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1
Hogan, Mary Vivianne. "The development and role of ASEAN as a regional association." Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1995. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B16043017.
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Manickam, Ravindran. "The strategic role of the United States of America in South East Asia since 1975." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114555.
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One of the constant features of the United States foreign policy is the maintenance of an
international environment in which the United States can survive and prosper. This is based on an
economic-strategic nexus. This has been emphasised since the time of the Truman administration
after the second World War. For instance Truman stated during the height of the Korean War and
other communist rebellions in the Southeast Asian region that the loss of any one of those
countries would mean the loss of freedom for millions of people, the loss of vital raw
materials,and the loss of points of critical strategic importance to the free world. This
perception was crystallised into the containment policy to halt the spread of communism. This
policy was also emphasised in the Southeast Asian region. However with the achievement of detente
with China and the Soviet Union in 1972, the containment policy transformed to maintenance of a
balance of power policy in the region.
3
Darmono, Juanita Amanda. "ASEAN's diplomatic strategy after the Vietnamese invasion of Kampuchea." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26805.
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This thesis examines the diplomatic strategy adopted by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in response to the 1978 Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia and the subsequent shift in the regional distribution of power with regard to the security of the ASEAN nations. I argue that ASEAN has demonstrated considerable success in preventing a collapse of regional order in Southeast Asia.
It is important to understand that ASEAN is a product and tool of its members' foreign policy and should therefore be assessed in the foreign policy, rather than in the regional integrationist, context. This will be examined from the point of view of a group of relatively weak, insignificant states within the international arena, historically plagued by conflict and intervention by external powers, exacerbated by a history of intra-regional enmity rather than cooperation, military weakness, and no collective tradition of diplomatic expertise. Yet, despite these shortcomings and ASEAN's previous inability to come together on issues of economic integration, ASEAN's response to the Third Indochina conflict has allowed its member nations to maintain their independence, preserve their freedom of action, rally international support, and confront the great powers involved in this issue through the use of a regional organization.
This thesis will also counter the prevailing view that existing intra-ASEAN differences regarding the primary external threat in the issue (namely Vietnam, China or the Soviet Union) have seriously divided its members to the point of potentially threatening the organization's existence. Instead, I will argue that the combination of ASEAN's curious mode of "conflict resolution" through "conflict avoidance", as well as its diplomatic "division of labour," have effectively incorporated existing intra-ASEAN differences as bargaining assets for the organization's political viability. These internal cleavages have been far from resolved or reconciled, but rather skirted over by a web of unwritten laws, implicit rules and mutual understandings regarding one another's accepted role within the organization. This implicit "regime" has served several
purposes: it has allowed ASEAN to sustain its image of unity, boosted its political visability in the international forum, and prevented the "loss of face" of fellow members on points of contention.
Research for this thesis was conducted in part at the ASEAN Secretariat and the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Jakarta, and the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS) in Singapore.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
4
Ma, Yansheng 1956. "Dynamics of regional (in)security in the post-cold war era : China and Southeast Asia." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30186.
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This thesis has explored two basic themes in post-Cold War international relations. The first is the transformation of the global and regional security environments leading to a projected decline in the importance of traditional realist-style security problems. The second is the supposed shift in state behavior with conflictual strategies giving way to accommodation. These presumed trends are explored in the context of Southeast Asia and, more specifically, China's security strategies and relations in the region. This study argues that conventional security problems have declined in Southeast Asia in the short term but still remain prominent. In terms of policies, while China's goals remained partly revisionist with regard to territorial issues and status/power relationships, its approaches became more accommodative in coping with disputed issues in the region. This was manifested above all in its gradual acceptance of a multilateral framework for dialogue on regional security issues and in its willingness to undertake some confidence building measures in the military area. This shift can be explained partly in terms of China's external political concerns at both the global and regional levels. The more fundamental explanation, however, lies in China's drive for economic modernization with an accommodative regional strategy intended to ensure the flow of external resources required for this purpose.
5
Purba, Mandala Sukarto. "Towards regionalism through the Asean-China free trade area: prospects and challenges." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_7530_1183461471.
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The main objective of this study was to examine the prospects and challenges facing ACFTA (Asean-China free trade area). It examined what ought to be done by the ASEAN member nations to match China's competitive ability having recently joined the World Trade Organization. The study also examined the compatibility of the ACFTA with the World Trade Organization rules and mode of dispute settlement under ASEAN and NAFTA as well as profound issues relating to ACFTA.
6
Fenton, Damien Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "SEATO and the defence of Southeast Asia 1955-1965." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/39436.
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Despite the role played by the South East Treaty Organisation (SEATO) in the defence of Western interests in that region during the Cold War, there has to date been no scholarly attempt to examine the development and performance of the organisation as a military alliance. This thesis is thus the first attempt to do so and as such seeks to take advantage of the recent release of much SEATO-related official material into the public domain by Western governments. This material throws new light upon SEATO???s aims and achievements, particularly in regard to the first ten years of its existence. Because SEATO was eventually rendered irrelevant by the events of the Second Indochina War (1965-1975) a popular perception has arisen that it was always a ???Paper Tiger??? lacking in substance, and thus easily dismissed. This thesis challenges this assumption by examining SEATO???s development in the decade before that conflict. The thesis analyses SEATO???s place in the wider Cold War and finds that it was part of a rational and consistent response within the broader Western strategy of containment to deter, and if need be, defeat, the threat of communist aggression. That threat was a very real one for Southeast Asia in the aftermath of the First Indochina War and one that was initially perceived in terms of the conventional military balance of power. This focus dominated SEATO???s strategic concepts and early contingency planning and rightly so, as an examination of the strength and development of the PLA and PAVN during this period demonstrates. SEATO developed a dedicated military apparatus, principally the Military Planning Office (MPO), that proved itself to be perfectly capable of providing the level of co-ordination and planning needed to produce a credible SEATO deterrent in this regard. SEATO enjoyed less success with its attempts to respond to the emergence of a significant communist insurgent threat, first in Laos then in South Vietnam, but the alliance did nonetheless recognise this threat and the failure of SEATO in this regard was one of political will rather than military doctrine. Indeed this thesis confirms that it was the increasingly disparate political agendas of a number of SEATO???s members that ultimately paralysed its ability to act and thus ensured its failure to meet its aims, at least insofar as the so-called ???Protocol States??? were concerned. But this failure should not be allowed to completely overshadow SEATO???s earlier achievements in providing a modicum of Western-backed stability and security to the region from 1955-1965.
