Journal articles on the topic 'Southeast Los Angeles'

Aggregate used in hot-mix asphalt (HMA) must be tough and durable, not only to withstand the effects of HMA production, transportation, and construction but also to resist the effects of traffic and the environment. Historically, the Los Angeles abrasion and impact test has determined the toughness of aggregates. The long-term durability characteristics of aggregates are generally determined using a soundness test: sodium or magnesium sulfate. During the National Cooperative Highway Research Program’s Project 4–19, the micro-Deval test, in conjunction with the magnesium sulfate soundness test, were recommended in lieu of the Los Angeles abrasion and impact test and other soundness tests. Therefore, a study was needed within the southeastern United States to evaluate the range in micro-Deval results that could be expected. This research characterized the toughness and durability of aggregates with respect to their micro-Deval test results. Seventy-two aggregate sources from eight different states were included in this research. These aggregates were rated as good, fair, or poor with respect to performance by the contributing state. On the basis of the results of this study, some large differences were found in micro-Deval test results within a given performance category. There was no relationship between Los Angeles abrasion and impact and micro-Deval test results.

I have simulated 0–0.5 Hz viscoelastic ground motion in Los Angeles from M 7.5 earthquakes on the San Andreas fault using a fourth-order staggered-grid finite-difference method. Two scenarios are considered: (a) a southeast propagating and (b) a northwest propagating rupture along a 170-km long stretch of the fault near Los Angeles in a 3D velocity model. The scenarios use variable slip and rise time distributions inferred from the kinematic inversion results for the 1992 M 7.3 Landers, California, earthquake. The spatially variable static slip distribution used in this study, unlike that modeled in a recent study,1 is in agreement with constraints provided by rupture dynamics. I find peak ground velocities for (a) and (b) of 49 cm/s and 67 cm/s, respectively, near the fault. The near-fault peak motions for scenario (a) are smaller compared to previous estimates from 3D modeling for both rough and smooth faults.1,2 The lower near-fault peak motions are in closer agreements with constraints from precarious rocks located near the fault. Peak velocities in Los Angeles are about 30% larger for (b) 45 cm/s compared to those for (a) 35 cm/s.

In the late 1950s and early 1960s, during the height of protests and actions by civil rights activists around de facto school segregation in the Los Angeles area, the residents of a group of small cities just southeast of the City of Los Angeles fought to break away from the Los Angeles City Schools and create a new, independent school district—one that would help preserve racially segregated schools in the area. The “Four Cities” coalition was comprised of residents of the majority white, working-class cities of Vernon, Maywood, Huntington Park, and Bell—all of which had joined the Los Angeles City Schools in the 1920s and 1930s rather than continue to operate local districts. The coalition later expanded to include residents of the cities of South Gate, Cudahy, and some unincorporated areas of Los Angeles County, although Vernon was eventually excluded. The Four Cities coalition petitioned for the new district in response to a planned merger of the Los Angeles City Schools—until this time comprised of separate elementary and high school districts—into the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD). The coalition's strategy was to utilize a provision of the district unification process that allowed citizens to petition for reconfiguration or redrawing of boundaries. Unification was encouraged by the California State Board of Education and legislature in order to combine the administrative functions of separate primary and secondary school districts—the dominant model up to this time—to better serve the state's rapidly growing population of children and their educational needs, and was being deliberated in communities across the state and throughout Los Angeles County. The debates at the time over school district unification in the Greater Los Angeles area, like the one over the Four Cities proposal, were inextricably tied to larger issues, such as taxation, control of community institutions, the size and role of state and county government, and racial segregation. At the same time that civil rights activists in the area and the state government alike were articulating a vision of public schools that was more inclusive and demanded larger-scale, consolidated administration, the unification process reveals an often-overlooked grassroots activism among residents of the majority white, working-class cities surrounding Los Angeles that put forward a vision of exclusionary, smaller-scale school districts based on notions of local control and what they termed “community identity.”

