent.
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DEDERING, TILMAN. "THE PROPHET'S ‘WAR AGAINST WHITES’: SHEPHERD STUURMAN IN NAMIBIA AND SOUTH AFRICA, 1904–7." Journal of African History 40, no. 1 (March 1999): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853798007348.
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‘GOD HAS TAKEN POWER FROM WHITE MEN THROUGHOUT THE WORLD’EARLY on the morning of 5 September 1906, at a small asbestos mine in the northern Cape, six African workers entered the tent of their white foreman and his family. They assaulted the sleepers with stones, knobkerries, the leg of a chair and an ox-yoke. The foreman, Dirk Mans, died of his injuries eighteen hours later, while his son, Jan, who had been sleeping in another tent, ran away. Dirk Mans's wife also had a narrow escape. She woke up when a blow narrowly missed the head of her three-year-old child, who was sleeping in her bed. Both could flee in the general mêlée. Another victim, the well digger, William Swanepoel, was bludgeoned to death so ferociously that his skull ‘was entirely knocked out of shape [and] separated in halves’. The perpetrators tried to kill more whites, but dispersed in the ensuing confusion. The six men were tracked down by the police after several days. The Griqualand West Supreme Court in Kimberley sentenced four of the culprits to death; they were hanged in March 1907.The ringleader of the Hopefield gang, Hendrik Bekeer, told the policeman who had followed his tracks for several days, that ‘he was glad to be caught, although he knew that his life would be at an end’. He could hardly wait to tell the prison warder that the group had planned to kill all whites in South Africa. In court, the eloquent Bekeer explained:I admit that I am guilty. I, Hendrik Bikier [sic], laid hands on these two souls. I have a craving in my heart which must be made known to everyone. I admit that I am a worker of God. I confess to the Court and all the white people that I am placed here by the Lord, and that I do his will. … The time when the whites had the upper hand is past. This is for Africa alone, but God has taken power from white men throughout the world.
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Erlank, Dr Wian. "Editorial." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 17, no. 2 (April 24, 2017): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2014/v17i2a2296.
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On Friday 27th July 2012 the conference on the "Green Paper on Land Reform: Challenges and Opportunities" was held at the Hakunamatata Estate in Muldersdrift. The conference was a joint project by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation (KAS) and the Faculty of Law, North-West University. While the main focus of the conference was on the specific issues raised by the Green Paper on Land Reform of 2011, it also addressed current and contemporary issues relating to the Land Reform issue as experienced in South Africa.Papers were delivered on various aspects of land reform relating to or arising from the Green Paper on Land Reform, 2011. The programme included a large number of excellent and thought provoking papers as well as a number of panel discussions that resulted in enthusiastic audience participation. Of these, the following papers and presentations were collected, evaluated and published in this special edition of PER. The first contribution by Wian Erlank (North-West University) gives an overview and discusses the challenges the Green Paper on Land Reform bring to the fore. It sets the stage for the publication at large. This is followed by Juanita Pienaar (University of Stellenbosch) who deliberates on what she calles the “mechanics of intervention” and the Green Paper on Land Reform. Henk Kloppers and Gerrit Pienaar (North West University) gives a historical context of land reform in South Africa and early policies; and Henk Kloppers then considers Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) in the context of land reform. He is followed by Hanri Mostert's (University of Cape Town) contribution on land as a 'National Asset' under the Constitution and what this system change envisaged by the 2011 Green Paper on Land Policy means for property under the Constitution. Elmien du Plessis (University of Johannesburg) article on the lack of direction on compensation for expropriation in the 2011 Green Paper on Land Reform. This special edition ends with Motsepe Matlala, the President of the National African Farmers Union gave an illuminating oratio on the opportunities and challenges of the 2011 Green Paper on Land Reform for the National African Farmers Union (NAFU SA).The timing of this edition is fortuitous, since a follow-up to this conference was held at Hakunamatata, Muldersdrift on 19 and 20 June 2014 with the specific focus on Land Reform and Food Security.More on the theme.The contributions contained in this special edition provide an extensive overview of land reform, especially in their introductory sections - before delving into the more technical aspects. However, a very brief note on the issue of Land Reform in South Africa might be beneficial for foreign readers. As in most other areas of the world, ownership of and access to land is an important issue in South Africa. This is especially topical in South Africa due to the fact that the racial segregation policies and laws of the past had the effect of removing people from their land, of restricting their access to land, and also in most instances of prohibiting their ownership of land. Ever since the abolition of "apartheid" and the introduction of the new, democratic dispensation, the initiative of "land reform" has been identified as requiring actively promotion in order to address these injustices of the past. Mandated by the Constitution and implemented through legislation, the South African Land Reform Programme has seen many developments over the past few years. While it is clear that much has been done to address these issues, it is also clear that current land reform strategies have not have the intended effect and would need to be adapted before this important programme is resumed. The Green Paper on Land Reform of 2011 is one of the instruments that has been used to create new interest and public engagement both in Land Reform, the development of better public policy and - eventually – of legislation. In the context of this brief description of the existing situation, this issue focusses on the most pressing aspects of land reform at the moment.