7
Roberts, Christopher B. Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "ASEAN's Security Community Project : Challenges and Opportunities in the Pursuit of Comprehensive Integration." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40261.
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In October 2003, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) proposed the establishment of a security, economic and socio-cultural community by the year 2020. Given that initiators of the ASEAN proposal were informed by the scholarly literature on the concept of a 'security community', this dissertation develops and then tests the concept in relation to the ASEAN states. Here, the concept of a 'security community' is understood as 'a transnational grouping of two or more states whose sovereignty is increasingly amalgamated and whose people maintain dependable expectations of peaceful change'. The application of the 'security community framework' developed in this study is necessary to provide a conceptual basis for critically assessing the major factors that could potentially impede ASEAN's evolution towards a security community. For the purpose of such an assessment, the study provides a detailed investigation of the most significant historical issues and contemporary security challenges that inform the nature of inter-state relations in Southeast Asia. As a complement to this approach, the dissertation incorporates the analysis of data obtained from extensive fieldwork in all ten of the ASEAN states involving over 100 in-depth interviews and two survey designs (one at the elite level and another at the communal level) involving 919 participants. While the survey work, especially at the communal level, is best considered a pilot study and the results are therefore to be considered as indicative, the research nevertheless represents the first empirical assessment of regional perceptions of trust, intra-mural relations, security, economic integration, and liberalisation and of a broad range of other factors relevant to the analysis. The interview data has also been invaluable in uncovering previously unpublished information and in contextualising the analysis. Despite a considerable strengthening of the region's security architecture since ASEAN's formation, the ten chapters in the study reveal that the Association has a long way to travel before it will satisfy the defining criteria of a security community. The region lacks a common sense of community and consequently the level of trust between the Southeast Asian states remains problematic. The political elite continue to engage in episodes of competitive behaviour, have been unable to resolve territorial disputes, and thus the continued potential for armed conflict undermines the prospect for 'dependable expectations of peaceful change'. Therefore, ASEAN's evolution towards the status of a security community, if it proceeds further, will likely occur over the course of many decades rather than by ASEAN's current goal of 2015.
8
Riddle, Clayton L. "The problem of the Philippines for U.S. Southeast Asian security policy." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111582.
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Since the end of World War II, the Philippines has shared a unique
relationship with the U.S.; it has been a relationship based on unequal
mutual interests but it has, nevertheless, been beneficial to both sides.
For the Philippines, the importance of the U.S. stems from several factors:
the U.S. has been a major trading partner, a main source of foreign
investment, a strong military ally, origin of a large part of her political
tradition, and cultural model for many of her people. For the U.S., the
importance of the Philippines has been the strategic location for military
bases, a source of primary goods for the U.S. economy, and a military and
political ally in a region noted for its historical background of domestic
unrest and hostile foreign relations.
Specifically, U.S. policy towards the Philippine Islands since 1945 has
been mainly concerned with three issues: removal of the vestiges of
American sovereignty, economic rehabilitation and stability, and defence
against external aggression. After nearly fifty years of colonial-style
rule, the U.S. assisted the Philippines in making the transition from a
colony to an independent state, and in 1946 the islands received the status
of an independent republic. The U.S. maintained close relations, however,
and even agreed to assist in the restoration of the national economy
coming as a result of the war and three years of Japanese occupation.
Defence agreements with the Philippines were signed permitting the
continuation of American military bases and guaranteeing the defence of
the Philippines from outside aggression. The U.S. also gave large amounts
of military aid and assisted the fledgling Philippine government in
resisting the Huk rebellion. In recent years, however, a long smouldering rift has ignited U.S. and
Filipino policy makers over the dependency and lack of a national identity
the Filipino people feel they have incurred as a direct result of the
relationship with the U.S. One of the major conflicts has been over the
degree of American presence in the Philippines as manifested by the U.S.
military bases. Another has concerned economic development and the
amount of economic aid and investment promised by the U.S. A third and
more recent conflict has been over U.S. support for the now deposed despot
Philippine ruler, Ferdinand Marcos, before his ouster from government in
1986.
Throughout the post-war alliance, the extent of U.S. security and
economic interests in the Philippines dictated to a large degree U.S. policy
towards the Filipino government. As a result, U.S. concern for its own
interests, in the minds of some Filipinos, took precedence over the best
interests of the Filipinos as a whole. They point out that even when it
was clear that President Marcos was suffocating the democratic ideal, the
U.S. actually increased aid to the Marcos regime. This was done to assure
U.S. interests remained intact, at the expense of the Filipino people living
under the Marco government. In the transition to the Aquino government,
the Filipino people have not forgotten U.S. support for Marcos, who brought
suppression and authoritarianism to the Philippines.Consequently, in the early post-war years of the U.S.-Philippine
relationship, there was enough mutuality of interests between the two
countries, in spite of the economic disagreements, that the Philippine
government could still be counted upon to support U.S. objectives and
policy in Southeast Asia. In more current times, however, the growing
Filipino resentment of ties with the U.S., coupled with the recent political developments within the Philippines, namely the ousting of President
Marcos and the continuing domestic unrest under the Aquino government,
has cast a shadow over future U.S. relations with the Philippines. This, in
turn, has cast U.S. strategic security interests in relation to the
Philippines and Southeast Asia in an uncertain light as well. The purpose
of this study, therefore, will be to examine how American policy towards
the Philippines has affected U.S. security interests in the past, both in
Southeast Asia and in the Philippines, and what the future holds for U.S.
security interests in the region, especially in regard to the continuing
unrest in the Philippine domestic political scene.
