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1
Bragina, Elena A. "Economic Relations of India with the Countries of Southeast Asia – Foreign Trade Aspect." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development 1, no. 1(50) (2021): 66–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-1-1-50-066-072.
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The article examines India's trade policy towards Southeast Asian countries as part of the implementation of India's Look East policy and the foreign policy principle Neighborhood is first. India's foreign trade expansion intensifies the confrontation between the interests of India and the PRC in Southeast Asia. A statistical analysis of the state of trade operations between India and the countries of Southeast Asia for the last five years is given, based on which the author draws a conclusion that the main problem of India in trade with the countries of Southeast Asia is a negative balance, large and stable. Undoubtedly, to eliminate it, or at least reduce it, India will undertake serious efforts in the coming years, primarily aimed at expanding exports to the markets of the Southeast Asian countries of its products.
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Hue, Quach Thi, Le Thi Chien, Dinh Quang Thanh, Bui Viet Huong, and Nguyen Minh Man. "Adjustment of India’s Foreign Policy for Southeast Asia in the Time of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and its Impacts on India - Vietnam Relationships." Journal of Law and Sustainable Development 11, no. 4 (August 24, 2023): e568. http://dx.doi.org/10.55908/sdgs.v11i4.568.
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Objective: The purpose of the article will present and analyze the adjustment of India’s foreign policy towards Southeast Asia under Prime Minister N. Modi and its impacts on Vietnam - India relations. Theoretical framework: In this study, International Relations theories such as those of Realism, Liberalism and Constructivism have been used to clear the goals, approaches and content of India’s policies for Southeast Asia, the adjustment of Prime Minister N. Modi towards ASEAN and Southeast Asian countries. Method: The author uses historical methods, interdisciplinary research methods and comparative methods to present and evaluate India’s foreign policy with ASEAN and Southeast Asian countries under Prime Minister Modi compared to before and evaluate the impacts of this adjustment on Vietnam - India relations in the future. Results and conclusions: Historically, India has reached Southeast Asia by way of peace, trade and religion. Entering the 21st century, Southeast Asia is one of the focal points in India’s strategic adjustment to the Asia-Pacific region because of its extremely important geo-political and geo-economical position. However, India’s foreign policy before 2014 (Look East Policy) was primarily “observation” rather than “action”. Since Prime Minister Narendra Modi came to power in May 2014, the Look East Policy has been adjusted into the Act East Policy to expand the goals, scope and areas of cooperation, and enhance the actions and strategic priorities in relations with its extended neighbor Southeast Asia. Implication of the research: This adjustment has greatly impacted on India, Southeast Asian countries and the Vietnam - India Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. The article provides some policy implications for Vietnam to promote the Vietnam - India Comprehensive Strategic Partnership in the coming time. Originality/ Value: This study is an elaborate, comprehensive and systematic work of the authors through an international approach.
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SINGH, Bhubhindar. "Japan-Southeast Asia Relations Amid US-China Competition in East Asia." East Asian Policy 13, no. 03 (July 2021): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930521000210.
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Japan has emerged as a critical strategic actor in East Asia amidst intensifying US-China structural competition since 2010. Southeast Asia/ASEAN is an important dimension of Japan’s foreign policy expansion. This paper argues that Japan’s foreign policy is driven by the aim of becoming an alternative source of strategic stability in Southeast Asia/ASEAN as opposed to the United States and China. This is explained by analysing Japan’s foreign policy in regional balance of power and ASEAN-led multilateralism.
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Khotimah, Siti Khusnul, and Yuliati Yuliati. "Hubungan Perdagangan Majapahit dengan Tiongkok Abad XII - XIV." SINDANG: Jurnal Pendidikan Sejarah dan Kajian Sejarah 4, no. 2 (July 1, 2022): 128–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31540/sindang.v4i2.1122.
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The Majapahit Kingdom was a kingdom that had very good relations with foreign kingdoms in Southeast Asia and foreign kingdoms outside Southeast Asia. One of them is with China, which is a foreign kingdom in the East Asia region. This is because the Majapahit kingdom has a foreign policy called Mitreka Satata which means equal/equal. With this foreign policy, Majapahit was able to establish relationships with foreign kingdoms, one of which was China, which was a foreign kingdom outside Southeast Asia. Kakawin Desawarnana and Notes written by the Chinese themselves also briefly mention the very good relations between Majapahit and China in terms of trade. It was through this trade that Mitreka Satata's relationship between Majapahit and China could be formed and continued very well. In fact, because of trade, there are many Chinese and Majapahit people in social life. Therefore, this research will conduct an in-depth study of the Mitreka Satata relationship between Majapahit and China through existing historical sources.
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Longmire, R. A. "Soviet foreign policy and southeast Asia." International Affairs 63, no. 1 (1986): 149–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620304.
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Zagoria, Donald S., and Leszek Buszynski. "Soviet Foreign Policy and Southeast Asia." Foreign Affairs 65, no. 4 (1987): 913. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043176.
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Brown, James Alan. "Laos’s Peripheral Centrality in Southeast Asia." European Journal of East Asian Studies 17, no. 2 (October 10, 2018): 228–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-01702005.
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Abstract Laos’s position at the centre of the Southeast Asian mainland has entailed peripherality to regional loci of power. Its geography of peripheral centrality has however resulted in Laos becoming a realm of contestation between powerful neighbours. The analysis traces the construction of Laos within a regional space from pre-colonial times to contemporary special economic zones. Laos has been produced through mobility, foreign actors’ attempts to reorient space to their sphere of influence, and transnational class relations incorporating Lao workers and peasants, Lao elites and foreign powers. These elements manifest within current special economic zone projects.
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Baviera, Aileen S. P. "China’s Strategic Foreign Initiatives Under Xi Jinping." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 02, no. 01 (January 2016): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740016500032.
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This article provides a summary of China’s new strategic foreign initiatives under Xi Jinping’s leadership. These initiatives include the “One Belt, One Road” proposal, the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and calls for a “New Asian Security Concept” as well as for “a new type of major power relations.” In a localized Southeast Asian context, they are operationalized, as projects under the so-called 21st Century Maritime Silk Road proposal, a “[Formula: see text] cooperation framework for China-Southeast Asia relations,” and the so-called “dual track” approach to the management of the South China Sea disputes. These initiatives are expected to provide a favorable external environment for the attainment of the “Chinese dream” and to pave the way for China to emerge into a position of global power and leadership. The article mainly focuses on what these initiatives may be signaling to China’s neighbors, and the subsequent implications for Southeast Asia and its relations with China. There are, for instance, some doubts as to whether China can be a reliable provider of security and stability as public goods in its own region if China itself is a key party in the territorial contentions and power rivalries that could be likely causes of conflict. The fact that China is still trying to defend primordial territorial and cultural-ideational interests, settle historical scores, and find an effective model for its domestic politics and governance that will serve its increasingly globalized economy, indicates that China may not be ready yet to make the sacrifices and compromises that will be required of regional — let alone global — leadership.