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Warren, Andrew, Simon Batterbury, and Henny Osbahr. "Soil erosion in the West African Sahel: a review and an application of a “local political ecology” approach in South West Niger." Global Environmental Change 11, no. 1 (April 2001): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0959-3780(00)00047-9.
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Coetzee, Hendri, Werner Nell, and Carlos Bezuidenhout. "An assessment of perceptions, sources and uses of water among six African communities in the North West Province of South Africa." Water SA 42, no. 3 (August 2, 2016): 432. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/wsa.v42i3.08.
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Bruckmayr, Philipp. "The Middle East and Brazil." American Journal of Islam and Society 32, no. 3 (July 1, 2015): 102–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v32i3.991.
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The title at hand is a valuable and timely edited volume that sheds light onthe economic, political, literary, social, cultural, religious, and historical connectionsbetween Brazil and the Middle East. Whereas the Middle East in thisrespect primarily means the area historically referred to as bilād al-shām (i.e.,Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine, and Israel), the book also tackles the historicallinkages among Brazil, Muslim Andalusia, and West Africa. Structurally,the volume is divided into three parts, which are preceded by anintroduction by the editor.Part 1, “South-South Relations, Security Politics, Diplomatic History,”includes five papers, the first four of which are more or less straightforwardtreatments of political history/science. Paul Amar sketches the dynamic strategicchanges in policy toward the region and hegemonic American power duringthe early presidency of Dilma Rousseff (2010-13) in the face of majorchanges in the Middle East that rendered her continuation of the “handshakepolitics” that her predecessor Lula had extended toward the now-crumblingdictatorial regimes unfeasible. In the following chapter, Paulo Daniel EliasFarah discusses one of the fruits of Lula’s endeavors: the formation of theSummit of South America-Arab States in 2003. He situates this diplomaticconcord within a long history of contacts between Brazil and the Arab/Muslimworld as well as the transnational flows of forced and free migration, as epitomizedby the presence of enslaved West African Muslims and then, later on,Syro-Lebanese settlers in Brazil.Carlos Ribeiro Santana’s contribution sheds light on Brazil’s pragmatismin fostering relationships with the Middle East to secure its oil supplies againstthe background of the energy crises of the 1970s. This thread is also pickedup in the following paper by Monique Sochaczweski, which details how thesevery configurations caused Brazil to abandon its “equidistance” policy ...
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Lewis, D. A. "5. HIV AND WOMEN: THE AFRICAN EXPERIENCE." Sexual Health 4, no. 4 (2007): 286. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/shv4n4ab5.
