Relevant bibliographies by topics / Southeast Asia : foreign relations

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Southeast Asia : foreign relations'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Southeast Asia : foreign relations"

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Bragina, Elena A. "Economic Relations of India with the Countries of Southeast Asia – Foreign Trade Aspect." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development 1, no. 1(50) (2021): 66–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-1-1-50-066-072.

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The article examines India's trade policy towards Southeast Asian countries as part of the implementation of India's Look East policy and the foreign policy principle Neighborhood is first. India's foreign trade expansion intensifies the confrontation between the interests of India and the PRC in Southeast Asia. A statistical analysis of the state of trade operations between India and the countries of Southeast Asia for the last five years is given, based on which the author draws a conclusion that the main problem of India in trade with the countries of Southeast Asia is a negative balance, large and stable. Undoubtedly, to eliminate it, or at least reduce it, India will undertake serious efforts in the coming years, primarily aimed at expanding exports to the markets of the Southeast Asian countries of its products.
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Hue, Quach Thi, Le Thi Chien, Dinh Quang Thanh, Bui Viet Huong, and Nguyen Minh Man. "Adjustment of India’s Foreign Policy for Southeast Asia in the Time of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and its Impacts on India - Vietnam Relationships." Journal of Law and Sustainable Development 11, no. 4 (August 24, 2023): e568. http://dx.doi.org/10.55908/sdgs.v11i4.568.

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Objective: The purpose of the article will present and analyze the adjustment of India’s foreign policy towards Southeast Asia under Prime Minister N. Modi and its impacts on Vietnam - India relations. Theoretical framework: In this study, International Relations theories such as those of Realism, Liberalism and Constructivism have been used to clear the goals, approaches and content of India’s policies for Southeast Asia, the adjustment of Prime Minister N. Modi towards ASEAN and Southeast Asian countries. Method: The author uses historical methods, interdisciplinary research methods and comparative methods to present and evaluate India’s foreign policy with ASEAN and Southeast Asian countries under Prime Minister Modi compared to before and evaluate the impacts of this adjustment on Vietnam - India relations in the future. Results and conclusions: Historically, India has reached Southeast Asia by way of peace, trade and religion. Entering the 21st century, Southeast Asia is one of the focal points in India’s strategic adjustment to the Asia-Pacific region because of its extremely important geo-political and geo-economical position. However, India’s foreign policy before 2014 (Look East Policy) was primarily “observation” rather than “action”. Since Prime Minister Narendra Modi came to power in May 2014, the Look East Policy has been adjusted into the Act East Policy to expand the goals, scope and areas of cooperation, and enhance the actions and strategic priorities in relations with its extended neighbor Southeast Asia. Implication of the research: This adjustment has greatly impacted on India, Southeast Asian countries and the Vietnam - India Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. The article provides some policy implications for Vietnam to promote the Vietnam - India Comprehensive Strategic Partnership in the coming time. Originality/ Value: This study is an elaborate, comprehensive and systematic work of the authors through an international approach.
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SINGH, Bhubhindar. "Japan-Southeast Asia Relations Amid US-China Competition in East Asia." East Asian Policy 13, no. 03 (July 2021): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930521000210.

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Japan has emerged as a critical strategic actor in East Asia amidst intensifying US-China structural competition since 2010. Southeast Asia/ASEAN is an important dimension of Japan’s foreign policy expansion. This paper argues that Japan’s foreign policy is driven by the aim of becoming an alternative source of strategic stability in Southeast Asia/ASEAN as opposed to the United States and China. This is explained by analysing Japan’s foreign policy in regional balance of power and ASEAN-led multilateralism.
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Khotimah, Siti Khusnul, and Yuliati Yuliati. "Hubungan Perdagangan Majapahit dengan Tiongkok Abad XII - XIV." SINDANG: Jurnal Pendidikan Sejarah dan Kajian Sejarah 4, no. 2 (July 1, 2022): 128–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31540/sindang.v4i2.1122.

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The Majapahit Kingdom was a kingdom that had very good relations with foreign kingdoms in Southeast Asia and foreign kingdoms outside Southeast Asia. One of them is with China, which is a foreign kingdom in the East Asia region. This is because the Majapahit kingdom has a foreign policy called Mitreka Satata which means equal/equal. With this foreign policy, Majapahit was able to establish relationships with foreign kingdoms, one of which was China, which was a foreign kingdom outside Southeast Asia. Kakawin Desawarnana and Notes written by the Chinese themselves also briefly mention the very good relations between Majapahit and China in terms of trade. It was through this trade that Mitreka Satata's relationship between Majapahit and China could be formed and continued very well. In fact, because of trade, there are many Chinese and Majapahit people in social life. Therefore, this research will conduct an in-depth study of the Mitreka Satata relationship between Majapahit and China through existing historical sources.
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Longmire, R. A. "Soviet foreign policy and southeast Asia." International Affairs 63, no. 1 (1986): 149–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620304.