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Rogozhina, Natalia G. "The Mask Diplomacy of China in Southeast Asia." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development 1, no. 1(50) (2021): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-1-1-50-073-081.
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The article notes that China's mask diplomacy in Southeast Asia is an integral part of its foreign policy aimed at strengthening its positions in the region by increasing the level of confidence. By providing assistance to Southeast Asian countries in the fight against COVID-19, China hopes to improve its image of a “benevolent” neighbor in the region. At the same time, the priority was given to those countries of Southeast Asia with which the closest relations have developed and which are participating in the Belt and Road Initiative. In the development of the achieved success in mask diplomacy, China is moving to the implementation of the so-called vaccine diplomacy in Southeast Asia. However, despite the currently pronounced humanitarian orientation of China's foreign policy in Southeast Asia, the continuing territorial conflict in the South China Sea plays against its positive image in the region as “generous sponsor”. Time will tell whether mask diplomacy will help China gain an edge in the competition for influence in the region. But one thing is clear – China is acting decisively and does not miss a single chance to provide support for the countries of Southeast Asia in the competition with the United States.
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Scalapino, Robert A. "The United States and Asia in 2008: A Time of Challenge." Asian Survey 49, no. 1 (January 2009): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.1.5.
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The Asian-Pacific scene at present is marked by turbulent economic conditions and varying degrees of political instability, yet foreign relations are relatively favorable. Two key issues in Northeast Asia——North Korean nuclearization and cross-Taiwan Straits relations——remain unresolved, but current trends are generally hopeful. In Southeast and South Asia, conditions have been marked by economic decline stemming from the domestic scene and prominent cases of political tension. Yet, the risk of a war between Asian-Pacific states is at a record low.
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Oh, Yoon Ah. "Change or Continuity? Seoul's Approach to Southeast Asia under the New Southern Policy." Korea Observer - Institute of Korean Studies 54, no. 1 (February 28, 2023): 103–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2023.54.1.103.
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South Korea's New Southern Policy (NSP) is commonly viewed as Seoul's hedging strategy to respond to intensifying US-China strategic competition. Such a view essentially takes an extrinsic approach treating Southeast Asia as a means to South Korea's larger foreign policy ends. However, the NSP can also be viewed as Seoul's Southeast Asia policy, which is about its relations with the region. Such an intrinsic perspective leads to the question of whether the NSP constitutes a clear policy shift. I propose using two distinct frameworks which are centered on resources and assumptions to assess whether the NSP represents change or continuity in Seoul's approach to Southeast Asia. The findings suggest that the NSP represents a dramatic change in terms of resources devoted to its engagement with Southeast Asia, but Seoul's Southeast Asia policy has remained unchanged in terms of the underlying assumptions about the nature of its relations with the region.
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DE CASTRO, Renato Cruz. "The Marcos Administration’s Foreign Policy towards the Great Powers: Seeking the Elusive Balance in Dealing a Changing Indo-Pacific Region." East Asian Policy 15, no. 04 (December 2023): 95–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930523000314.
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This article examines the Marcos administration’s efforts to seek the elusive balance in managing its relations with the United States, China and Japan. At the beginning of his term, Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr planned a balanced foreign policy marked by China providing the investments and market for the Philippines while the United States extended its security guarantee. In conclusion, the article argues that Marcos Jr’s foreign policy reflects the Philippines’ acumen in practising ASEAN’s age-old and proven statecraft in dealing with the significant powers that require the smaller Southeast Asian countries to accept the presence of big powers in Southeast Asia as a fact of international relations.
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Samphantharak, Krislert. "The Rise of China and Foreign Direct Investment from Southeast Asia." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 30, no. 2 (June 2011): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341103000204.
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This paper discusses foreign direct investment from Southeast Asia to China. With the exception of some government-linked companies, most investments from Southeast Asia have been dominated by the region's overseas Chinese businesses. In addition to cheap labour costs, large domestic market and growing economy, China has provided business opportunities to investors from Southeast Asia thanks to their geographic proximity and ethnic connections, at least during the initial investment period. However, the network effects seem to decline soon after. As the Chinese economy becomes more globalised and more competitive, the success of foreign investment in China will increasingly depend on business competency rather than ethnic relations.
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Rogozhin, A. A. "Southeast Asia and Africa – Trade and Investment Relations in the XXIst Century." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 5 (December 3, 2018): 200–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-5-200-218.
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In the twenty-first century African countries have not only taken a significant step forward in their economic development as a whole, but have also strengthened their positions in the world economy. One manifestation of this is the emergence of new foreign economic partners for African countries. African countries have become more interesting, not only for Asian giants – China and India, but also for Southeast Asia countries, which have just recently started their outward expansion. The main purpose of this study is to create an initial, most general panorama of how trade and investment relations between the Southeast Asian and African countries developed in the new century. As regard for trade, we used a quite complete statistical database under the auspices of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). Southeast Asia was represented by all 10 of ASEAN member-countries. The African continent was portrayed by 47 countries. A comprehensive analysis of the statistical data showed that the trade operations of Southeast Asian countries with their African partners were profitable for them: in 2010–2016 they had a permanent surplus on these operations. It was found that in 2010–2016. the main partners of African countries were Thailand (with turnover of 69 billion dollars.). Singapore ($64 billion)) and Malaysia ($48 billion).). Companies from Southeast Asian countries expect to expand on the African continent, taking into account, in particular, the following factors: the need to enlarge and diversify their imports of oil and gas. as well as some types of industrial raw materials that are not available in Southeast Asia; constantly growing opportunities to expand exports of their goods, in order to meet growing consumer demand in African countries; Southeast Asian exporters expect a significant expansion of their exports following the entry into force of the African Continental Free Trade Area) in 2022. As for investment links, we were forced to gather by trifles everything concerned about Southeast Asian investments on African continent. Reliable generalizing statistics on this segment of economic relations either do not exist, or it is not available to research community. As a result of monitoring of investment contacts, it was possible to collect the final material giving a short overview of this process.
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Manurung, Hendra. "Indonesia-Russia Strategic Partnership in Southeast Asia Region." Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional 17, no. 1 (May 4, 2021): 77–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v17i1.3488.77-96.