I will pursue essentially three primary questions in the course of the
study: 1) exactly what were the factors that influenced and/or enhanced
security relations between the Philippines and the U.S. during the
immediate post-war period, and, more specifically, what this relationship
entailed in relation to U.S. defence and strategic doctrine; 2) what internal
and external factors within both countries upset this previously
harmonious relationship; and 3) what the shift in U.S. support from Marcos
to Aquino, and also the political shift in the Philippines itself from
dictatorship to factionalized "democratic" rule under Aquino, means for
U.S. security interests both in the Philippines and the surrounding region. The first chapter will begin with a brief historical overview of the
U.S.-Philippine alliance beginning with the U.S. acquisition of the
Philippines from Spain in 1898. Vestiges of the great-power rivalry
played a determinant role in U.S.-Philippine relations, as did the
indigenous situation with the Philippines itself, and these factors will
continue to influence future relations. Therefore, a clear understanding of
the treaties and defence agreements between the two countries, and the place of the Philippines in U.S. defence doctrine in a historical perspective
will allow for a clearer contrast with the current political relationship.
The second chapter will deal specifically with U.S.-Philippine security
relations during the Marcos regime. Sovereignty and jurisdiction over the
U.S military bases first became a major point of conflict under Marcos and
remains a prominent issue in the Aquino government. During Marcos’s
tenure as President, internal factors within the Philippines such as the
domestic political turmoil involving the communist rebellion and the
disintegration of centralized political authority affected the
U.S.-Philippine security relationship. External factors such as U.S. trade
and investment in the Philippines and new relations with other countries,
most notably the Soviet Union, have also affected this relationship and
have set in motion feelings and demands concerning the U.S. presence in
the Philippines that have carried over to the Aquino government.
The third chapter will discuss current U.S. and Philippine security
interests. These security interests include the naval and air installations
on the Philippine Islands themselves (as well as the upcoming lease
re-negotiations), the stability of Southeast Asia and U.S. defence
agreements, the ASEAN countries and their security concerns, and the
containment of a growing Soviet presence in the region, especially in light
of the Soviet military bases in Vietnam. The concluding chapter will deal with the consequences of past U.S.
policies and how those will influence future relations, especially the
upcoming military base lease negotiations. It will assess the U.S. position
in the Philippines, in the light of its past relationship, in an attempt to
determine the implications for future U.S. strategic interests. I will also
attempt to discern, based on the past U.S.-Philippine relationship, whether the current and future relationship will remain beneficial to U.S. security
interests, or, conversely, if the Philippines in its current state of
political and domestic unrest, poses a "Central American Dilemma" for U.S.
policy decisions.
9
de, Somer Gregory John Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The Redefinition of Asia : Australian Foreign Policy and Contemporary Asian Regionalism." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2003. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38666.
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This thesis set out to ascertain the position of recent Australian Governments on the latest instalments of Asian regionalism in the context of an assessment of whether there has been a redefinition of Asia and thus a redefinition of Australia???s engagement with Asia. It will concentrate on the broad themes of politico-strategic and economic engagement. Whilst there has been extensive research and documentation on the Asian economic crisis there has been less work on the issue of a new Asian regionalism and the implications for Australia???s complex and variable engagement with the region. This is the basis for the claim to originality of this thesis, a claim supported by its focus on the practical and policy implications of Australia???s engagement, or lack of it, with regional institutions. The process of regional integration has been extremely slow, thus supporting the conclusion that there is no evidence of a major redefinition of Asia. Efforts at Asian regionalism are meeting obstacles that pose immense challenges. Asian regionalism remains nascent and poorly defined. This reflects the diversity and enormous disparities in cultures, political systems and the levels of economic development and differences over economic philosophies within East Asia. What is discernible is that the regionalism is proceeding more rapidly on financial issues than on trade, and in the security area it is conspicuously absent. This research highlights the fact that the question of Asian engagement remains a sensitive issue in Australia and continues to grow more complex. Australia???s engagement with Asia since 1996 has been variable because of the Howard Government???s broader balance of priorities between global and regional issues, and because of the changing nature of the Asian region. The perception gleaned from sources is that, for the Australian Government, regionalism initiatives are characterised by much discussion but lack substance. Consequently, this appears to have led the Government to the position that exclusion from some manifestations of regionalism is not so important. Australia is excluded from some of the regional architectures being constructed. In its efforts to seek inclusion in ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, Australia is facing the same barriers that have stood in the way of an AFTA-CER agreement. Exclusion would be important if the performance of regional groupings was not so indifferent. Exclusion from ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, however, does not equate to Australia???s exclusion from the region.
10
Tan, Andrew T. H. (Andrew Tian Huat). "The ASEAN states since 1975 : constraints on the management of regional order." Phd thesis, Department of Government and Public Administration, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5431.
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Walker, Ben. "Demanding dictatorship? : US-Philippine relations, 1946-1972." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2016. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/demanding-dictatorship-usphilippine-relations-19461972(d5aa59b7-a3b7-4472-8bf4-78805c40bb52).html.