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Zagoria, Donald S., and Leszek Buszynski. "Soviet Foreign Policy and Southeast Asia." Foreign Affairs 65, no. 4 (1987): 913. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043176.

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Brown, James Alan. "Laos’s Peripheral Centrality in Southeast Asia." European Journal of East Asian Studies 17, no. 2 (October 10, 2018): 228–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-01702005.

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Abstract Laos’s position at the centre of the Southeast Asian mainland has entailed peripherality to regional loci of power. Its geography of peripheral centrality has however resulted in Laos becoming a realm of contestation between powerful neighbours. The analysis traces the construction of Laos within a regional space from pre-colonial times to contemporary special economic zones. Laos has been produced through mobility, foreign actors’ attempts to reorient space to their sphere of influence, and transnational class relations incorporating Lao workers and peasants, Lao elites and foreign powers. These elements manifest within current special economic zone projects.
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Baviera, Aileen S. P. "China’s Strategic Foreign Initiatives Under Xi Jinping." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 02, no. 01 (January 2016): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740016500032.

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This article provides a summary of China’s new strategic foreign initiatives under Xi Jinping’s leadership. These initiatives include the “One Belt, One Road” proposal, the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and calls for a “New Asian Security Concept” as well as for “a new type of major power relations.” In a localized Southeast Asian context, they are operationalized, as projects under the so-called 21st Century Maritime Silk Road proposal, a “[Formula: see text] cooperation framework for China-Southeast Asia relations,” and the so-called “dual track” approach to the management of the South China Sea disputes. These initiatives are expected to provide a favorable external environment for the attainment of the “Chinese dream” and to pave the way for China to emerge into a position of global power and leadership. The article mainly focuses on what these initiatives may be signaling to China’s neighbors, and the subsequent implications for Southeast Asia and its relations with China. There are, for instance, some doubts as to whether China can be a reliable provider of security and stability as public goods in its own region if China itself is a key party in the territorial contentions and power rivalries that could be likely causes of conflict. The fact that China is still trying to defend primordial territorial and cultural-ideational interests, settle historical scores, and find an effective model for its domestic politics and governance that will serve its increasingly globalized economy, indicates that China may not be ready yet to make the sacrifices and compromises that will be required of regional — let alone global — leadership.
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Rogozhina, Natalia G. "The Mask Diplomacy of China in Southeast Asia." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development 1, no. 1(50) (2021): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-1-1-50-073-081.

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The article notes that China's mask diplomacy in Southeast Asia is an integral part of its foreign policy aimed at strengthening its positions in the region by increasing the level of confidence. By providing assistance to Southeast Asian countries in the fight against COVID-19, China hopes to improve its image of a “benevolent” neighbor in the region. At the same time, the priority was given to those countries of Southeast Asia with which the closest relations have developed and which are participating in the Belt and Road Initiative. In the development of the achieved success in mask diplomacy, China is moving to the implementation of the so-called vaccine diplomacy in Southeast Asia. However, despite the currently pronounced humanitarian orientation of China's foreign policy in Southeast Asia, the continuing territorial conflict in the South China Sea plays against its positive image in the region as “generous sponsor”. Time will tell whether mask diplomacy will help China gain an edge in the competition for influence in the region. But one thing is clear – China is acting decisively and does not miss a single chance to provide support for the countries of Southeast Asia in the competition with the United States.
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Scalapino, Robert A. "The United States and Asia in 2008: A Time of Challenge." Asian Survey 49, no. 1 (January 2009): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.1.5.

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The Asian-Pacific scene at present is marked by turbulent economic conditions and varying degrees of political instability, yet foreign relations are relatively favorable. Two key issues in Northeast Asia——North Korean nuclearization and cross-Taiwan Straits relations——remain unresolved, but current trends are generally hopeful. In Southeast and South Asia, conditions have been marked by economic decline stemming from the domestic scene and prominent cases of political tension. Yet, the risk of a war between Asian-Pacific states is at a record low.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Southeast Asia : foreign relations"

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Hogan, Mary Vivianne. "The development and role of ASEAN as a regional association." Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1995. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B16043017.

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Manickam, Ravindran. "The strategic role of the United States of America in South East Asia since 1975." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114555.