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Africa as a continent has been devastated by the acquired immunodeficiency syndrome epidemic caused by the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV). Women are more likely to acquire HIV/AIDS for a number of reasons and incidence studies show that younger women are particularly at risk of HIV acquisition. Biologically, they are more vulnerable and the acquisition of HIV can be influenced by hormonal contraceptives as well as sexually transmitted infections, which are often more asymptomatic than is the case for men. Women in Africa are also more vulnerable because of cultural issues; in some countries polygamy is accepted practice. Women are often economically disadvantaged and disempowered. It is often hard for them to insist on the use of condoms with husbands and regular partners. Physical and sexual abuse of women, including rape, remains a major problem on the continent, particularly in times of civil war. Many women are forced to work as sex workers or be involved in transactional sex in order to survive. Most countries rely on anonymous antenatal surveys to generate HIV seroprevalence data for women of reproductive age. These data is often used as surrogate markers for HIV prevalence rates in men of a similar age. The seroprevalence of HIV among pregnant women differs remarkably around the continent, with the highest rates being seen in Southern Africa, as high as 30%, and much lower rates being seen in West Africa. These reasons underlying these differences are complex and not completely understood. UNAIDS estimated in 2005 that 470�000 (87%) of the world's 540�000 newly infected children (<15 years old) reside in Sub-Saharan Africa. Prevention of mother to child transmission (PMTCT) of HIV is thus a national priority in many Sub-Saharan African countries. Despite policies, treatment is sometimes not given at the clinic level for several reasons, and when it is, most commonly it is with single dose Nevirapine. Data from South Africa has shown that both mothers and infected babies rapidly acquire nevirapine resistance. It is likely that this will lead to early failure of first line antiretroviral (ARV) therapy among these mothers once they start their ARVs. In South Africa, for example, either efavirenz or nevirapine form the backbone of the first-line ARV regimens. AIDS defining illnesses (ADIs) in women living in Africa are similar to those observed in men. Tuberculosis is the most common ADI but other life-threatening illnesses such as cryptococcal meningitis are relatively common compared to other parts of the world. Cervical cancer and cervical intra-epithelial neoplasia (CIN) lesions are more common in HIV-infected than in non-infected women. Most countries in Africa do not have cervical screening programmes and, even in richer countries such as South Africa, the national policy is to screen women three times in their life at 30, 40 and 50 years of age. Many HIV specialist centres, with additional donor funds, are now attempting to perform annual cervical screening, at least in South Africa.
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Somé, Batamaka. "‘HOT MONEY’: GENDER AND THE POLITICS OF NEGOTIATION AND CONTROL OVER INCOME IN WEST AFRICAN SMALLHOLDER HOUSEHOLDS." Africa 83, no. 2 (May 2013): 251–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000197201300003x.
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ABSTRACTMost development interventions targeting rural women's economic empowerment measure success through returns from women's on-farm or off-farm activities and the income they generate. This article suggests that special emphasis needs to be laid on income control, not just its generation, in order to take account of the more or less subtle socio-cultural obstacles and other structures of constraint hindering women in this regard. The article draws from ethnographic case studies conducted for a doctoral dissertation project in south-west Burkina Faso to show how women in cotton-farming zones strategize to circumvent customary rules and control their on-farm incomes. The context is an organic cotton-farming project targeting women. I argue that understanding these constraints and strategies provides policy makers and development practitioners with tools for a better grasp of the social landscape – and that this, in turn, enables them to reach empowerment goals.
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KASCHULA, SARAH A., and CHARLIE M. SHACKLETON. "Quantity and significance of wild meat off-take by a rural community in the Eastern Cape, South Africa." Environmental Conservation 36, no. 3 (September 2009): 192–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0376892909990282.
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SUMMARYWhen compared to tropical forest zones in west and central Africa, off-take of wild meat from savannah and grassland biomes by local rural communities has not been well assessed. This case study of wild meat collection activities within a rural community in the Mount Frere region of the Eastern Cape (South Africa) uses last-catch records derived from 50 wild meat gatherers to calculate average off-take of taxa, species and fresh mass of wild meat per collection event. When per-event off take is overlaid onto household hunting frequency data, annual off-take would be 268.6 kg km−2 yr−1 or 3 kg person−1 yr−1 presuming constant off-take over an annual period. Monetary value of off-take would be South African R 307 (US$ 39) per household annually. For some species, off-take weight per km2 shows similar values to data from tropical forest zones, but high human population densities tend to dilute off-takes to less nutritionally significant amounts at the per person scale. However, unlike many tropical zones, none of the species harvested can be considered high-priority conservation species. Even densely populated and heavily harvested communal lands appear to offer high wild meat off-takes from low conservation priority species.
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Yaya, Sanni, Seun Stephen Anjorin, and Sunday A. Adedini. "Disparities in pregnancy-related deaths: spatial and Bayesian network analyses of maternal mortality ratio in 54 African countries." BMJ Global Health 6, no. 2 (February 2021): e004233. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2020-004233.