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In 1898 the Philippines became a colony of the United States, the result of American economic expansion throughout the nineteenth century. Having been granted independence in 1946, the nominally sovereign Republic of the Philippines remained inextricably linked to the US through restrictive legislation, military bases, and decades of political and socio-economic patronage. In America’s closest developing world ally, and showcase of democratic values, Filipino President Ferdinand Marcos installed a brutal dictatorship in 1972, dramatically marking the end of democracy there. US foreign policy, from the inception of the US-Philippine partnership, failed to substantially resolve endemic poverty and elite political domination. During the Cold War, the discourse through which State Department policy was conceived helped perpetuate these unequal conditions, whilst also at times explicitly encouraging authoritarian solutions to domestic problems. As the Cold War escalated through the 1960s, especially in Vietnam, US officials insisted the Philippines provide military and ideological solidarity with US Cold War objectives at the expense of effectively addressing the roots of domestic instability. The Philippine example serves as the clearest case of the outcomes and impact of US foreign policy across the developing world, and thus must be considered an essential starting point when considering the United States’ Cold War experience. Based on extensive primary research from across the United Kingdom and the United States, this thesis re-examines and re-connects the historiography of colonialism, neo-colonialism, Southeast Asia, and Cold War studies. Nowhere did the US have such a long and intimate history of influence and partnerships than in the Philippines, and yet Marcos’s regime emerged there; this dissertation presents an analytical lens through which to measure the role of US foreign policy in creating a dictatorship.
12
Kung, Ka Yan. "Trade effects of the development of ASEAN+ free trade agreements : an empirical study." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2011. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1285.
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White, George O. "Relation-based strategic responses to volatile regulatory environments conceptual and empirical analyses of wholly owned foreign subsidiaries in Southeast Asia /." To access this resource online via ProQuest Dissertations and Theses @ UTEP, 2008. http://0-proquest.umi.com.lib.utep.edu/login?COPT=REJTPTU0YmImSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=2515.
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Dorjjugder, Munkh-Ochir. "Correlation of identity and interest in foreign policy : implications for Mongolia." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03sep%5FDorjjugder.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2003.Thesis advisor(s): Edward A. Olsen, Jeffrey Knopf. Includes bibliographical references (p. 141-148). Also available online.
15
Craig, Maddison L. "Women in the Foreign Service: A Case Study of Margaret Parx Hays, 1942-1964." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2019. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1609150/.
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This project seeks to include the historical significance of women in the Foreign Service and subsequently the United States Department of State between 1942 and 1964. Using the life and experience of Margaret Parx Hays, one of fewer than three hundred female foreign service officers before 1960, this study explores the importance of examining women at the "ground level." This narrative examines the life of Hays at several different duty stations and her experience navigating a male-dominant workplace congruent to the political and diplomatic missions of each stations. Hays was stationed in Buenos Aires, Argentina (1942-1945); Bogota, Columbia (1945-1947); Rio de Janeiro, Brazil (1948-1950); Washington D.C., U.S. (1951-1954; 1959-1962); Manila, Philippines (1954-1956); Mexico City, Mexico (1956-1958); and Hong Kong, China (1962-1964). Throughout the deployment at each station, Hays was confronted with major political events in her duty station's history or in the intersection of American foreign and domestic policy. Through the use of Hays's archived collection of personal papers, including letters and newspapers, this thesis presents a more representative story about women and about the Department of State as a larger whole than previous scholarship that has ignored how gender affected diplomatic history.
16
Kwok, Jia-Chuan. "Explaining civil-military relations in Southeast Asia." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/62468.
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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2010.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 119-124).
Civil-military relations describe the interactions and balance of power between the civilians and the military in a nation state. Due to the organizational apparatus and capacity for forcible coercion that the military possesses, it can be an important determinant on whether a civilian government survives or falls, as well as what policies are formulated and implemented. This thesis analyses Southeast Asian civil-military relations in a comparative perspective. By looking at seven states in the region - Thailand, Indonesia, Singapore, Malaysia, the Philippines, Vietnam and Myanmar - it finds a rich diversity of such relations, ranging from situations of civilian control to civil-military partnerships to military control. The thesis therefore aims to answer the question: why has there been this variance in civil-military relations in the region? The thesis first examines briefly the history of civil-military relations theory as well as the history of the seven states mentioned above, building an analytical framework and proposing three alternative explanations for variance. Firstly, it asserts that pre-independence legacies created path dependencies that structure the shape of civil-military relations in the region. Secondly, the thesis argues that the structure of the political party environment mattered and assesses the case studies through indicators of concordance and discordance. Finally, the thesis looks at the presence of military entrepreneurship, asserting that variance depends on military capacity to engage in external business activities and civilian willingness to allow such activities. The thesis concludes by assessing the explanatory power of the three factors above and concluding that a combination of pre-independence legacies and party structure best explains civil-military relations in the region.
by Jia-Chuan Kwok.
S.M.
17
Hudson, Geoffrey Stephen. "The Evolution of American Foreign Policy in Southeast Asia." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 1990. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1373975377.
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Nugroho, Bantan. "Indonesia's foreign policy and ASEAN." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1996. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq25003.pdf.
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Ketkamon, Mattana Grabill Joseph L. "United States-Southeast Asian relations, 1780s-1980s." Normal, Ill. Illinois State University, 1988. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ilstu/fullcit?p8907676.
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Thesis (D.A.)--Illinois State University, 1988.Title from title page screen, viewed September 22, 2005. Dissertation Committee: Joseph L. Grabill (chair), Robert W. Hunt, Lawrence W. McBride, Louis G. Perez, L. Moody Simms. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 153-165) and abstract. Also available in print.
20
Tong, Yueting. "Foreign direct investment, exports, and firm performance in Southeast Asia /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9979968.
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Jangariyawong, Monsak 1971. "Thailand in Southeast Asia : a study of foreign policy, 1945-1991." Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2003. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9357.
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Min, Gyungsook. "Reporting East Asia : foreign relations and news bias." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/4721.