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One of the constant features of the United States foreign policy is the maintenance of an international environment in which the United States can survive and prosper. This is based on an economic-strategic nexus. This has been emphasised since the time of the Truman administration after the second World War. For instance Truman stated during the height of the Korean War and other communist rebellions in the Southeast Asian region that the loss of any one of those countries would mean the loss of freedom for millions of people, the loss of vital raw materials,and the loss of points of critical strategic importance to the free world. This perception was crystallised into the containment policy to halt the spread of communism. This policy was also emphasised in the Southeast Asian region. However with the achievement of detente with China and the Soviet Union in 1972, the containment policy transformed to maintenance of a balance of power policy in the region.
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Darmono, Juanita Amanda. "ASEAN's diplomatic strategy after the Vietnamese invasion of Kampuchea." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26805.

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This thesis examines the diplomatic strategy adopted by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in response to the 1978 Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia and the subsequent shift in the regional distribution of power with regard to the security of the ASEAN nations. I argue that ASEAN has demonstrated considerable success in preventing a collapse of regional order in Southeast Asia. It is important to understand that ASEAN is a product and tool of its members' foreign policy and should therefore be assessed in the foreign policy, rather than in the regional integrationist, context. This will be examined from the point of view of a group of relatively weak, insignificant states within the international arena, historically plagued by conflict and intervention by external powers, exacerbated by a history of intra-regional enmity rather than cooperation, military weakness, and no collective tradition of diplomatic expertise. Yet, despite these shortcomings and ASEAN's previous inability to come together on issues of economic integration, ASEAN's response to the Third Indochina conflict has allowed its member nations to maintain their independence, preserve their freedom of action, rally international support, and confront the great powers involved in this issue through the use of a regional organization. This thesis will also counter the prevailing view that existing intra-ASEAN differences regarding the primary external threat in the issue (namely Vietnam, China or the Soviet Union) have seriously divided its members to the point of potentially threatening the organization's existence. Instead, I will argue that the combination of ASEAN's curious mode of "conflict resolution" through "conflict avoidance", as well as its diplomatic "division of labour," have effectively incorporated existing intra-ASEAN differences as bargaining assets for the organization's political viability. These internal cleavages have been far from resolved or reconciled, but rather skirted over by a web of unwritten laws, implicit rules and mutual understandings regarding one another's accepted role within the organization. This implicit "regime" has served several purposes: it has allowed ASEAN to sustain its image of unity, boosted its political visability in the international forum, and prevented the "loss of face" of fellow members on points of contention. Research for this thesis was conducted in part at the ASEAN Secretariat and the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Jakarta, and the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS) in Singapore.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Ma, Yansheng 1956. "Dynamics of regional (in)security in the post-cold war era : China and Southeast Asia." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30186.

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This thesis has explored two basic themes in post-Cold War international relations. The first is the transformation of the global and regional security environments leading to a projected decline in the importance of traditional realist-style security problems. The second is the supposed shift in state behavior with conflictual strategies giving way to accommodation. These presumed trends are explored in the context of Southeast Asia and, more specifically, China's security strategies and relations in the region. This study argues that conventional security problems have declined in Southeast Asia in the short term but still remain prominent. In terms of policies, while China's goals remained partly revisionist with regard to territorial issues and status/power relationships, its approaches became more accommodative in coping with disputed issues in the region. This was manifested above all in its gradual acceptance of a multilateral framework for dialogue on regional security issues and in its willingness to undertake some confidence building measures in the military area. This shift can be explained partly in terms of China's external political concerns at both the global and regional levels. The more fundamental explanation, however, lies in China's drive for economic modernization with an accommodative regional strategy intended to ensure the flow of external resources required for this purpose.
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Purba, Mandala Sukarto. "Towards regionalism through the Asean-China free trade area: prospects and challenges." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_7530_1183461471.

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The main objective of this study was to examine the prospects and challenges facing ACFTA (Asean-China free trade area). It examined what ought to be done by the ASEAN member nations to match China's competitive ability having recently joined the World Trade Organization. The study also examined the compatibility of the ACFTA with the World Trade Organization rules and mode of dispute settlement under ASEAN and NAFTA as well as profound issues relating to ACFTA.

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Fenton, Damien Humanities &amp Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "SEATO and the defence of Southeast Asia 1955-1965." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/39436.