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BackgroundMaternal mortality remains a public health problem despite several global efforts. Globally, about 830 women die of pregnancy-related death per day, with more than two-third of these cases occurring in Africa. We examined the spatial distribution of maternal mortality in Africa and explored the influence of SDoH on the spatial distribution.MethodsWe used country-level secondary data of 54 African countries collected between 2006 and 2018 from three databases namely, World Development Indicator, WHO’s Global Health Observatory Data and Human Development Report. We performed descriptive analyses, presented in tables and maps. The spatial analysis involved local indicator of spatial autocorrelation maps and spatial regression. Finally, we built Bayesian networks to determine and show the strength of social determinants associated with maternal mortality.ResultsWe found that the average prevalence of maternal mortality ratio (MMR) in Africa was 415 per 100 000 live births. Findings from the spatial analyses showed clusters (hotspots) of MMR with seven countries (Guinea-Bissau, Guinea, Sierra Leone, Cote d’Ivoire, Chad and Cameroon, Mauritania), all within the Middle and West Africa. On the other hand, the cold spot clusters were formed by two countries; South Africa and Namibia; eight countries (Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Ghana, Gabon and Congo, Equatorial Guinea and Cape Verde) formed low–high clusters; thus, indicating that these countries have significantly low MMR but within the neighbourhood of countries with significantly high MMR. The findings from the regression and Bayesian network analysis showed that gender inequities and the proportion of skilled birth attendant are strongest social determinants that drive the variations in maternal mortality across Africa.ConclusionMaternal mortality is very high in Africa especially in countries in the middle and western African subregions. To achieve the target 3.1 of the sustainable development goal on maternal health, there is a need to design effective strategies that will address gender inequalities and the shortage of health professionals.
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Fusheini, Adam, John Eyles, and Jane Goudge. "The state of public hospital governance and management in a South African hospital: A case study." International Journal of Healthcare 3, no. 2 (October 12, 2017): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/ijh.v3n2p68.
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Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to examine the operations and management of a public hospital in South Africa in the light of recent organizational reforms. Management of public hospitals in South Africa is often seen as fragmented, impacting on their operations. Management processes are dominated by hierarchy and poor communication and interaction. They are also poorly linked to patients’ needs and experiences. In this paper, we examine the operations and management of a district hospital in North West Province to ascertain the extent to which the nature of hierarchy, communication, and interaction in the management process (meetings, establishing guidelines and others) impact on the efficient and effective governance of the hospital, especially in the light of recent organizational reforms.Methods: A qualitative case study approach involving 15 in-depth interviews were conducted at three management levels. All interviews were conducted in English, and were digitally audio-recorded and professionally transcribed. Management and organization of data were done with NVivo 10 software, while analyses were based on pattern-building and emerging themes.Results: By and large the hospital was constrained by hierarchical control and rule-following. While hierarchy and dysfunction still shape communication and interaction, there is some optimism with regards to strategic planning. Key features of hospital governance and its functionality, involving financial management or stewardship, strategic planning, performance management and appraisal, and clinical governance are emphasized.Conclusions: For effective public hospital governance in South Africa, management must be guided in practice by the key principles set out in the national policy on management of public hospitals.
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Adu Amoah, Lloyd G., and Kwasi Asante. "Ghana-Korea Economic Relations – The Record after 40 Years and the Future." African and Asian Studies 18, no. 1-2 (March 7, 2019): 6–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341414.
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Abstract Over the last sixty years the economic and industrial fortunes of Ghana and Korea have proved worryingly divergent. Though Ghana and South Korea had comparatively similar GDP per capita in the 1960s, South Korea in 20171 ($29,742.839) has been able to attain a GDP per capita that is about ten times that of Ghana ($1,641.487). This work critically examines the economic relationship between Ghana and South Korea in the last forty years. It focuses on the economic miracle of South Korea and the lessons for developing countries like Ghana. The article utilizes economic, historical and policy data drawn from primary and secondary sources in an attempt to examine the economic relations between the two countries thus far and prescribe ways in which Ghana can benefit far more than ever before from her economic co-operation with Korea. The paper argues that for Ghana to benefit from its economic relations with South Korea the ideational example of this East Asian state in constructing a developmental state (DS) is critical. Flowing from this, it is recommended that this West African nation becomes more diligent and innovative in her economic relations with Korea as a matter of strategic necessity in pursuit of Ghana’s long held industrialization dream.
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Haddis, Alemayehu, Tadesse Getahun, Embialle Mengistie, Amana Jemal, Ilse Smets, and Bart van der Bruggen. "Challenges to surface water quality in mid-sized African cities: conclusions from Awetu-Kito Rivers in Jimma, south-west Ethiopia." Water and Environment Journal 28, no. 2 (December 12, 2012): 173–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/wej.12021.