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This thesis, Reporting East Asia: Foreign Relations and News Bias, seeks to argue for the importance of understanding foreign relations in the study of 'bias' in international news. It begins by pointing out that many previous studies have examined pressures on news emanating from inside national boundaries, but have excluded force from outside, and most notably, the military and economic relations between reporting and reported nations. For the purpose of the study, newspapers from three countries; the US, South Korea and Japan (which different represent types of power order within the military and economic spheres in the Pacific region), were chosen. Three recent key events in the region were selected as case studies for news analysis: 1)The Shooting Down of the Korean Airline 007, by the Soviet Union in 1983; 2)The Former Philippine President, Marcos' Step Down in 1986 : and 3) the Anti-Government Demonstrations in South Korea in 1987. Throughout the thesis, the relationship between reporting countries and reported countries has been analysed. The relationships between the reporting nations and more powerful and influential nations, has also been examined, in order to establish how far the news content of a less powerful country is also shaped by its relations with dominant nations. The results of the study indicate that there is a strong relationship between the 'biased' news reporting of international events and the unequal relationships between and among nations. Consequently, it implies that understanding foreign relations is an important tool in the analysis of bias in international news reporting. However, the thesis concludes by suggesting that in order to fully understand the operating environment of international news, the internal dynamics of news organizations, media systems (including the relationship of news media to governmenta, and national power structures) needs to combined with the analysis of foreign relations in any future research.
23
Lee, You-Il. "Korean foreign direct investment in Southeast Asia in the late twentieth century." Thesis, Lee, You-Il (1996) Korean foreign direct investment in Southeast Asia in the late twentieth century. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 1996. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/51142/.
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A significant development of South Korea's (or Korea) economic development has been an enormous increase of its foreign direct investment (FDI) in the Southeast Asian region, where, since the late 1980s, Korea has emerged as one of the principal investors. Particularly, more than half of Korean FDI in the region have been carried out by firms in small-scale and labour-intensive light industries such as apparel/textile, footwear and assembly of electronic products. This shows a clear departure from Korea's previous FDI pattern of the 1960s and 1970s, which has been concentrated mainly in such areas as mining, fisheries and forestry. Korean FDI in the Southeast Asian region after 1988 provides ample evidence concerned with the above development. In fact, Indonesia has now become one of the largest regional recipients of FDI inflows by Korean firms, particularly from labour-intensive manufacturers. A close examination of Korean FDI in Indonesia and other Asian countries of Vietnam and China since the late 1980s provides a rich area of discussion in the field of Asian political economy in general and Korea's and Indonesia's political economy in particular. These include debates within development theory concerning markets such as structural adjustment, the role of the state, class formation and capital accumulation and the changing nature of industrial policies in the course of capitalist industrialisation, particularly within the Asia-Pacific and Southeast Asian region.
This thesis examines how specific social relations (political and institutional), drive the rapid process of industrial capitalism in both investing and recipient countries and influence the overall behaviour of capital flows. Thus, this thesis deviates from conventional FDI theories of micro/macro-economic approaches and new international division of labour, focusing either on factor endowments (comparative advantages) or differences in unit labour costs in a firm’s decision to invest abroad. This is not to say these approaches are deficient. Instead, these theories can be strengthened if we extend our analysis to the structural and institutional dimensions of domestic and international political economic change such as the emergence of a bourgeoisie and a working class, a powerful state and the development of infrastructure, all of which coincide with other factors at work in the countries. A close analysis of Korea's political economy in the 1980s suggests that in addition to some economic variables (exchange realignments, changes in wage level), macro-political and social changes, such as these in the areas of state-society, state-business and state-labour relations (which have brought about economic changes in the late 1980s both in the investing and recipient countries) can offer more plausible insight into the progression of Korean FDI in the region in the late 20th century.
A major finding from this study is that the current behaviour of Korean FDI in Asia shows "gipsy", "prowling", "ad hoc", or "footloose" patterns. Korean firms move around the Asian region, looking for short term profits and compliant and low wage labour force. This is particularly evident in labour-intensive, small-scale and wage-conscious industries, established after 1988, including footwear, apparel and textile industries. Further, a through examination of Korean FDI behaviour in Indonesia provides a richer discussion on the political economy hypothesis. That is, in the process of intra-Asian capital flows among manufacturing industries and even capital-intensive industries, political and institutional variables, including favouritism, long-running practice of clientelism between the state and business and a culture of bureaucratic authoritarianism, can influence FDI behaviour every bit as much, if not more than, cost differences and factor endowments.
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Belton, Benjamin Daniel Nicholas. "The social relations of aquaculture development in South and Southeast Asia." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/3424.