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Despite the role played by the South East Treaty Organisation (SEATO) in the defence of Western interests in that region during the Cold War, there has to date been no scholarly attempt to examine the development and performance of the organisation as a military alliance. This thesis is thus the first attempt to do so and as such seeks to take advantage of the recent release of much SEATO-related official material into the public domain by Western governments. This material throws new light upon SEATO???s aims and achievements, particularly in regard to the first ten years of its existence. Because SEATO was eventually rendered irrelevant by the events of the Second Indochina War (1965-1975) a popular perception has arisen that it was always a ???Paper Tiger??? lacking in substance, and thus easily dismissed. This thesis challenges this assumption by examining SEATO???s development in the decade before that conflict. The thesis analyses SEATO???s place in the wider Cold War and finds that it was part of a rational and consistent response within the broader Western strategy of containment to deter, and if need be, defeat, the threat of communist aggression. That threat was a very real one for Southeast Asia in the aftermath of the First Indochina War and one that was initially perceived in terms of the conventional military balance of power. This focus dominated SEATO???s strategic concepts and early contingency planning and rightly so, as an examination of the strength and development of the PLA and PAVN during this period demonstrates. SEATO developed a dedicated military apparatus, principally the Military Planning Office (MPO), that proved itself to be perfectly capable of providing the level of co-ordination and planning needed to produce a credible SEATO deterrent in this regard. SEATO enjoyed less success with its attempts to respond to the emergence of a significant communist insurgent threat, first in Laos then in South Vietnam, but the alliance did nonetheless recognise this threat and the failure of SEATO in this regard was one of political will rather than military doctrine. Indeed this thesis confirms that it was the increasingly disparate political agendas of a number of SEATO???s members that ultimately paralysed its ability to act and thus ensured its failure to meet its aims, at least insofar as the so-called ???Protocol States??? were concerned. But this failure should not be allowed to completely overshadow SEATO???s earlier achievements in providing a modicum of Western-backed stability and security to the region from 1955-1965.
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Roberts, Christopher B. Humanities &amp Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "ASEAN's Security Community Project : Challenges and Opportunities in the Pursuit of Comprehensive Integration." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40261.

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In October 2003, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) proposed the establishment of a security, economic and socio-cultural community by the year 2020. Given that initiators of the ASEAN proposal were informed by the scholarly literature on the concept of a 'security community', this dissertation develops and then tests the concept in relation to the ASEAN states. Here, the concept of a 'security community' is understood as 'a transnational grouping of two or more states whose sovereignty is increasingly amalgamated and whose people maintain dependable expectations of peaceful change'. The application of the 'security community framework' developed in this study is necessary to provide a conceptual basis for critically assessing the major factors that could potentially impede ASEAN's evolution towards a security community. For the purpose of such an assessment, the study provides a detailed investigation of the most significant historical issues and contemporary security challenges that inform the nature of inter-state relations in Southeast Asia. As a complement to this approach, the dissertation incorporates the analysis of data obtained from extensive fieldwork in all ten of the ASEAN states involving over 100 in-depth interviews and two survey designs (one at the elite level and another at the communal level) involving 919 participants. While the survey work, especially at the communal level, is best considered a pilot study and the results are therefore to be considered as indicative, the research nevertheless represents the first empirical assessment of regional perceptions of trust, intra-mural relations, security, economic integration, and liberalisation and of a broad range of other factors relevant to the analysis. The interview data has also been invaluable in uncovering previously unpublished information and in contextualising the analysis. Despite a considerable strengthening of the region's security architecture since ASEAN's formation, the ten chapters in the study reveal that the Association has a long way to travel before it will satisfy the defining criteria of a security community. The region lacks a common sense of community and consequently the level of trust between the Southeast Asian states remains problematic. The political elite continue to engage in episodes of competitive behaviour, have been unable to resolve territorial disputes, and thus the continued potential for armed conflict undermines the prospect for 'dependable expectations of peaceful change'. Therefore, ASEAN's evolution towards the status of a security community, if it proceeds further, will likely occur over the course of many decades rather than by ASEAN's current goal of 2015.
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Riddle, Clayton L. "The problem of the Philippines for U.S. Southeast Asian security policy." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111582.