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Laabi, Abdelhai. "Les fonctions internes de la détente dans les systèmes politiques du triangle euro-arabo-africain : l’image oubliée de l’interdépendance Nord-Sud." Études internationales 11, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 65–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701018ar.
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This study deals with two increasingly important aspects of international relations : first, the interpretation of the North-South dynamic of the international System and second, the significance of détente in the Euro-Arabo-African mini-triangle. In his discussion of the first problematic, the author suggests it would be useful to take an interdependence approach towards the analysis of North-South relations, implying that the international system is hexagonal as regards both structure and process and that non-alignment is becoming a sixth pole of influence in the system. More specifically, and taking as a starting point the « depolarization » of the détente process, the author argues that the security objectives of the West European, Arab and African political Systems are in fact interdependent. This interdependence is to be found above all in their interest in diluting the East-West conflict and instituting a policy of détente, the purpose of which is all the more significant for being internal - i.e. the stabilization, legitimization and integration of these political Systems. Since the effects of such a policy will be felt only gradually, these countries find they have a common interest in a complementary strategy whereby the East-West conflict is segmented and intersected by the North-South conflict (intra-alliance, even). The aim of the study is to show that, in the theory of international relations, greater attention should be paid to the motivations and strategies of actors in the South and their impact on the international system in the economic problem areas as well as the political and strategic ones. Because the properties of political reality differ from those of physical reality, the properties of political regularities also differ from those of physical regularises. The regularities we discover are soft. They are soft because they are outcomes of processes that exhibit plastic rather than cast-iron control. They are imbedded in history and involve recurrent « passings-through » of large numbers of human memories, learning processes, human goal seeking impulses, and choices among alternatives. They decay quickly because of the memory, creative searching, and learning that underlie them. Indeed social science itself may contribute to this decay, since learning increasingly include not only learning from experience, but from scientific research itself. Gabriel A. ALMOND et Stephan J. GENCO, « Clouds, Clocks, and the Study of Politics », World Politics, vol. XXIX, n° 4, juillet 1977, pp. 493-494. Ithas become a platitude that the whole world is now interdependent... Yet what a tremendous platitude it is /... If this platitude is unalterably true, its implications must profoundly affect the conditions of human life for the future ; it must transform all our thinking about social organization ; it must modify all our programmes and policies. Clearly we ought to be thinking seriously about it, and asking ourselves what it involves. A. MuiR, The Interdependent World and lts Problems, Boston, Houghton, Mifflin, 1973, p. 1.
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Chokoe, Tlou Caswell, Khanyisile Mdladla-Hadebe, Farai Muchadeyi, Edgar Dzomba, Tlou Matelele, Tumudi Mphahlele, Takalani J. Mpofu, Khathutshelo Nephawe, and Bohani Mtileni. "Genetic Diversity of South African Indigenous Goat Population from Four Provinces Using Genome-Wide SNP Data." Sustainability 12, no. 24 (December 11, 2020): 10361. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su122410361.
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Genome-wide assessments of the genetic landscape of Farm Animal Genetic Resources (FAnGR) are key to developing sustainable breed improvements. Understanding the FAnGR adaptation to different environments and supporting their conservation programs from community initiative to national policymakers is very important. The objective of the study was to investigate the genetic diversity and population structure of communal indigenous goat populations from four provinces of South Africa. Communal indigenous goat populations from the Free State (FS) (n = 24), Gauteng (GP) (n = 28), Limpopo (LP) (n = 30), and North West (NW) (n = 35) provinces were genotyped using the Illumina Goats SNP50 BeadChip. An Illumina Goats SNP50 BeadChip data from commercial meat-type breeds: Boer (n = 33), Kalahari Red (n = 40), and Savanna (n = 31) was used in this study as reference populations. The Ho revealed that the genetic diversity of a population ranged between 0.39 ± 0.11 Ho in LP to 0.42 ± 0.09 Ho in NW. Analysis of molecular variance revealed variations of 3.39% (p < 0.0001) and 90.64% among and within populations, respectively. The first two Principal Component Analyses (PCAs) revealed a unique Limpopo population separated from GP, FS, and NW communal indigenous goat populations with high levels of admixture with commercial goat populations. There were unique populations of Kalahari and Savanna that were observed and admixed individuals. Marker FST (Limpopo versus commercial goat populations) revealed 442 outlier single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) across all chromosomes, and the SNP with the highest FST value (FST = 0.72; chromosome 8) was located on the UHRF2 gene. Population differentiation tests (PCAdapt) revealed PC2 as optimal and five outlier SNPs were detected on chromosomes 10, 15, 20, and 21. The study revealed that the SNPs identified by the first two principal components show high FST values in LP communal goat populations and allowed us to identify candidate genes which can be used in the development of breed selection programs to improve this unique LP population and other communal goat population of FS, GP, and NW, and find genetic factors contributing to the adaptation to harsh environments. Effective management and utilization of South African communal indigenous goat populations is important, and effort should be made to maintain unique genetic resources for conservation.