This article examines the experiences of children, parents, and teachers in the New York and Los Angeles Chinatown public schools, as observed by two classroom educators, one based in each city. The authors document trends among the transnational East and Southeast Asian families that comprise the majority in the local Chinatown schools and discuss some of the key intersections of communities and identities within those schools, as well as the pedagogies that try to build upon these intersections in the name of student empowerment and a more holistic vision of student achievement. Ultimately, this article seeks to bring forth the unique perspectives of Chinatown community members and explore how students, families, teachers, school staff and administrators, and community organizers can collaborate to actualize a more transformative public education experience.

AbstractThree important films reveal changing American attitudes toward the Cold War in Southeast Asia in the years of growing U.S. involvement there: Joseph Mankiewicz's The Quiet American (1958), George Englund's The Ugly American (1963), and John Wayne's The Green Berets (1968). All three feature idealistic American heroes fighting communism in Vietnam – and, in the later two films, fighting American ignorance and apathy as well. Using some two dozen reviews in a wide range of periodicals, including daily newspapers outside of New York and Los Angeles, this article finds a growing skepticism about the mythology of the Cold War in Vietnam. Critics in 1958 supported the mission of fighting communism and the methods outlined in the film, but knew little about Vietnam. In 1963, critics were more pessimistic about America's methods and prospects in Vietnam but still overwhelmingly supported the mission. By 1968, a collapse of America's Cold War consensus became obvious as critics panned The Green Berets, a remarkable box-office success, deriding the filmmaking but also rejecting the film's ideology and even questioning the struggle against communism. We thus see a fundamental erosion of American belief in its own Cold War mythology just as the country was venturing deeper into war in Southeast Asia.

Teaching on-site courses for the McCrone Research Institute has enabled me to see a lot of the USA. The van and I have been to all of the states except Hawaii and Alaska besides all of the Canadian provinces except Newfoundland and the Northwest Territories. Some parts of the USA have become nearly as familiar to me (and van) as the Outer Drive in Chicago, Rte. 1 down the California coast, Rtes. 80 and 90 to New York and New England, 55 and 65 South, 40 Southeast to Los Angeles and 80 to Salt Lake City and San Francisco, in particular. The latter route across the Great Salt Lake Desert is one of my favorites. That route is always different because of the Great Salt Lake. It's a large lake under normal conditions but conditions are never normal.

California courts increasingly order community service for those convicted of nonviolent and minor misdemeanors or infractions, assigning unpaid work to be performed. While court-ordered community service has been used as an alternative to incarceration and the payment of fines, little is known about the monetary and personal costs for those completing it. A case study design is used to examine court-ordered community service performed in Southeast Los Angeles. Data were gathered from a quantitative dataset of 541 court files of those assigned to community service and 32 in-depth interviews with attorneys and court-ordered community service workers. While the quantitative data and Attorney interviews found that negative outcomes of community service can drive community service workers deeper into debt and result in new warrants that place defendants at risk for rearrest, individuals that completed community service appreciated the opportunity to pay off their criminal justice debts and stay out of jail.

Using cross-sectional data collected from three middle schools in Southeast Los Angeles, we assessed the association of neighborhood violence exposure, gang associations, and social self-control with past week aggression in a sample of minority youth (n=164). Results from Poisson and logistic regression models showed that direct exposure to gun violence, having friends in gangs, and low social self control were all positively associated with past week aggression. Among girls, having gang affiliated family members was positively associated with aggression, whereas among boys having friends in gangs was associated with past week aggression. Subjective expectations of engagement in future interpersonal violence were associated with being male, having friends in gangs, and fear of neighborhood gun violence. We recommend that youth violence prevention and intervention programs address the impact of family, peers, and gun violence on student coping and identify students with low social self-control who could benefit from social and emotional skills training.