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Since the end of World War II, the Philippines has shared a unique relationship with the U.S.; it has been a relationship based on unequal mutual interests but it has, nevertheless, been beneficial to both sides. For the Philippines, the importance of the U.S. stems from several factors: the U.S. has been a major trading partner, a main source of foreign investment, a strong military ally, origin of a large part of her political tradition, and cultural model for many of her people. For the U.S., the importance of the Philippines has been the strategic location for military bases, a source of primary goods for the U.S. economy, and a military and political ally in a region noted for its historical background of domestic unrest and hostile foreign relations. Specifically, U.S. policy towards the Philippine Islands since 1945 has been mainly concerned with three issues: removal of the vestiges of American sovereignty, economic rehabilitation and stability, and defence against external aggression. After nearly fifty years of colonial-style rule, the U.S. assisted the Philippines in making the transition from a colony to an independent state, and in 1946 the islands received the status of an independent republic. The U.S. maintained close relations, however, and even agreed to assist in the restoration of the national economy coming as a result of the war and three years of Japanese occupation. Defence agreements with the Philippines were signed permitting the continuation of American military bases and guaranteeing the defence of the Philippines from outside aggression. The U.S. also gave large amounts of military aid and assisted the fledgling Philippine government in resisting the Huk rebellion. In recent years, however, a long smouldering rift has ignited U.S. and Filipino policy makers over the dependency and lack of a national identity the Filipino people feel they have incurred as a direct result of the relationship with the U.S. One of the major conflicts has been over the degree of American presence in the Philippines as manifested by the U.S. military bases. Another has concerned economic development and the amount of economic aid and investment promised by the U.S. A third and more recent conflict has been over U.S. support for the now deposed despot Philippine ruler, Ferdinand Marcos, before his ouster from government in 1986. Throughout the post-war alliance, the extent of U.S. security and economic interests in the Philippines dictated to a large degree U.S. policy towards the Filipino government. As a result, U.S. concern for its own interests, in the minds of some Filipinos, took precedence over the best interests of the Filipinos as a whole. They point out that even when it was clear that President Marcos was suffocating the democratic ideal, the U.S. actually increased aid to the Marcos regime. This was done to assure U.S. interests remained intact, at the expense of the Filipino people living under the Marco government. In the transition to the Aquino government, the Filipino people have not forgotten U.S. support for Marcos, who brought suppression and authoritarianism to the Philippines.Consequently, in the early post-war years of the U.S.-Philippine relationship, there was enough mutuality of interests between the two countries, in spite of the economic disagreements, that the Philippine government could still be counted upon to support U.S. objectives and policy in Southeast Asia. In more current times, however, the growing Filipino resentment of ties with the U.S., coupled with the recent political developments within the Philippines, namely the ousting of President Marcos and the continuing domestic unrest under the Aquino government, has cast a shadow over future U.S. relations with the Philippines. This, in turn, has cast U.S. strategic security interests in relation to the Philippines and Southeast Asia in an uncertain light as well. The purpose of this study, therefore, will be to examine how American policy towards the Philippines has affected U.S. security interests in the past, both in Southeast Asia and in the Philippines, and what the future holds for U.S. security interests in the region, especially in regard to the continuing unrest in the Philippine domestic political scene. I will pursue essentially three primary questions in the course of the study: 1) exactly what were the factors that influenced and/or enhanced security relations between the Philippines and the U.S. during the immediate post-war period, and, more specifically, what this relationship entailed in relation to U.S. defence and strategic doctrine; 2) what internal and external factors within both countries upset this previously harmonious relationship; and 3) what the shift in U.S. support from Marcos to Aquino, and also the political shift in the Philippines itself from dictatorship to factionalized "democratic" rule under Aquino, means for U.S. security interests both in the Philippines and the surrounding region. The first chapter will begin with a brief historical overview of the U.S.-Philippine alliance beginning with the U.S. acquisition of the Philippines from Spain in 1898. Vestiges of the great-power rivalry played a determinant role in U.S.-Philippine relations, as did the indigenous situation with the Philippines itself, and these factors will continue to influence future relations. Therefore, a clear understanding of the treaties and defence agreements between the two countries, and the place of the Philippines in U.S. defence doctrine in a historical perspective will allow for a clearer contrast with the current political relationship. The second chapter will deal specifically with U.S.-Philippine security relations during the Marcos regime. Sovereignty and jurisdiction over the U.S military bases first became a major point of conflict under Marcos and remains a prominent issue in the Aquino government. During Marcos’s tenure as President, internal factors within the Philippines such as the domestic political turmoil involving the communist rebellion and the disintegration of centralized political authority affected the U.S.-Philippine security relationship. External factors such as U.S. trade and investment in the Philippines and new relations with other countries, most notably the Soviet Union, have also affected this relationship and have set in motion feelings and demands concerning the U.S. presence in the Philippines that have carried over to the Aquino government. The third chapter will discuss current U.S. and Philippine security interests. These security interests include the naval and air installations on the Philippine Islands themselves (as well as the upcoming lease re-negotiations), the stability of Southeast Asia and U.S. defence agreements, the ASEAN countries and their security concerns, and the containment of a growing Soviet presence in the region, especially in light of the Soviet military bases in Vietnam. The concluding chapter will deal with the consequences of past U.S. policies and how those will influence future relations, especially the upcoming military base lease negotiations. It will assess the U.S. position in the Philippines, in the light of its past relationship, in an attempt to determine the implications for future U.S. strategic interests. I will also attempt to discern, based on the past U.S.-Philippine relationship, whether the current and future relationship will remain beneficial to U.S. security interests, or, conversely, if the Philippines in its current state of political and domestic unrest, poses a "Central American Dilemma" for U.S. policy decisions.
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de, Somer Gregory John Humanities &amp Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The Redefinition of Asia : Australian Foreign Policy and Contemporary Asian Regionalism." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2003. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38666.