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This paper aims to elaborate Indonesia and Russia bilateral relations, which closer post March 2018, after both countries leaders in Moscow agree accelerating the draft of the new strategic partnership agreement. Foreign Ministers Retno Marsudi and Sergey Lavrov signed a Plan of Consultation 2017 to 2019 pursued at bilateral interactions intensification. Kremlin views Jakarta as regional influential power and able to become dominant regional actor in Southeast Asian. This paper revealed, through Russia with ASEAN dialogue partnership, thus, a road map under working framework in strengthening closer relations along with mutual benefits pursued by Jakarta and Moscow also should be implemented and proceed further.
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Averianov, Serhii. "Security aspect of Asean-China relations in South-East Asia." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 10, no. 28-29 (2020): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2020-10-28-29-133-143.
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The article analyzes the the People's Republic of China (PRC) influence on the activities of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the security sector. It outlines the specifics of the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China in the region and its connection to the formation of the Southeast Asia (SA) security architecture processes. The article highlightes modern trends and tendencies of China's geostrategic positioning in the region, the pros and cons of the Chinese foreign policy concept at both regional and global levels. For many years China was seen as a threat to Southeast Asian countries due to its political ideology and active support for the uprisings in those countries. In 1967, when ASEAN was founded, China had serious doubts about the motives of this newly formed international union. Beijing was deeply concerned that the organization could have a hidden military connotation that would consolidate anti-Chinese sentiment in Southeast Asia. Formal relations between China and the Association were established in 1991. In July 1994 China became a «consultative partner» within ASEAN Regional Forum on Peace and Security. In 1996 by signing the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation of 1976 China became a full dialogue partner. The transformation of the system of international relations, as well as the global rebalance of power in the post-bipolar era have contributed to the strengthening of China`s positions in world politics. On the one hand the end of the Cold War minimized the risks of a nuclear catastrophe, but at the same time it actualized and accelerated trade and economic cooperation tendencies. In such circumstances most of ASEAN member states sought brand new approach towards China, willing to benefit from its economic upswing. For its part, China's growing dependence on energy forces it to engage in solving regional security issues more actively. Nowadays China's foreign policy is represented by the Belt and Road Initiative, formerly known as the One Belt One Road. It is a global infrastructure development strategy that includes 2 large-scale projects: the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. Participating in those projects seems lucrative for most Southeast Asia countries, due to their close economic ties with China being nearly the main driver of their own economies. After all, China still remains a key trading partner among ASEAN member states. However, on the other hand, many of the political elites fear that participation in China's projects will put them in a position of dependence on Beijing. That`s why ASEAN tries to maintain the SA as a peaceful, neutral region, free from the dominance of any regional or non-regional state.
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Ng, Beoy Kui. "The Economic Rise of China: Its Threats and Opportunities from the Perspective of Southeast Asia." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 25 (February 5, 2008): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v25i0.1427.
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The purpose of the paper is to examine the economic impact of China on Southeast Asian countries, mainly in terms of trade and investment. The paper attempts to examine whether the rise of China poses a threat to Southeast Asia as a region in the area of international trade, especially competition in third country markets, and asks, can they be friends and allies rather than competitors in international market? Secondly, the paper also questions if the concentration of foreign direct investment (FDI) in China is resulting in a diversion of FDI away from the region. Do FDI in China and Southeast Asia complement one another when it comes to the international division of labour? On the other hand, the increasing role of China as an international trader and global investor provides an opportunity for Southeast Asia countries to integrate with the Chinese economy. The huge domestic market of China also provides vast opportunities for investment, especially through connections with their respective ethnic Chinese businesses in the region. The overall assessment is that the rise of China will benefit Southeast Asian countries, especially in terms of China's role in the Asian production network, destination for investment, its outward investment and more importantly, its huge and growing domestic market. All these turn China into another driver for economic growth in Asia.
Keywords: China, FDI flows, Southeast Asia, trade, investment, Asia production networks.
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Tuấn Bình, Nguyễn. "THE POLITICAL AND DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN INDIA AND MYANMAR (1992 - 2014) - A VIEW FROM THE IMPACTS OF “LOOK EAST” POLICY." Hue University Journal of Science: Social Sciences and Humanities 127, no. 6B (July 3, 2018): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.26459/hueuni-jssh.v127i6b.4161.
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India’s Look East Policy is the policy toward the Southeast Asia region, where is abundant in natural resources and plays a role in support for India in the Asia - Pacific region strategy. The foreign policy of India can gets results on the economics, politics, society for this country. Besides, this success brought useful experiences for ASEAN countries in general and Myanmar in particular when they enforce the new foreign policy. Myanmar is considered a “bridge” between India and Southeast Asia. With its strategic location, this country has an important role in India’s Look East Policy. In this article, the author focused on India - Myanmar relations about politics and diplomacy from 1992 to 2014 under the positive impact of the “Look East” Policy in the research phase and we took out some comments about India - Myanmar relations during the research period.
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Pratita, Chika Kirana Budi. "SECURITY DYNAMICS OF SOUTHEAST ASIA: THE ROLE OF THE UK AND ITS IMPLICATIONS ON REGIONAL SECURITY." Journal of Social Political Sciences 3, no. 1 (February 28, 2022): 18–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.52166/jsps.v3i1.90.
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Post-Brexit, Britain completely overhauled its foreign policy framework by adopting a 'Global Britain' strategy with the aim of demonstrating global leadership. The UK said that there had been geopolitical and geoeconomics shifts, including the rise of China's power and the increasing importance of the Indo-Pacific for global prosperity and security as well as the potential for new markets to emerge and the growth of the global middle class. In realizing the UK's existence in the world, especially in the Indo-Pacific region, the UK considers the strategic position of the Southeast Asia region which is included as part of the four pillars of British foreign policy. Southeast Asia has become an arena for the struggle for the influence of global powers, especially China and the United States. Changes in British Foreign Policy which focuses on the Southeast Asia region will certainly have strategic consequences in the region, especially regional security, especially the South China Sea Dispute which involves most of the ASEAN member countries. The problem raised in this study is how the dynamics of security in the Southeast Asia region after the change in the focus of British foreign policy to Southeast Asia and its impact on regional security. The writing of this article uses qualitative research methods to write to describe the complexity of regional security through patterns of relations between countries in the region and countries outside the region, as well as the role of global powers.
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Ngoei, Wen-Qing. "There and back again: What the Cold War for Southeast Asia can teach us about Sino-US competition in the region today." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 74, no. 2 (June 2019): 301–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702019855352.