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This thesis contains five chapters dealing with different aspects of the social relations of aquaculture development in South and Southeast Asia. This analysis is presented with reference to a series of qualitative empirical studies conducted in Vietnam, Bangladesh and Thailand, and challenges conventional narratives relating to the causes, effects and significance of different forms of aquaculture development. Chapter 1 compares the impacts associated with projects intended to promote pro-poor forms of fish culture with the impacts of commercial forms of aquaculture originating in the private sector, and examines complementarities between the two forms of development. It finds that the latter form of aquaculture development, which it terms ‘immanent’, has generally resulted in far more significant economic impacts that the former, which it terms ‘interventionist’. Impacts occur particularly through the creation of employment in associated value chains, although some caution must be exercised in equating these effects with reductions in poverty. The conditions under which immanent aquaculture development is able to take place are elaborated. Chapter 2 provides a critical evaluation of the private sector development (PSD) discourse adopted under the post-Washington consensus. This is achieved with reference to a detailed comparative study of the establishment of hatcheries for mono-sex tilapia in Thailand and Pangasius catfish in Vietnam. This exercise shows the transfer of technical knowledge from public institutions to actors in the private sector to have been largely informal in both cases. The subsequent establishment of hatchery enterprises has also been shaped by culturally specific patterns of economic behaviour that go unrecognised by champions of PSD. The chapter cautions against taking the existence of causal links between increased economic activity and reductions in poverty for granted. Chapter 3 examines patterns of development associated with the extraordinary expansion of the Pangasius catfish industry in Vietnam. It concludes that the ability of catfish producers to access a range of key production factors including land and credit has been mediated by relationships between individuals and the state and its associated institutions, as has access to some markets and services. As a result, the integration of producers into global markets has tended to reinforce existing class relations rather than radically transforming the rural class structure. Chapter 4 evaluates the likely outcomes of governance by third party certification for Pangasius producers in Vietnam and Bangladesh. Widespread insistence on compliance with emerging standards by Northern retailers will have little impact on Bangladeshi producers at present given their domestic orientation, but will probably involve severe consequences for smaller Vietnamese producers who will struggle to comply due to their unfavourable organisation of production and lack of integration. Although Pangasius production in Bangladesh appears more ecologically sustainable than its Vietnamese counterpart, the manner in which standards are formulated means that these advantages are unlikely to be recognised or rewarded. It is also concluded that standards will have limited impact on the industry’s environmental performance in Vietnam. With reference to the literature on agricultural growth and two case studies of aquaculture in Mymensingh, Bangladesh, Chapter 5 argues that commercially oriented quasi-capitalist forms of aquaculture have far greater capacity to alleviate poverty and enhance food security at the national level than the quasi-peasant forms traditionally promoted by development projects. The majority of poverty impact associated with aquaculture is demonstrated to derive from employment in associated value chains and service provision, with likely horizontal benefits also created in the rural non-farm economy via consumption linkages. By contrast, forms of aquaculture traditionally considered ‘small-scale’ and ‘pro-poor’ are shown to be beyond the reach of the majority of the rural poor, and to yield limited positive social externalities, although their role in countering the seasonal financial pressures associated with irrigated rice cultivation is shown to be significant. The conclusion of the thesis summarises key findings presented in preceding chapters, elaborates appropriate methodologies to guide future research on aquaculture development, and sets out a research and policy agenda which identifies work in a number of key areas as priorities for further attention.
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Hajek, Patricia K. "Migrant workers in South-East Asia economic and social inequality in Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore /." Orlando, Fla. : University of Central Florida, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/CFE0002152.
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Darmosumarto, Santo. "Chinese foreign policy towards Southeast Asia in the post-Tiananmen period, 1989-1995." Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2004. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9697.
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Chen, Dayuan. "Taiwanese offshore (distant water) fisheries in Southeast Asia, 1936-1977." Connect to this title online, 2007. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20070328.92412.
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Chan, Chi-ming Victor, and 陳志明. "Domestic institutions and Japan's foreign economic policy: the Japanese economic assistance to Southeast Asia, 1997-1999." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31223941.
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Guyton, Lynne E. "The organisation of Japanese FDI in Southeast Asia : implications for regional economic development." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.361605.
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Lodge, Peter M. "The United States Role in the Creation and Development of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2008. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/LodgePM2008.pdf.
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Mohr, Alexander T., and B. N. Kumar. "The effects of the Asian crisis on German FDI in Southeast Asia." Gabler Publishing, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4047.
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Little, John William. "Vietnam in U.S. foreign policy : an association for the strategic balance in Southeast Asia." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/26834.
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Liu, Qianqian. "China's strategy towards East Asian regional cooperation since the Asian financial crisis." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609782.
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Khamchoo, Chaiwat. "Japan's Southeast Asian policy in the post-Vietnam era (1975-1985)." Ann Arbor, Mich. : University Microfilms International, 1989. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/19735278.html.
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Bonnor-Hay, Jenelle. "The politics of Asia-Pacific economic co-operation." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/128786.
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The focus of this thesis is on the political agenda underlying AsiaPacific
economic co-operation. These agenda will be explored with
reference to the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) forum, and an
attempt made to assess the feasibility of the APEC forum by examining the
discrepancies between the stated objectives of APEC and the implicit
political factors behind each participant's position.
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Cuong, Pham Cao Social Sciences & International Studies Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences UNSW. "US security engagement with Southeast Asia during the Clinton and Bush administrations." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Social Sciences & International Studies, 2009. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/44527.
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This study seeks to analyze the change of US security policy in Southeast Asia from the Clinton to Bush administrations. The main aim of the study is to examine the position of Southeast Asia in US security policy and changes in US security policy toward Southeast Asia between the two administrations at both regional and bilateral levels. Besides examining the US security approach to regional institutions like ASEAN and ARF, the study especially concentrates on the US security approach to some ASEAN members - The Philippines, Thailand, Singapore, Indonesia and Malaysia - as well as interactions between the United States and these countries in terms of security. The main argument of this study is that since the end of the Cold War, Southeast Asia has occupied an important position in US security strategy though it was far from being the highest priority in US foreign policy. During the Clinton administration and in the context of the post-Cold War environment which saw the decline of American economic power, the dynamic economic and political development of East Asia, and the existence of hot spots like North Korean and Taiwan, the United States supported the establishment of the ARF and strengthened its alliance with several ASEAN members, including the Philippines, Thailand, Singapore and Indonesia. With the goal to form a ???New Pacific Community???, the US had strategic interests in keeping Southeast Asia stable and preventing the emergence of a potential adversary in the future. To implement the security pillar in the Clinton Doctrine, the US provided military assistance to, and increased military exercises with the ASEAN states. During this period, the China factor was also a key element contributing to the change of the US relationship with the region. In the post-Cold War, the US has seen many challenges posed by China, especially from China???s military modernization program. Moreover, China???s activities in the South China Sea during the 1990s also contributed to the strengthening of bilateral relations between the US and ASEAN states. Under the Bush administration, Southeast Asia became more important to the US interests. Economically, Southeast Asia was the USA???s fifth-largest trading partner. At the same time, the US ranked as either the largest or second-largest trade partner of nine of the ten ASEAN states. Strategically, after September 11, 2001, Southeast Asia played a significant role in US security strategy since it served as the ???second front of terror???. Besides strengthening its relations with ASEAN and the ARF, the United States revitalized its bilateral relationships with ASEAN states, such as: The Philippines, Thailand, Singapore, Indonesia, and Malaysia. Through anti-terrorism initiatives, military assistance programs, intelligence sharing and joint military exercises, the US deepened and expanded its relations with ASEAN states. From this perspective, both the Philippines and Thailand were designated as ???major non-NATO allies??? of the US. In the long term, the USA???s objective in the region was to prevent the emergence of any potential adversary that would be capable of competing with the US in the future. Importantly, the US re-engagement in Southeast Asia under the Bush administration was not only to counter terrorism, but also to contain China. The rapid increase in China???s defense spending and the expansion of its influence in Southeast Asia concerned the United States. During the Bush era, China also played a key role in the US relationships with ASEAN states.