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This thesis set out to ascertain the position of recent Australian Governments on the latest instalments of Asian regionalism in the context of an assessment of whether there has been a redefinition of Asia and thus a redefinition of Australia???s engagement with Asia. It will concentrate on the broad themes of politico-strategic and economic engagement. Whilst there has been extensive research and documentation on the Asian economic crisis there has been less work on the issue of a new Asian regionalism and the implications for Australia???s complex and variable engagement with the region. This is the basis for the claim to originality of this thesis, a claim supported by its focus on the practical and policy implications of Australia???s engagement, or lack of it, with regional institutions. The process of regional integration has been extremely slow, thus supporting the conclusion that there is no evidence of a major redefinition of Asia. Efforts at Asian regionalism are meeting obstacles that pose immense challenges. Asian regionalism remains nascent and poorly defined. This reflects the diversity and enormous disparities in cultures, political systems and the levels of economic development and differences over economic philosophies within East Asia. What is discernible is that the regionalism is proceeding more rapidly on financial issues than on trade, and in the security area it is conspicuously absent. This research highlights the fact that the question of Asian engagement remains a sensitive issue in Australia and continues to grow more complex. Australia???s engagement with Asia since 1996 has been variable because of the Howard Government???s broader balance of priorities between global and regional issues, and because of the changing nature of the Asian region. The perception gleaned from sources is that, for the Australian Government, regionalism initiatives are characterised by much discussion but lack substance. Consequently, this appears to have led the Government to the position that exclusion from some manifestations of regionalism is not so important. Australia is excluded from some of the regional architectures being constructed. In its efforts to seek inclusion in ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, Australia is facing the same barriers that have stood in the way of an AFTA-CER agreement. Exclusion would be important if the performance of regional groupings was not so indifferent. Exclusion from ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, however, does not equate to Australia???s exclusion from the region.
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Tan, Andrew T. H. (Andrew Tian Huat). "The ASEAN states since 1975 : constraints on the management of regional order." Phd thesis, Department of Government and Public Administration, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5431.

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Books on the topic "Southeast Asia : foreign relations"

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Geoff, Wade, ed. China and Southeast Asia. New York: Routledge, 2008.

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Ayoob, Mohammed. India and Southeast Asia. London: Taylor & Francis Group Plc, 2004.

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Everett, Michael W. Multilateralism in Southeast Asia. [Washington, D.C.?]: National Defense University, Institute for National Strategic Studies, 1995.

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1954-, Ho Khai Leong, Singapore Society of Asian Studies., and Institute of Southeast Asian Studies., eds. Connecting & distancing: Southeast Asia and China. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2009.

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Villiers, John. The Estado da India in Southeast Asia. Bangkok: Embaixada de Portugal Tailandia, Gabinete Documentação e Relacionamento, Histórico Cultural de Portugal no Sudeste Asiático, 1986.

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Institute of Southeast Asian Studies., ed. India & Southeast Asia: Towards security convergence. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2006.

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Kahin, George McTurnan. Southeast Asia: A testament. London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003.

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Sebastian, Leonard C. Canada and Southeast Asia: A compendium of sources on Canada-Southeast Asia relations (1945-1990). Toronto: Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies, 1992.

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United States. Department of State. Mainland Southeast Asia ; regional affairs. Edited by Keefer Edward C. 1945-, Patterson David S. 1937-, and United States. Dept. of State. Office of the Historian. Washington, D.C: Dept. of State, 2000.

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United States. Department of State, ed. Mainland Southeast Asia, regional affairs. Washington, D.C: Department of State, 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "Southeast Asia : foreign relations"

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Rangsimaporn, Paradorn. "Southeast Asia in Central Asia’s Foreign Relations." In Central Asia and Southeast Asia, 27–79. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-10112-0_2.

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Kruarattikan, Sitthiphon. "Studies of Chinese politics and foreign relations in Thailand." In Researching China in Southeast Asia, 91–102. New York : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge contemporary Southeast Asia series: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429427039-7.

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Er, Lam Peng. "Japanese Relations with Southeast Asia in an Era of Turbulence." In Japanese Foreign Policy Today, 251–65. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-62529-1_14.

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McMahon, Robert J. "Nationalism and Regionalism in an Era of Globalization: US Relations with South and Southeast Asia, 1975-2000." In A Companion to American Foreign Relations, 440–54. Malden, MA, USA: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch24.

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Benvenuti, Andrea, Chien-Peng Chung, Nicholas Khoo, and Andrew T. H. Tan. "China-Asia relations." In China's Foreign Policy, 102–18. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003088288-9.

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SarDesai, D. R. "Pride and Paramountcy: Anglo-Burmese Relations in the Nineteenth Century." In Southeast Asia, 110–24. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25510-8_9.

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SarDesai, D. R. "Pride and Paramountcy: Anglo-Burmese Relations in the Nineteenth Century." In Southeast Asia, 102–15. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23490-5_9.