- Peter Boomgaard, Simone Prodolliet, Händlerinnen, Goldgräber und Staatsbeamte; Sozialgeschichte einer Kleinstadt im Hochland Südwestsumatras. Berlin: Reimer, 1996, 372 pp. [Berner Sumatra-Forschungen.] - Richard Chauvel, Antje van der Hoek, Religie in Ballingschap; Institutionalisering en Leiderschap onder Christelijke en Islamitische Molukkers in Nederland. Amsterdam: VU Uitgeverij, 1994, 297 pp. - J.E. Lelijveld, Kees Groeneboer, Weg tot het Westen; Het Nederlands voor Indië 1600-1950. Leiden: KITLV Uitgeverij, 1993, xii + 580 pp. - Bernd Nothofer, P.W. Martin, Language Use & Language Change in Brunei Darussalam, Athens, OH: Ohio University Center for International Studies, 1996, xvi + 373 pp. [Monographs in International Studies 100.], C. Ozog, G. Poedjosoedarmo (eds.) - Anton Ploeg, Pamela Swadling, Plumes from Paradise; Trade cycles in outer Southeast Asia and their impact on New Guinea and nearby islands until 1920. With contributions by Roy Wagner and Billai Laba. Boroko/Coorparoo (Qld): Papua New Guinea National Museum in association with R. Brown & Ass. (Qld), 1996, 352 pp. Plates, maps, index. - Bernard Sellato, Traude Gavin, The women’s warpath; Iban ritual fabrics from Borneo, Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History, 1996, 99 pp. - Jyh Wee Sew, Malcom W. Mintz, A course in conversational Indonesian (with equivalent Malay vocabulary). Singapore: EPB Publishers, 1994, 558 pp. - Kees Snoek, Liesbeth Dolk, Twee Zielen, Twee Gedachten; Tijdschriften en Intellectuelen op Java (1900-1957), Leiden: KITLV Uitgeverij, 1993, 220 pp. - Nicholas Tarling, Paul H. Kratoska, Malaya and Singapore during the Japanese Occupation. Singapore: National University of Singapore, 1995, xii + 175 pp. [Journal of Southeast Asian Studies Special Publications Series 3.]

There is alarming population wide prevalence of low adolescent physical activity as this represents a risk factor for later chronic disease development. There is evidence to suggest that schools with strong wellness policies have students that are more frequently active. We designed an intervention to enhance students’ physical activity levels in five majority Latinx, underserved school districts. Evaluation consisted of assessment of written quality of school-district wellness policies; observation of student’s physical activity during leisure times; and after-school program practices and policies. We examined one of these district’s results more closely, the only participating district with a community coalition, and extracted lessons learned. On the physical activity section of the wellness policy, this district covered a moderate extent of recommended content areas using weak language. Compared to previous reports, we identified low vigorous activity levels for girls and boys at baseline (respectively, 12% and 18%). Finally, we identified that of four after school program sites assessed at baseline, no program reported the recommended 50% or more of program time dedicated to physical activity. Based on these evaluation findings, additional strategies are urgently needed to encourage all students and particularly more girls to be physically active throughout the school day.

The Zulu kingdom holds a special place in both popular culture and historical scholarship. Zulu—a famous name, easy to spell and pronounce—is as recognizably American as gangster rap. The website of the “Universal Zulu Nation” (www.hiphopcity.com/zulu_nation/) explains that as “strong believers in the culture of hiphop, we as Zulus … will strive to do our best to uplift ourselves first, then show others how to uplift themselves mentally, spiritually, physically, economically and socially.” The Zulu Nation lists chapters in New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, Washington, Miami, Virginia Beach, Los Angeles, Detroit, New Haven, Hartford, New Jersey, and Texas. Mardi Gras in New Orleans has featured a “Zulu Parade” since 1916. The United States Navy underscores its independence from Britain by using “Zulu time” instead of Greenwich Mean Time. Not to be outdone, the Russian Navy built “Zulu Class” submarines in the 1950s and Britain's Royal Navy built a “Tribal Class Destroyer,” HMS Zulu. The common factor linking black pride, Africa, and prowess in war is the Zulu kingdom, a southeast African state that first attained international fame in the 1820s under the conqueror Shaka, “the black Napoleon.” His genius is credited with innovations that reshaped the history of his region. “Rapidly expanding his empire, Shaka conquered all, becoming the undisputed ruler of the peoples between the Pongola and Tugela Rivers … In hand-to-hand combat the short stabbing spear introduced by Shaka, made the Zulus unbeatable.” In South Africa Shaka's fame continues to outshine all other historical figures, including Cecil Rhodes and Paul Kruger. A major theme park, “Shakaland,” commemorates his life and Zulu culture. A plan was unveiled in 1998 to erect a twenty-story high statue of the Zulu king in Durban Harbor that would surpass the ancient Colossus of Rhodes.