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This essay examines how the history of the Cold War in Southeast Asia has shaped, and will likely continue to shape, the current Sino-US rivalry in the region. Expert commentary today typically focuses on the agendas and actions of the two big powers, the United States and China, which actually risks missing the bigger picture. During the Cold War, leaders of ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) played a critical role in containing Chinese influence, shaping the terms of Sino-US competition and rapprochement, and deepening the US presence in Southeast Asia. The legacy of ASEAN’s foreign relations during and since the Cold War imposes constraints on Chinese regional ambitions today, which militates against the popular notion that Chinese hegemony in East and Southeast Asia is inevitable. This essay underscores that current analyses of the brewing crisis in and around the South China Sea must routinely look beyond the two superpowers to the under-appreciated agency of small- and middle-sized ASEAN actors who, in reality, are the ones who hold the fate of the region in their hands.
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Huyen, Bui Thi, and Luu Van Quyet. "Russia’s Pivot to Asia and Russia-Vietnam Economic Relations in the Early 21st Century." Emerging Science Journal 6, no. 6 (December 1, 2022): 1492–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.28991/esj-2022-06-06-017.
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Russia began to refocus its attention on the Asia-Pacific region in 1994, but the policy of pivoting toward Asia was implemented dramatically in the second decade of the 21st century. Adjustments made by Russia to its foreign policy and practical activities carried out by Russia in the region have impacted Russia-Vietnam relations generally and their economic ties in particular. Based on a qualitative approach and analysis of secondary data collected from previously conducted research works, this paper focuses on the following issues: (1) Adjustments made by Russia to its foreign policy towards Asia-Pacific over the first two decades of the 21st century; (2) Position of Vietnam in Russia’s foreign policy towards Asia–Pacific; and (3) Impacts of Russia’s new foreign policy on the economic ties between Russia and Vietnam over the first two decades of the 21st century. Based on the results of the analysis and evaluation, Russia's Asia-Pacific policy has been adjusted, particularly in the second decade of the 21stcentury, when the country turned its attention to Southeast Asia. Due to the importance of this region, Russia is implementing a comprehensive Asia policy and promoting Russia's interests in this region. The Russian Federation considers Vietnam an important partner in its "Look to the East" policy and plays a leading role because Vietnam is a country with an important geostrategic position to connect both land and sea between Northeast Asia and Southeast Asia. This is reflected in the Russian Federation's upgrading of its strategic partnership with Vietnam from 2001 to a comprehensive strategic partnership in 2012. The adjustment of the Asia-Pacific policy of the Russian Federation has positively affected the relationship between Vietnam and Russia in the economic fields (trade and investment). Doi: 10.28991/ESJ-2022-06-06-017 Full Text: PDF
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Wong, Pak Nung, and Wai Kay Ricky Yue. "U.S.-China Containment and Counter-Containment in Southeast Asia." African and Asian Studies 13, no. 1-2 (May 9, 2014): 33–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341284.
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AbstractIn 2011, the United States of America (u.s.) adopted the “pivot to Asia” (also known as “return to Asia”) foreign policy. In order to provide a critique of this apparent policy change, this paper has two aims. First, we will contextualize such policy agenda against the Anglo-American strategic culture of “containment” as a strand of geopolitical realism and a foreign policy practice against communism. Second, by providing a case study on the changing relations between the Union of Myanmar (Burma), the People’s Republic of China and the United States of America, we will characterizeu.s.containment and China’s counter-containment strategies through the lens of Suntzu’sArt of War.
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Sutter, Robert. "Myanmar in Contemporary Chinese Foreign Policy – Strengthening Common Ground, Managing Differences." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 31, no. 1 (March 2012): 29–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341203100103.
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This assessment first briefly examines recent features of China's approach to foreign affairs, and then examines in greater detail features in China's approach to relations with its neighbours, especially in Southeast Asia. It does so in order to discern prevailing patterns in Chinese foreign relations and to determine in the review of salient recent China–Myanmar developments in the concluding section how China's approach to Myanmar compares with Chinese relations with other regional countries and more broadly. The assessment shows that the strengths and weaknesses of China's recent relations with Myanmar are more or less consistent with the strengths and weaknesses of China's broader approach to Southeast Asia and international affairs more generally. On the one hand, China's approach to Myanmar, like its approach to most of the states around its periphery, has witnessed significant advances and growing interdependence in the post-Cold War period. On the other hand, mutual suspicions stemming from negative historical experiences and salient differences require attentive management by Chinese officials and appear unlikely to fade soon.
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Rubiolo, Florencia. "Emergents in the African Scenario: a South-South approach to Southeast Asia diplomatic and trade initiatives in the continent." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 5, no. 1 (May 1, 2016): 8–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2016.v5n1.03.p8.
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Abstract: The diplomatic ties between Africa and Southeast Asia (SEA) have historically been sporadic and erratic. The only country in the SEA that the first decades after independence maintained a relatively narrower link to some African countries was Indonesia. Today, trade has gained momentum, being South Africa, Egypt and Nigeria, the largest trading partners of ASEAN in Africa, thanks to the growth rates of emerging countries in both regions.This increasing trade relation has been accompanied by some political diplomatic initiatives such as the AASROC (Asian African Sub Regional Organizations Conference), theNAASP (New Asian African Strategic Partnership) and the interregional approach between ASEAN and the African Union (may 2012). And, in the cases of Thailand, Indonesia and Malaysia, there has also been a slight development in bilateral relations. From a South-South perspective, our aim in this paper is to discuss the density and possibilities of this bilateral and multilateral relation and what consequences might bring to Africa.Keywords: Africa – Southeast Asia foreign policy – South South relations – diversification
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Mosyakov, Dmitry, and Ekaterina Astafieva. "THE EVOLUTION OF ATTITUDE BY SOUTHEAST ASIAN COUNTRIES TO RUSSIA’S SPECIAL MILITARY OPERATION ON UKRAINE." Eastern Analytics 14, no. 2 (2023) (2023): 142–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2023-02-142-153.
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The article presents a brief analysis of the evolution of the attitude of the countries of Southeast Asia to Russia's special military operation on the territory of Ukraine in the second half of 2022 - early 2023. It is concluded that the position of some ASEAN member states has changed under the pressure from the collective West led by the United States, points out the need to intensify Russia's actions in foreign policy contacts with the countries of the Southeast Asian region in order to develop mutually beneficial relations.
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Vlasov, N. V. "The Contemporary Chinese Policy in Southeast Asia." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(42) (June 28, 2015): 60–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-3-42-60-67.