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White, Christine Pelzer. "Socialist Transformation of Agriculture and Gender Relations: The Vietnamese Case." In Southeast Asia, 165–76. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19568-8_13.

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SarDesai, D. R. "Pride and Paramountcy: Anglo-Burmese Relations in the Nineteenth Century." In Southeast Asia, 104–17. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20185-3_9.

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Murg, Bradley J., and Sok Udom Deth. "Cambodia-Taiwan Relations." In Taiwan and Southeast Asia, 44–54. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003320463-4.

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Conference papers on the topic "Southeast Asia : foreign relations"

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Giang, Do Truong. "A preliminary survey of Chinese ceramics in Champa archaeological sites | Khảo sát sơ bộ về đồ gốm sứ Trung Quốc tại các địa điểm khảo cổ học Champa." In The SEAMEO SPAFA International Conference on Southeast Asian Archaeology and Fine Arts (SPAFACON2021). SEAMEO SPAFA, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.26721/spafa.pqcnu8815a-12.

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The Champa Kingdom was recognized popularly as a typical maritime polity in premodern Southeast Asia. Thanks to its strategic location between the Chinese market and Southeast Asia and South Asia, the Champa coast became a frequent destination of foreign traders and merchant ships for centuries. Ceramics was among the essential commodities in trade between Champa and international traders. This article relies on archaeological records and field surveys at Champa sites in central Vietnam to provide an overview of the distribution of Chinese ceramics in central Vietnam from the 7th to 10th centuries. Based on this primary data set, the author will discuss the trade and diplomatic relations between Champa and China and their implication to Champa’s state development. Vương quốc Champa được ghi nhận như một vương quốc biển điển hình ở Đông Nam Á thời kỳ cổ trung đại. Nhờ vị trí chiến lược giữa thị trường Trung Quốc với các nước Đông Nam Á và Nam Á, bờ biển Champa trở thành điểm đến thường xuyên của các thương nhân và tàu buôn nước ngoài trong nhiều thế kỷ. Gốm sứ là một trong những mặt hàng thiết yếu trong giao thương giữa Champa và các thương nhân quốc tế. Bài viết này dựa trên các dữ liệu khảo cổ học và kết quả khảo sát thực địa tại các địa điểm khảo cổ học Champa ở miền Trung Việt Nam để cung cấp một cái nhìn mang tính tổng thể về sự phân bố của đồ gốm sứ Trung Quốc ở miền Trung Việt Nam từ thế kỷ thứ 7 đến thế kỷ thứ 10. Dựa trên bộ dữ liệu cơ bản này, tác giả sẽ thảo luận về quan hệ bang giao và thương mại giữa Champa với Trung Quốc thời Đường và ý nghĩa của mối quan hệ này đối với sự phát triển nhà nước của Champa.
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P., Btari Istigfarrah P., and I. Gede Wahyu Wicaksana. "Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy: US Pivot to Asia." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010278604480454.

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Jinda, Arunrat. "Russian Foreign Policy: A Window of Opportunity in Southeast Asia." In International Conference on Ethics in Governance (ICONEG 2016). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iconeg-16.2017.38.

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Kanelli Kyvelou Kokkaliari, Lydia, Sri Kusumo, Mr Habsari, and Mr Mugijatna. "Emerging Identities of Foreign Domestic Workers in Singapore." In International Conference on Culture and Language in Southeast Asia (ICCLAS 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icclas-17.2018.55.

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Potemkina, Victoria A. "Common Pronunciation Mistakes in English for Students From South-East Asia Influenced by Their First Foreign Language." In The Southeast Asian Conference on Education 2023. The International Academic Forum(IAFOR), 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.22492/issn.2435-5240.2023.13.

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Arifin, Ahmad, and Shehda Abuisaac. "Barriers of Cross-Cultural Communication among Foreign Managers and Staff in Interacting with Malaysian Counterparts." In International Conference on Culture and Language in Southeast Asia (ICCLAS 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icclas-17.2018.52.

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Rusydi Khalid, Muhammad. "Al-Ta’rib: Pro and Con of Foreign Words Arabization." In Proceedings of the 2nd Internasional Conference on Culture and Language in Southeast Asia (ICCLAS 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icclas-18.2019.37.

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Sivtsova, Nadezhda, Yulia Boltenkova, and Jin Changhao. "Foreign Economic Relations Between China and Countries of Central Asia: Trends and Development Prospects." In 8th International Conference on Contemporary Problems in the Development of Economic, Financial and Credit Systems (DEFCS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.201215.031.

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Wallenböck, Ute. "Connecting Foodways: Cultural Entanglement in Inner Asia." In Current Issues in the Study of History, Foreign Relations and Culture of Asian Countries. Novosibirsk State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/978-5-4437-1268-0-102-109.