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Tran, Thang. "Officiell dollarisering : ett alternativ för Vietnam i valet av växelkurssystem? /." Uppsala : Uppsala University. Department of Economics, 2008. http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:158773/FULLTEXT01.
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Chan, Chi-ming Victor. "Domestic institutions and Japan's foreign economic policy the Japanese economic assistance to Southeast Asia, 1997-1999 /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B23242139.
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Wen, Haitao. "Defence-oriented industrialization, perestroika and ending the cold war : a case study of USSR's alteration of its policy towards northeast Asia." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110872.
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In the midst of the most serious economic and political
crises since its founding seven decades ago, there have been
significant developments in Soviet Asian policy within the
framework of global detente during the past two years. Following
the 1988 Seoul Olympic Games, with the Gorbachev-Den
Xiaoping summit in Beijing, Sin-Soviet rapprochement was accomplished,
mainly according to terms set out by Beijing.
Then, with another summit between Gorbachev and Roh Tae Woo,
the Soviet Union and South Korea established diplomatic relations
in 1990. At the same time, Soviet-Japanese relations
also experienced some progress. These developments pose a
sharp contrast to the typical Soviet Cold War attitude towards
Northeast Asia, which was characterised by an accelerated
military build up beginning in the late 1960s in the Soviet
Far East and strategic alignment with North Korea and Vietnam,
directed against the US-led alliance and China. This alteration
of Soviet Asian policy has deep political and economic
reasons. It shows that under great political and economic
pressure within the society, the Soviet Union endeavours to
reduce international tension and build new ties of economic
cooperation. The alteration also indicates that in search of
new economic partners to revive its collapsing economy, the
Kremlin is willing to distance itself from North Korea, a
country that has been its most important Cold War ally (given
there were not any better candidates) in Northeast Asia.
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Kanchana, Kamonphorn. "Studies on Energy Security and International Relations: The Case of Regional Cooperation in Southeast Asia." Kyoto University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/215646.
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Hinton, Joseph R. "From SEATO to ASEAN: Prospects for Collective Security in Southeast Asia." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1255.
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Recent developments in the South China Sea have shed light on the motivations and capabilities of China. A multilateral ASEAN defense community based on collective security would better situate claimant states to offset a rising China. Unfortunately, the lessons learned from SEATO, and the current internal characteristics of ASEAN, leave little hope for collective security to be achieved in Southeast Asia without superpower intervention.
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Elk, Robert E. "A study of the effects of the Southeast Asian intrusive power system on the foreign policy of Indonesia /." Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64076.
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Ryu, Yongwook. "Identity and Security: Identity Distance Theory and Regional Affairs in Northeast and Southeast Asia." Thesis, Harvard University, 2011. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10046.
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The dissertation explores the relationship between identity and international security, and tests the effect of the former on the latter by analyzing a set of puzzling phenomena in East Asia—the emergence of mutual threat perception in Sino-Japanese relations; increasingly conflictual relations between Korea and Japan after Korea’s democratization; the establishment of a regional human rights mechanism by ASEAN; and the settlement of key territorial disputes by Southeast Asian nations. Coupled with the diverging frequency of militarized interstate disputes between both regions, these phenomena suggest that Northeast Asia (NEA) has become a region of conflict with high tensions, while Southeast Asia (SEA) has increasingly developed into a region of peace with decreasing tension. The dissertation advances a new theoretical framework, namely, identity distance theory, to understand these puzzling phenomena. Identity distance refers to perceived socio-psychological differences between groups, and its widening (narrowing) is hypothesized to increase (decrease) the likelihood of intergroup conflict. Using a variety of methods—content analysis of newspapers; political elite survey; and a controlled case study on territorial disputes—the dissertation shows that it is the contrasting evolution of identity distance in the two regions that is the key to explaining the cross-regional differences. The root cause of the widening identity distance in NEA is the rise of the so-called history problem (lishi wenti) in the 1980s, influencing China’s threat perception of Japan and altering the effect of Korea’s democratization on its relations with Japan. In contrast, the narrowing identity distance in SEA due to the construction of a regional identity and community since the 1990s enabled thorny issues such as human rights to be discussed more freely by raising the comfort level among regional countries, and resulted in the resolution of two key territorial disputes in SEA through the arbitration of the International Court of Justice. Identity distance theory proposes a connection between identity and security, and contends that identity-related issues are an important factor affecting different regional dynamics. The findings of the dissertation suggest that the relations of enmity and amity between states are socially constructed through interactions between actors, which engender certain social identities and relations favorable for peace or conflict.Government
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Ye, Shulan. "Rising China's regional policy in East Asia : a constructivist perspective." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2010. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1191.