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Although the PRC has been gradually turning into a genuinely global power recently, her regional interests particularly in SEA are not shrinking. Developing relations with ASEAN in general and its member states in particular is still among the key priorities of the Chinese foreign policy. This is motivated by the interest to ensure safe and controlled buffer along China's border perimeter - "belt of peace, stability and common prosperity". At present, Chinese standing in SEA is firm. Sino-ASEAN relations are based upon mutual pragmatism. The reason for that to a great extent is a tangible trade and economic and investment cooperation. Bilateral relations in political and security as well as defense spheres have been also steadily expanding. Humanitarian ties are closely interwoven, which may help make future ASEAN elites more pro-Chinese. Nevertheless, it has been all the more evident that Southeast Asian nations are seeking to lower their current overdependence on China. Their concern are rising due to China's growing political and military and economic muscles as well as because of increasing Chinese nationalism. Unresolved territorial disputes in the South China Sea also impede promotion of China's influence there. In this context China turns out to be sandwiched between the necessity to uphold her national interests, on the one hand, and the goal to keep a comfort regional atmosphere for facilitating her relationship with ASEAN, on the other. Moreover, lately there has been another sound factor jeopardizing China's leadership in SEA - Washington's Asia Pacific pivot.
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Kettunen, Erja. "On MNC-Host Government Relations: How Finnish Firms Respond to National and Regional Policies in ASEAN." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 34, no. 2 (March 22, 2017): 54–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v34i2.5306.
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Combining literature from international political economy, international business, and institutional approaches to business studies, this article discusses foreign firms' relationship with the public sector in Southeast Asia. It focuses on the perceptions of the firms on host country policies toward foreign direct investments (FDI) and the impact of global financial crises and regional economic integration on the firms' strategies. The multinational company (MNC)-host government relationship is seen as a cooperative and continual bargaining within a specific institutional framework. Based on interviews with managers of subsidiaries originating from Finland, it is found that the regulatory environment of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries varies from easy to difficult with regard to policies, bureaucracy and protectionism. These pose institutional constraints for the firms, with additional economic constraints caused by global financial crises. Contrary to expectations, the ASEAN free trade agreement does not figure in the firms' investment strategies. This is explained by three findings: most of the firms serve the domestic host country market; the firms operate global rather than ASEAN-wide regional production chains; the firms represent industries that are not typical in Southeast Asian regional production networks.
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Koshovyi, Serhii. "Ukraine-Malaysia Relations: Priorities and Machinery." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 539–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-33.
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The article analyses the trends and developments in Ukraine-Malaysia relations since their establishment in 1992. During the contemporary period, the economic, cultural, tourism links and other aspects of bilateral relations have expanded. There is plenty of scope for trade to continue growing. In fact, Ukrainian-Malaysian relations are complex, multifaceted, and have significant potential for further development. Ukraine sees Malaysia as an important and stable partner in Southeast Asia, a leading member of ASEAN and a moderate representative of the Islamic world. Both being UN members, Ukraine and Malaysia share a common perspective on a broad range of regional and global issues. This is followed by a whole complex of Malaysian issues, namely foreign, domestic, security policies, regional cooperation and others. The article also assesses the contemporary trends in and prospects for Malaysian multilateral ties by identifying the changing dynamics that have brought a qualitative shift in Malaysia’s relationships with the US, China, and Japan. Conclusions have been made on the enhancement of bilateral and multilateral cooperation. The author concludes that the relations with Malaysia should be focused on the further intensification of political dialogue, maintenance of economic cooperation with Malaysian partners, search for opportunities for industrial and investment cooperation, taking into account national interests, as well as securing main lines of sectoral cooperation and developing cultural and humanitarian cooperation. The issue of expanding the legal framework of bilateral relations with Malaysia remains relevant. Therefore, today there is a need to elaborate a new format of relations between Ukraine and Malaysia. Keywords: Ukraine, Malaysia, Southeast Asian countries, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), foreign policy, diplomatic relations, security, regional cooperation, newly-industrialized countries, ‘second wave’, infrastructure.
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Tsvetov, Anton. "After Crimea: Southeast Asia in Russia's Foreign Policy Narrative." Contemporary Southeast Asia 38, no. 1 (April 30, 2016): 55–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs38-1c.
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Ayoob, Mohammed. "Southeast Asia in Indian Foreign Policy: Some Preliminary Observations." Contemporary Southeast Asia 9, no. 1 (June 1987): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs9-1a.
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Chung, Chien-Peng. "Japan's Involvement in Asia-Centered Regional Forums in the Context of Relations with China and the United States." Asian Survey 51, no. 3 (May 1, 2011): 407–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2011.51.3.407.
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Against China's attempts at cultivating multilateral forums to augment and institutionalize its influence in Central, Northeast, and Southeast Asia, Japan's major foreign policy challenge now is how to secure its own interests in these forums while balancing its relations with China and the United States.
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Taranenko, Anna. "BILATERAL UKRAINE-CHINA RELATIONS AT THE CURRENT STAGE." Politology bulletin, no. 81 (2018): 68–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.81.68-74.
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Foreign policy is one of the most important directions of sovereign states’ activity. An especially important place in foreign policy shaping is bilateral relations between states. For Ukraine, such vectors of foreign policy as European, Euro-Atlantic, Eurasian and Asian are traditionally important. In particular, the implementation of the Asian foreign policy vector and the establishment of effective relations with the People's Republic of China as one of the leaders of world economic development is a very important task for Ukrainian diplomacy at this time. The analysis of foreign and Ukrainian sources regarding this topic demonstrates the interest of researchers in bilateral Ukrainian-Chinese relations. One of the important trends in world socio-political development is globalization processes. In this article the author examines the state of bilateral Ukrainian-Chinese relations at the present stage characterized by dynamic globalization rate. In the results of the conducted study one can note that currently there are certain obstacles to the effective development of bilateral relations between Ukraine and China, however at the same time there is sufficient potential for further intensification of bilateral relations between the indicated countries. On the basis of the analysis, one can conclude that among the successes of Ukraine's foreign policy over the past few years, one can identify the establishment of a fairly fruitful relationship with the People's Republic of China: cooperation in the agricultural and trade sectors, transport sphere, cultural exchanges. At the same time, it is necessary to strengthen the effective use of the foreign policy resource for more effective cooperation with the People's Republic of China — one of the most powerful current leaders of world economic development. It is important to avoid controversial military and political issues. It is vital to establish effective international cooperation with this country, which would allow achieving mutually beneficial goals. This is related to further research prospects concerning further development of Ukraine's relations with the countries of the Asia-Pacific region, in particular with the states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation).
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Nam Tien, Tran. "THE RISE OF INDIA IN THE NEW BALANCE OF POWER IN ASIA SINCE THE BEGINNING OF 21ST CENTURY: IMPACTS ON INDIA - VIETNAM RELATIONS." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 9, no. 2 (April 8, 2021): 246–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2021.9226.