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"Reconsideration on Foreign Trade Relations in Ancient China—Centered on the Silk Road and Tribute System." In 2019 Asia-Pacific Forum on Economic and Social Development. The Academy of Engineering and Education (AEE), 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.35532/jsss.v2.003.

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Reports on the topic "Southeast Asia : foreign relations"

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Hahn, Luke C. Revitalising US relations with Southeast Asia through public diplomacy. East Asia Forum, April 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.59425/eabc.1713477600.

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Curtin, Leslie B. Toward a new Foreign Policy in Indonesia, The Islamic Giant in Southeast Asia. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, January 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada442482.

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Goreczky, Péter. Waiting for a Breakthrough: the Economic Relations of India and the ASEAN Region. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2022.37.

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India and Southeast Asia have been seeking more economic engagement in recent years. The ASEAN–India free trade agreement has resulted in a diversification of trade flows by partner country, but both regions have failed to increase their share substantially in each other’s overall trade volume. Service export may offer new opportunities, but India’s limited integration in regional production networks and the difference in the sectoral competitiveness of the two regions will make it difficult to elevate trade relations to a much higher level. India plays a minor FDI relationship with Southeast Asia that is limited to Singapore, and there are substantial barriers to diversification in that regard. India’s role in regional infrastructure development is minor compared to China or Japan. At the same time, the digital economy and the health industry may provide new opportunities for economic engagement between the two regions. Altogether, strategic cooperation is still to be translated into a breakthrough in the economic relations between India and the ASEAN region.
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Goreczky, Péter. Dynamics of the ASEAN-China Economic Relations in the COVID Era. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2021.44.

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ASEAN’s economic ties with China have proven to be more crisisproof than merchandise trade and direct investment flows with the rest of the world. Before the pandemic, China had continuously increased its share in the economic relations of Southeast Asia, and this trend seems to have continued in the COVID era as well. In 2020 the region’s trade deficit with China decreased, while China’s share in both ASEAN export and import climbed. The COVID crisis further strengthened the importance of the technology sector and the need for a digital infrastructure; as a consequence, the expansion of Chinese tech giants in the region continued. Southeast Asian countries explicitly count on China in returning to pre-crisis economic growth levels. Most ASEAN states consider infrastructure development one of the catalysers of economic recovery, creating the opportunity for China to proceed with the Belt and Road Initiative.
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Iizaka, Hitomi, Kwok Chiu Fung, Busakorn Chantasasawat, and Alan Siu. Foreign Direct Investment in East Asia and Latin America: Is there a People's Republic of China Effect? Inter-American Development Bank, December 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0006858.

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In recent years, the People's Republic of China (PRC) has emerged as the largest recipient of foreign direct investment (FDI) in the world. Many analysts and government officials in the developing world have increasingly expressed concerns that they are losing competitiveness to PRC. Is PRC diverting FDI from other developing countries? In this paper, the authors explore this important research and policy issue empirically. They focus our studies on East and Southeast Asia as well as Latin America, and control for the standard determinants of their inward direct investment. They then add PRC's inward foreign direct investment as an indicator of the "PRC Effect". Estimation of the coefficient associated with the PRC Effect proxy gives us indications about the existence of the PRC Effect. This paper was prepared for Latin America/Caribbean and Asia/Pacific Economics and Business Association (LAEBA)'s First Annual Meeting held in Beijing, China on December 3rd-4th, 2004.
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Goode, Kayla, and Heeu Millie Kim. Indonesia’s AI Promise in Perspective. Center for Security and Emerging Technology, August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51593/2021ca001.

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The United States and China are keeping an eye on Indonesia’s artificial intelligence potential given the country’s innovation-driven national strategy and flourishing AI industry. China views Indonesia as an anchor for its economic, digital, and political inroads in Southeast Asia and has invested aggressively in new partnerships. The United States, with robust political and economic relations rooted in shared democratic ideals, has an opportunity to leverage its comparative advantages and tap into Indonesia’s AI potential through high-level agreements.
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Asia Bond Monitor September 2023. Asian Development Bank, September 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/tcs230340-2.

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This edition shows how a modest improvement in economic fundamentals has buoyed East Asia’s local currency bond (LCY) markets, but potential renewed increases in inflation and further interest rate hikes could pose risks for the region’s borrowers. Covering the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the People's Republic of China, Hong Kong, China, and the Republic of Korea, the report notes that positive investment sentiment supported a narrowing of risk premiums, a rally in equity markets, and net foreign portfolio inflows. However, interest rates in the region remained elevated, partly due to a rise in bond yields in major advanced economies. Higher borrowing costs have contributed to debt stress and bond defaults in some markets in the region over the past few months.
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