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Vanhove, Eric A. "U.S. foreign policy in the Caucasus and Central Asia : pipeline politics and the national interest." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1997. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA333979.
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Salmons, Richard Louis. "The Role of Status in Asia-Pacific International Relations." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144667.
Full textAbstract:
International Relations widely assumes that states pursue status,
which may provide both emotional and strategic benefits. However,
IR’s existing status literature frequently renders the desire
for status as a constant that cannot explain varying policy
outcomes, and in many cases is overly focused on the connection
between status concerns and war. The importance of status as a
causal factor in IR may be better understood by considering that
if states normally aspire to valued status roles, then threats to
those roles can cause states to change policy settings to protect
them. States with aspirations to the most prized status roles,
notably major power status, should be especially prone to this.
This thesis considers three case studies involving major power
aspirants, where key foreign policy decisions have been widely
attributed to status concerns. As the epicentre of today’s
power transition, the Asia-Pacific region is the focus of the
empirical analysis. The cases all take place during the immediate
post-Cold War period, where the realignment of international
polarity threw into question many established status roles. These
were: Japan’s 1992-93 bid for a permanent seat on the UN
Security Council; China’s 1996 signing of the Comprehensive
Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty; and India’s 1998 Pokhran II nuclear
tests. The project involved interviews with experts with close
knowledge of the cases in each of the three countries, with a
view to assessing leadership self-perceptions regarding national
status at the moments in question.
The thesis outlines a three-phase approach to understanding
status concerns and advances the central argument that the middle
“status crisis” phase acts as the causal driver of policy
change. There is generally a phase of normal status-seeking,
during which a state accumulates prestige to win recognition for
valued status roles; unexpected events may cause a status crisis,
forcing a revaluation of the state’s status position; and the
state embarks on a phase of enhanced prestige-building, narrowing
and intensifying its status ambitions. In short, changed status
perceptions due to a status crisis can cause change to
status-seeking policies, which become more provocative or risky
than before. The case studies highlight examples of
status-seeking involving material power, legitimacy, and
institutional roles.
The thesis makes two contributions to the literature. First, the
argument extends existing theories of status by better
operationalising the concept. It adds to social identity theory
by explaining the circumstances when states may adopt specific
strategies to win status recognition, and it reinforces arguments
that efforts to gain status recognition need not be conflictual
or disruptive to the status quo. Second, the research enriches
our understanding of the historical cases, some of which are
mired in long-running debates about causal factors, and it offers
ways for IR scholarship to account for the role of status in
these episodes. With ongoing power shifts in the Asia-Pacific and
beyond, status will continue to be a key concept in IR and this
thesis provides us with new ways of understanding the
relationship between status concerns and policy change.
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Fitriani, Evi. "Observing the Asia-Europe meeting (ASEM) from Southeast Asia." Phd thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150705.
Full textAbstract:
The inauguration of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) in Bangkok in 1996 was celebrated with enthusiasm and hopes in the two regions because this region-to-region forum represented a breakthrough in Asia-Europe relations and a unique arrangement: it did not include the United States (US) and was the first forum to which Asian countries have been summoned as a group to sit vis-a-vis their Europeans counterparts. However, the enthusiasm soon shifted toward pessimism and criticism after the Asian financial crisis in 1997/1998 and following the war against terrorism after 9/11. ASEM, however, has survived despite the many criticisms about its ineffectiveness. Why have Southeast Asian countries maintained the ASEM process? How do the participants in the ASEM process perceive this inter-regional institution? This thesis addresses the question 'What has ASEM delivered to Southeast Asian countries?' It aims not only to investigate the insights into ASEM from state and non-state actors in Southeast Asia but also to examine the reasons for the longevity of ASEM from Southeast Asian perspectives. The main data for this research were collected through 82 in-depth interviews in six countries with interviewees comprised of state and non-state actors from ASEAN as well as non-ASEAN countries. The results of the research contribute to the study of ASEM and ASEAN, and to an understanding of wider regional institutions in Asia. The thesis finds that ASEM has delivered significant outcomes for Southeast Asian countries due to the functions of the ASEM forums in facilitating regional identity-building and in pursuing foreign policy advantages for ASEAN countries. The interactions in the ASEM region-to-region forums helped facilitate the development of Asian identity or identities through the frequent social interaction among leaders and elites. A sense of regional awareness resulted from the cognitive process and collective experience in the ASEM process, which in turn, has been used by ASEAN and other East Asian countries for other forums. The case study on Myanmar's accession to ASEM highlights the success of the Asian countries in extracting foreign policy benefits from ASEM by taking advantage of its inter-regional meeting format. Despite its neglected position in regional affairs, ASEM has delivered strategic advantages for ASEAN countries. In addition, the findings reveal that ASEM's informal institutional arrangements are shaped by Southeast Asian countries. The informality has helped circumvent complexities in the inter-regional relations, thus, not only contributing to the longevity of the inter-regional relations between Asian and European countries but also accommodating the need of Southeast Asian countries for informal and non-binding cooperative institutions. In general, the ASEM process and institution have been conducted in line with'ASEAN way'. Maintaining ASEM by continuing to attend the summits and joining relevant initiatives seems to be more useful than killing it off. ASEM can be considered as a low-cost form of diplomacy that can be useful in times of crisis.
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Hirano, Chalinee. "Japan's Southeast Asian policy in the post-cold war era." Master's thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144411.
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Okamoto, Jiro. "Australia's foreign economic policy and ASEAN." Phd thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149958.
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Berananda, Usana. "Australia's involvement in the Cambodian peace settlement : the Red Book initiative." Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145650.
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