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Purpose of the study: The study focuses on the rise of India in the new balance of power in Asia since the beginning of the 21st century. It had three major purposes: (a) to discover the new balance of power in Asia (b), to examine the possible predicting scenario about the role of India in Asia’s order; (c) to understand critical influences of the Indian rise that affect on India-Vietnam relations.
Methodology: This study describes a qualitative study based upon a combination of three main methods such as historical method, analysis-synthesis method (documentary analysis), and case study method. The data were sourced from secondary data and content analysis in various publications of governments, foreign governments, or international bodies. Moreover, foreign policy journals, books, magazines, newspapers, and public records.
Main Findings: The study had some key research findings. The first main finding was that the rise of India would contribute to the common development of Asian countries and affirm the position of Asia on the world map. The second major finding was that India-Vietnam relationships supported India becoming a peaceful superpower dominating East Asia, especially Southeast Asia.
Applications of this study: The implications of the study can be supported by the observation of foreign policy substitutability. This study about the rise of India can be used to get the support of the policymaker or government to make the foreign policy adapting to the new era in Asia. Moreover, the study is also a valuable document for students majoring in International Relations, International History, and Politics.
Novelty/Originality of this study: There is no or has not been any study that discusses the rise of India in the new balance of power in Asia since the beginning of the 21st century and its impacts on India-Vietnam relations.
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Biedermann, Reinhard. "Reimagining Taiwan? The EUs Foreign Policy and Strategy in Asia." European Foreign Affairs Review 23, Issue 3 (October 1, 2018): 305–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2018028.
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The European Union’s (EU’s) Taiwan policies have been dominated by trade and economic concerns due to the absence of a security profile and China’s insistence on Taiwan belonging to China. This neglect of a political role of the EU in East Asia is often regarded as a central strategic weakness of the EU. With a new government in office in Taiwan since 2016, Cross-Strait relations have worsened; this challenges EU’s ambitions to become a strategic actor in the region. Apart from security and economy, other political aspects of bilateral relations have remained almost unnoticed in the literature. This article addresses EU’s Taiwan policies from a different perspective. Instead of a hierarchic foreign policy exploration with security issues predominating, here, a multidimensional mosaic of EU’s Taiwan relations is analysed breadthways. From this standpoint, one can see that EU’s profile in Taiwan has increased considerably in recent years. These broadened bilateral relations may also support the EU’s wider political and strategic interests in the region altogether. The EU could help Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy align with EU’s Association of Southeast Asian Nations strategy, and thus support a rule-based strategy in the Far East.
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Pramanta, Rio Akbar, Roihanatul Maziyah, Dela Karisma, Putri Rahma Asri, Ayu Tiara Karel Bua, Dimas Bagas Priambodo, and Bayu Mahendra. "Kemitraan Strategis Non-Zero Sum Game: Hubungan ASEAN-Australia dalam Konteks Geopolitik." Indonesian Perspective 3, no. 2 (March 12, 2019): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ip.v3i2.22347.
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ASEAN and Australia has a long history of mutual partnership. It is a strategic foreign policy for both parties. ASEAN needs to maintain its power and influence with their neighboring countries to maintain the political stability in the Southeast Asian region. On the other hand, Australia needs Southeast Asia because it serves as a strategic and crucial pivot of numerous benefits and interests for them, including but not limited to security and economics. However, ASEAN-Australia relations is not separated from the geopolitical implications. The geopolitical factors determine the strategic partnership between ASEAN and Australia, thus leading to the hypothesis in this article where Australia needs ASEAN more than the vice versa, and Australia is the one who benefits more in terms of relative gain, relative to ASEAN.Keywords: ASEAN-Australia relations, neorealism, relative gain, geopolitics
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Tanner, Murray Scot. "China in 2015." Asian Survey 56, no. 1 (January 2016): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.19.
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Surveying China in 2015, this article focuses on how the Xi leadership dealt with several of the most complex economic and security challenges it faced during the year, in particular: sustaining economic growth; responding to social unrest; confronting environmental problems; managing foreign relations in Southeast Asia and the South China Sea; reforming and modernizing the People’s Liberation Army; and managing cross-Strait relations.
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Tingting, F. "Energy Factor in PRC’s Foreign Policy." World Economy and International Relations, no. 8 (2011): 87–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-8-87-90.
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In recent years, China’s fast-growing economy has fuelled the demand for energy. For China energy policy becomes not only a part of foreign policy and diplomacy, but also part of the state development strategy. The article explores the main directions of China's energy policy at the present stage. A detailed analysis of energy factors in Chinese foreign policy at the present stage is undertaken. A particular attention is paid to the main vectors of energy cooperation between China and other countries and regions: Middle East, Africa, Latin America, Southeast Asia, Central Asia, Russia.
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Regilme, Salvador Santino F. "Beyond Paradigms." International Studies 55, no. 3 (July 2018): 213–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881718794527.
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Why did claimant states in the South China Sea (SCS) dispute, especially China, recently increase its militarization activities, in unprecedented ways that were relatively absent in the previous decades? Espousing an analytically eclectic explanation rather than using one single International Relations (IR) paradigm, this essay demonstrates three key exploratory arguments. First, the enduring Chinese military insecurity from American dominance in Southeast Asia has been recently amplified by the confluence of China’s economic rise, and more importantly, the power struggle in the current Xi Jinping-led regime. The article offers a domestic politics-oriented approach in explaining the strategic resolve of Beijing to militarize the disputed SCS region. Second, although many countries in the region uphold a ‘hedging foreign policy strategy’, which refers to their strategic engagement both with China and the USA, the Southeast Asian countries’ patterns of foreign policy behaviour and identity politics suggest that their longterm aspiration still relies on the USA as their primary security guarantor. Third, notwithstanding such perception of Southeast Asian states towards the USA, this article demonstrates that Washington’s long-term commitment of upholding its security guarantees to its Southeast Asian partners is hindered by the US interest to strategically engage with Beijing on broader issues of global governance.
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Fang, Songying, and Xiaojun Li. "Southeast Asia under Great-Power Competition: Public Opinion About Hedging in the Philippines." Journal of East Asian Studies 22, no. 3 (November 2022): 481–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.35.
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AbstractUnder pressure to choose between the U.S. and China, Southeast Asian countries have adopted a hedging strategy: deepening economic relations with China while strengthening security cooperation with the U.S. How does the region's public view this strategy? With tensions rising in South China Sea territorial disputes, are more nationalistic individuals more likely to oppose hedging? Using an original public opinion survey conducted in the Philippines, we find that while an overwhelming majority of respondents were concerned about the territorial disputes, more nationalistic Filipinos were no more concerned than less nationalistic ones. Further, more nationalistic Filipinos were more likely to view economic relations with China as important for the Philippines and to approve of Duterte's China policy, which follows the logic of hedging. These surprising findings suggest that under the shadow of great-power competition, the link between domestic politics and foreign policy is nuanced in the Philippines, and Southeast Asia in general.