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Mokhele, Khotso. "Using Astronomy to shape a country's science and technology landscape." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 10, H16 (August 2012): 539. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921314011983.
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AbstractThere is data abundant to show a positive correlation between a nation's investment in science, engineering and technology and the economic prosperity of that nation. Yet, there remain many countries in the world, particularly in developing countries, where little, if any, serious investment in science, engineering and technology is evident. Even in these countries, policy documents speak positively about the positive correlation between investment in science, engineering and technology and national development and prosperity. Unfortunately these positive policy statements rarely get converted into real investment. When the National Research Foundation was founded in Post-Apartheid South Africa it set out to “. . .contribute to the improvement of the quality of life of all people. . .” and its inspiring vision was to achieve “A prosperous South Africa and African continent steeped in a knowledge culture, free of widespread diseases and poverty, and proud contributors to the well-being of humanity." This organisation, with its altruistic vision, succeeded in convincing the emerging government to invest in and support the construction of the Southern African Large Telescope as one of its flagship projects. This decision was subsequently followed by a high level national decision to leverage South Africa's geographical advantage to host major global astronomy facilities such as the Square Kilometer Array. This presentation highlighted the reasons for such decisions and how we went about motivating government organs that investing in astronomy would contribute to addressing societal challenges by stimulating the science and technology landscape.
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du Preez, Elizabeth, Nafisa Cassimjee, Mehdi Ghazinour, Lars Erik Lauritz, and Jörg Richter. "Personality of South African Police Trainees." Psychological Reports 105, no. 2 (October 2009): 539–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.105.2.539-553.
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There have been efforts to identify a “police personality” based on dispositional and socialization models. Personality traits of successful police applicants at the Police College in Pretoria, South Africa ( N = 1,145 police trainees), with regard to sex, ethnic group, and English language reading skills, were described in terms of scores on the Temperament and Character Inventory. South African police trainees generally evaluated themselves as substantially lower in Novelty Seeking and Harm Avoidance combined with lower Cooperativeness, but they scored much higher on Self-Directedness, Persistence, and Self-Transcendence compared to South African university students from the same area. These are characteristics expected from future police officers, which supports the dispositional model.
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Dlamini, Siyanda. "South African Police Services Officials` Perceptions of Community-Police Relations in Durban, South Africa." International Journal of Criminology and Sociology 10 (December 31, 2020): 224–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.6000/1929-4409.2021.10.27.
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Police officers’ views about police-citizen relationships are shaped not only by opportunities to interact with community residents during normal police work but also in part by efforts due to the larger police mission of encouraging and supporting such attitudes. In recent years, police in different countries has shifted from the traditional reactive form of policing towards community-oriented approaches. Hence, the purpose of this paper is to explore police officers’ views of citizen-police relationships and community policing in Durban, South Africa. A qualitative research approach was adopted, to explore such perceptions in the study area. The findings collected through semi-structured interviews with the South African Police Services personnel suggested that police officer were dissatisfied and at best ambiguous about citizens’ participation in crime prevention activities or support for the police in a township dwelling. However, in a suburban area, the perceptions marked an improvement in their attitudes on various dimensions. These include officers’ views about the overall police mission, increased emphasis on service-oriented policing in contrast to a law enforcement approach, support for community policing, perceived citizens’ willingness to cooperate with the police in crime prevention activities, and decreased cynicism about citizens. These findings suggest confidence in the utility of community policing ideas.
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Rabinowitz, Or, and Nicholas L. Miller. "Keeping the Bombs in the Basement: U.S. Nonproliferation Policy toward Israel, South Africa, and Pakistan." International Security 40, no. 1 (July 2015): 47–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00207.