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Liow, Joseph Chinyong. "Tunku Abdul Rahman and Malaya's Relations with Indonesia, 1957–1960." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 36, no. 1 (February 2005): 87–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463405000044.
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Despite popular representations of Tunku Abdul Rahman as an avuncular political personality, he was also an astute policy practitioner. This was evident in how he, in pursuit of Malayan interests, calibrated Malaya's foreign policy posture towards Jakarta in a manner that not only displayed little appreciation of Indonesian sensitivities, but also undermined its political interest and status as the major power in Southeast Asia, thus contributing to bilateral tension.
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Ullah, AKM Ahsan, Noor Azam Haji-Othman, and Kathrina Mohd Daud. "COVID-19 and shifting border policies in Southeast Asia." Southeast Asia: A Multidisciplinary Journal 21, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/seamj-02-2021-b1001.
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How prevalent is COVID-19 in Southeast Asia (SEA), and when will the region open its doors to foreign visitors? Following more than a year of global travel restrictions, these are the major concerns of potential visitors. The article examines border relations in SEA in the face of border restrictions during the COVID-19 pandemic. By 2020, the region had been successful in sustaining low COVID-19 rates. This began to change with the emergence of the delta strain, which forced numerous countries in the region to deal with large outbreaks. For this paper, we relied heavily on secondary data, including the most recent relevant literature and credible and reliable publications from reputable organizations, to ensure the data sources' validity, reliability, and quality.
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Rogozhin, A. A., and N. G. Rogozhina. "South East Asia – In the Priorities of Russian Policy “Pivot to Asia”." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 12, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 185–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-1-185-203.
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The foreign policy course “Turn to Asia”, taken by Russia in the early 2000s, was not accompanied, however, by the expansion of interaction with the countries of South East Asia. Despite creating a certain foundation for the development of bilateral and multilateral cooperation, its potential is far from being fully explored. The presence of objective factors hampered its expansion and limited the active involvement of Russia in regional integration processes. The article assesses the prospects for the development of relations with Southeast Asian countries in the context of Russia’s strategic and economic interests in the region and the emerging conditions for their implementation. The authors note that the region has begun to acquire strategic importance for Russia, firstly, for economic reasons, given the dynamics of its growth and the possibility of its involvement in Russian integration projects,secondly, for geopolitical reasons, based on an assessment of its contribution to the formation of a security architecture in the Asia-Pacific region, the principles of which are generally consistent with Russia’s strategic interests, which are realized within the framework of diplomatic and militarypoliticalrapprochement with the countries of South East Asia. The article notes that in building their relations with them, Russia proceeds from the fact that its more active participation in regional affairs may become a factor hindering the establishment of hegemony by one of the great powers in the region, which generally meets the interests of the Southeast Asian countries themselves. At the same time, the authors come to the conclusion that in search of a force capable of ensuring stability in the region, the choice of Southeast Asian countries is unlikely to stop only on Russia, whose real level of political influence in the region is still low. As for economic cooperation Russia with the countries of South East Asia, in recent years, the interaction between them in the framework of bilateral relations has strengthened, primarily in trade. Russia has a positive balance in trade with the countries of the region. However, investment cooperation between them is small in scope and does not play a significant role in the economies of the counterparty countries. The article provides a detailed analysis of the problems that complicate Russia’s economic cooperation with the countries of South East Asia and offers recommendations for solving them, taking into account the specifics of Russian business and the particularities of the local market development. The authors come to the conclusion that the success of Russia’s economic relations with the countries of South East Asia will largely depend on whether we recognize them as equally important partners as China or India. No political steps taken by Russia in South East Asia will lead to a strengthening of its position in the region, if they are not accompanied by its economic expansion.
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Wene, Adrianus L. "Determinasi Pakta AUKUS terhadap Keamanan Asia Tenggara." Jurnal Asia Pacific Studies 5, no. 2 (December 19, 2021): 151–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/japs.v5i2.3990.
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This paper is intended to analyze the determinations of the AUKUS Pact on the security of the Southeast Asian region. With this aim, the focus of the analysis will lead to the attitude or foreign policy of the countries of the Southeast Asian region and ASEAN's attitude towards the determination made by the AUKUS Pact towards the ASEAN Economic Community. The constellation of international relations in the Indo Pacific shows the struggle of two great powers, namely the United States and China. China's ambition to become a hegemonic regional power is manifested in economic maneuvers through the BRI and political maneuvers through the nine dash line claim in the South China Sea. This offensive Chinese activity poses a threat to the United States. As a reaction to China's maneuvers, the AUKUS Pact promises a balance of power as well as the potential to intensify Asia-Pacific security stability. The excesses of the constellation between the United States and China places Southeast Asian countries in a dilemma, including ASEAN which must be able to take on a role to accommodate common interests in Southeast Asia. This paper uses a historical perspective with the balance of threat theory from Stephen Walt. The findings from the paper are, first, the implications of the AUKUS Pact depend on the attitude of ASEAN member countries with two consequent models, namely creating security stability in the Southeast Asian region or causing security and peace instability; second, differences of opinion among ASEAN member countries emphasize ASEAN's inability to manage conflicts and all potential conflicts that threaten its regional security; third, the choice of balancing, bandwagoning or maintaining balance in different degrees between the United States and China is a rational choice for ASEAN member countries. The existence of the AUKUS Pact requires Southeast Asian countries to continuously develop their security mechanisms and strategies to address any potential that may occur in the future.
Keywords: AUKUS Pact, China, United States of America, ASEAN, Balance of threat
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Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "Engaging Southeast Asia? Labor's Regional Mythology and Australia's Military Withdrawal from Singapore and Malaysia, 1972–1973." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 4 (October 2010): 32–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00047.
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This article draws on previously classified Australian and British archival material to reevaluate Australian Prime Minister Gough Whitlam's foreign policy. The article focuses on the Whitlam government's decision in 1973 to withdraw Australian forces from Malaysia and Singapore—a decision that constitutes a neglected but defining episode in the evolution of Australian postwar diplomacy. An analysis of this decision reveals the limits of Whitlam's attempt to redefine the conduct of Australian foreign policy from 1972 to 1975, a policy he saw as too heavily influenced by the Cold War. Focusing on Whitlam's approach to the Five Power Defence Arrangement, this article contends that far from being an adroit and skillful architect of Australian engagement with Asia, Whitlam irritated Australia's regional allies and complicated Australia's relations with its immediate neighbors. Australia's subsequent adjustment to its neighborhood was not the success story implied in the general histories of Australian diplomacy. Whitlam's policy toward Southeast Asia, far from being a “watershed” in foreign relations, as often assumed, left Australia increasingly isolated from its region and more reliant on its chief Cold War ally, the United States.