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How has the United States behaved historically toward friendly states with nuclear weapons ambitions? Recent scholarship has demonstrated the great lengths to which the United States went to prevent Taiwan, South Korea, and West Germany from acquiring nuclear weapons. Yet seemingly on the other side of the ledger are cases such as Israel, South Africa, and Pakistan, where the United States failed to prevent proliferation, and where many have argued that the United States made exceptions to its nonproliferation objectives given conflicting geopolitical goals. A reexamination of the history of U.S. nonproliferation policy toward Israel, South Africa, and Pakistan, based on declassified documents and interviews, finds that these cases are not as exceptional as is commonly understood. In each case, the United States sought to prevent these states from acquiring nuclear weapons, despite geopolitical constraints. Moreover, once U.S. policymakers realized that prior efforts had failed, they continued to pursue nonproliferation objectives, brokering deals to prevent nuclear tests, public declaration of capabilities, weaponization, or transfer of nuclear materials to other states.
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Mabasa, Hlupheka Michael, and Adewale A. Olutola. "The structure of South African police: Towards a single police service." Cogent Social Sciences 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 1959974. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23311886.2021.1959974.
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Marks, Monique, and Jennifer Wood. "South African policing at a crossroads." Theoretical Criminology 14, no. 3 (August 2010): 311–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480610369785.
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This article explores the distinct but related notions of ‘minimal’ and ‘minimalist’ policing in the context of South Africa. We argue that these conceptions can shape a new vision for the future of policing in this country, one which is especially needed at a time when the political elites are seeking to re-militarize and centralize policing. This article searches for an answer to the question: Who should the public police be in emergent democracies where there is a plurality of policing providers, state and non-state? Drawing on research conducted in the city of Durban this article demonstrates that, to a large extent, policing is being carried out by agents other than the police. In this context, the article articulates a more circumscribed role for the police in a time (and place) of uncertainty, one that is anchored in local structures of strategic planning and regulation. Within such structures, non-state actors should be supported to play meaningful roles in ‘everyday policing’, but in ways that are moderate and bound by legal constraints within a human rights framework.
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Makatjane, Katleho, and Diteboho Xaba. "An early warning system for inflation using Markov-Switching and logistic models approach." Risk Governance and Control: Financial Markets and Institutions 6, no. 4 (2016): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/rcgv6i4art5.
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With the adoption of the inflation targeting by the South African Reserve Bank (SARB) in 2000, the average inflation radically went down. Earlier 2000, the inflation rate was recorded at 8.8% that is January 1999; then a year later went down to 2.65%. What’s more, this paper builds up an early warning system (EWS) model for predicting the event of high inflation in South Africa. Periods of high and low inflation were distinguished by utilizing Markov-switching model. Utilizing the results of regime classification, logistic regression models were then assessed with the goal of measuring the likelihood of the event of high inflation periods. Empirical results demonstrate that the proposed EWS model has some potential as a corresponding instrument in the SARB’s monetary policy formulation based on the in-sample and out-of-sample forecasting performance.
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Burger, Johan. "Police work and identity: a South African ethnography." Policing and Society 28, no. 9 (August 20, 2018): 1123–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439463.2018.1510401.
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Pienaar, Jacobus, and Sebastiaan Rothmann. "Suicide Ideation in the South African Police Service." South African Journal of Psychology 35, no. 1 (March 2005): 58–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/008124630503500104.
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Little information exists regarding the suicide ideation of uniformed members of the South African Police Service (SAPS). The objectives of this study were to determine the level of suicide ideation of police members and to determine the differences between the suicide ideation of various demographic groups. Across-sectional survey design was used. Stratified random samples ( N = 1781) were taken of police members of eight provinces in South Africa. The Adult Suicide Ideation Questionnaire and a biographical questionnaire were administered. The results indicated that 8.30% of the sample showed a high level of suicide ideation. Multiway frequency analyses showed that the observed frequencies of high suicide ideation (compared with low suicide ideation), statistically, were significantly higher than the expected frequencies in groups based on race, rank, gender, province, alcohol consumption, educational qualifications, medical problems and previous suicide attempts.
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Newbury, Darren. "Ernest Cole and the South African Security Police." History of Photography 35, no. 1 (January 21, 2011): 76–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03087298.2011.541599.
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Howard, David. "A Personal Encounter With the South African Police." Transformation: An International Journal of Holistic Mission Studies 3, no. 2 (April 1986): 21–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026537888600300209.
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Rauch, Janine. "The South African police and the Truth Commission." South African Review of Sociology 36, no. 2 (July 2005): 208–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21528586.2005.10419139.
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