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WHITE, NICHOLAS J. "The Beginnings of Crony Capitalism: Business, Politics and Economic Development in Malaysia, c. 1955–70." Modern Asian Studies 38, no. 2 (April 21, 2004): 389–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0300115x.
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The term ‘crony capitalism’ describes the close relationship between the state and big business in contemporary Southeast Asia. Yoshihara argued in 1988 that cronyism produced an entrepreneurially weak, ersatz capitalism. Crony capitalists were ‘private-sector businessmen who benefit[ed] enormously from close relations’ with leading officials and politicians, obtaining ‘not only protection from foreign competition, but also concessions, licences, monopoly rights, and government subsidies’. Yoshihara's thesis has been subject to some criticism, but, in summarizing that debate, Ian Brown states that ‘there are…substantial areas of the South-East Asian political-economic landscape where government and business remain bound to the protection of inefficient vested interest, to the defence of monopoly and preference, and where speculations and short-term profit-taking are rife’. Entrepreneurial weaknesses in Southeast Asia appeared fully exposed by the financial crisis of 1997, when the economies of the region could not withstand the cruel buffetings of the international economy.
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Panin, V. N., A. K. Botasheva, and M. M. Abazalieva. "Sino-Indian socio-political relations at the modern stage." Sovremennaya nauka i innovatsii, no. 3 (43) (2023): 180–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2307-910x.2023.3.18.
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Modern Sino-Indian relations are characterized on the one hand by similarity in views on many key issues of world politics and mutual attitude to cooperation, on the other hand, there is an element of competition and disagreement in a number of areas. In general, the geopolitical balance of power in South and Southeast Asia is unstable and largely depends on the relations between such powers as India and China. A certain concern is caused by the fact that in modern conditions, India, having abandoned the long-standing policy of neutrality, has taken a course to build up military power, since China in its foreign policy towards it in some cases, using a military resource, has established control over some disputed border territories of India. The article analyzes the strategic plans and concrete steps of both India and China to build either China-centric or Indo-centric Asia and provides arguments in favor of China-centric trends in both geopolitical and geo-economic areas.
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Hess, Gary R., Madeline Chi, John P. Glennon, William K. Klingaman, Robert J. McMahon, Glenn W. LaFantasie, John P. Glennon, Edward C. Keefer, and David W. Mabon. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960. Vol. 15: South and Southeast Asia." Journal of American History 80, no. 3 (December 1993): 1162. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080559.
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Naya, Seiji, and Eric D. Ramstetter. "Policy Interactions and Direct Foreign Investment in East and Southeast Asia." Journal of World Trade 22, Issue 2 (April 1, 1988): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad1988014.
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Hoesterey, James. "Globalization and Islamic Indigenization in Southeast Asian Muslim Communities." ISLAM NUSANTARA:Journal for the Study of Islamic History and Culture 3, no. 2 (July 31, 2022): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.47776/islamnusantara.v3i2.370.
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For centuries, what is now commonly referred to in the Cold War-inflected English parlance as “Southeast Asia” has been connected to various regions of the world -- from the transmission of Islam from diverse places in the Middle East, South Asia, and China, to engagements with European colonialism and, more recently, post-independence foreign relations in various regional, multilateral, and global contexts. From the eighth century Muslim traders were traversing the ports of what is now called Southeast Asia, and by the turn of the fourteenth century there is evidence for indigenous Muslim communities.[1] Such economic, cultural, and religious exchange over the centuries has not, despite the warnings of some globalization theorists, led to a homogenization of Southeast Asia, much less a homogenization of Islamic ideas and practices. Rather than coming as a single homogenous and authoritative source, the spread of Islam – and Muslim leaders -- across mainland and island Southeast Asia came from many directions and influences from Mecca and Medina to the Swahili Coast, Yemen, India, the Persian Gulf, Patani networks, and as far as China. Whereas some transmission of Islamic ideas from the Middle East (often led by Southeast Asians, or Jawi, pilgrims, scholars, and travelers who return home) have led to contentious debates and power struggles in particular moments and places, such as the struggle between “old” and “young” movements among Minangkabau in West Sumatra, more recently Southeast Asia – especially Muslim Southeast Asia – has experienced other forms of cultural influence and exchange with East Asian countries like Japan and Korea as well as Western countries from the United States to former European colonial powers.[2] As a nation-state, Indonesia has also begun to come to terms with Chinese Muslims as part of the long histories of Islam and Muslims in the archipelago. Along the way, Southeast Asia’s ethnic communities have retained a sense of cultural, national, and religious identities that are influenced, yet never entirely determined, by outside forces.
[1] Feener 2019, “Islam in Southeast Asia to c. 1800,” Oxford Research Encyclopedia. https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190277727.013.40
[2] For Malaysia, see Michael G. Peletz, Sharia Transformations: Cultural Politics and the Rebranding of an Islamic Judiciary (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2020). For the influence of K-Pop, see Ariel Heryanto, Identity and Pleasure: The Politics of Indonesian Screen Culture (Singapore: NUS Press, 2014).
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HOQUE, MD SELIMUL, AKKAS AHAMED, and SAMIM REZA KHAN. "A REVIEW ON BANGLADESH-CHINA-INDIA-MYANMAR ECONOMIC CORRIDOR IN THE CONTEXT OF BANGLADESH’S INTEREST." Quantum Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 5, no. 2 (April 28, 2024): 190–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.55197/qjssh.v5i2.387.
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Carrying out study on BCIM economic corridor is extremely important; because, Bangladesh is surrounded by India, Myanmar and China, where Bangladesh needs to maintain friendly relations with these three neighboring countries. China is rising rapidly in terms of socio-economic and political development in the South, Southeast and Northeast Asian region. China has the highest foreign currency reserves through which many countries of South, Southeast and Northeast Asia might be economically benefitted. Besides, India is a big country with huge population which might be a potential development partner of South and Southeast Asian countries. On the other hand, Myanmar has huge reserves of gas, oil and other mineral resources from which Bangladesh can be greatly benefitted. This study has found that the BCIM economic corridor is very significant for Bangladesh’s regional connectivity, people to people contacts, cultural exchanges, soft–power diplomacy and economic interests. This study has a geostrategic and development cooperation implication for the South Asian region. This study is an important policy paper for Bangladesh’s geopolitical and economic interests.