AbstractRespondent driven sampling (RDS) is a sampling method designed for hard-to-sample groups with strong social ties. RDS starts with a small number of arbitrarily selected participants (“seeds”). Seeds are issued recruitment coupons, which are used to recruit from their social networks. Waves of recruitment and data collection continue until reaching a sufficient sample size. Under the assumptions of random recruitment, with-replacement sampling, and a sufficient number of waves, the probability of selection for each participant converges to be proportional to their network size. With recruitment noncooperation, however, recruitment can end abruptly, causing operational difficulties with unstable sample sizes. Noncooperation may void the recruitment Markovian assumptions, leading to selection bias. Here, we consider two RDS studies: one targeting Korean immigrants in Los Angeles and in Michigan; and another study targeting persons who inject drugs in Southeast Michigan. We explore predictors of coupon redemption, associations between recruiter and recruits, and details within recruitment dynamics. While no consistent predictors of noncooperation were found, there was evidence that coupon redemption of targeted recruits was more common among those who shared social bonds with their recruiters, suggesting that noncooperation is more likely to be a feature of recruits not cooperating, rather than recruiters failing to distribute coupons.

Abstract An engineering geologic, geophysical, and geotechnical study was conducted for a proposed 3.8 sq km commercial center in the Santa Susanna Mountains, 50 km northwest of Los Angeles, California. Geologic hazards include an ancient landslide complex overlying the potentially active Santa Susanna (thrust) fault. The landslide covers about 70 percent of the site; the fault underlies about 60 percent of the site. The 1994 Northridge earthquake (Mw = 6.7) occurred about 20 km southeast of the site on the Oak Ridge-"Newhall" fault. No evidence was found that the ancient landslide was reactivated or that the Santa Susanna fault moved. The only earthquake-related geologic effects observed at the site consisted of isolated displaced blocks of bedrock. A transient electromagnetic survey was conducted to determine the thickness of the landslide and to locate the Santa Susanna fault under the landslide. Geologic interpretations of the geophysical data indicate the thickness of the landslide ranges from 0 to 40 m; the depth to the fault ranges from 40 to >75 m below ground surface. Subsequent drilling and geologic logging of four boreholes indicate that the thickness of the landslide and depth to the fault agree to within 5 percent of the geologic interpretations of the geophysical data. Engineering geologic and geotechnical analyses indicate the landslide to be marginally stable. The geologic hazards pose significant constraints on the suitability of the site.

The Chicago School of urban sociology and its extension in the spatial assimilation model have provided the dominant framework for understanding the interplay between immigrant social and spatial mobility. However, the main tenets of the theory were derived from the experience of prewar, centralized cities; scholars falling under the umbrella of the Los Angeles School have recently challenged the extent to which they are applicable to the contemporary urban form, which is characterized by sprawling, decentralized, and multinucleated development. Indeed, new immigrant destinations, such as those scattered throughout the American Southeast, are both decentralized and lack prior experience with large–scale immigration. Informed by this debate this paper traces the formation and early evolution of Hispanic neighborhoods in Durham, NC, a new immigrant destination. Using qualitative data we construct a social history of immigrant neighborhoods and apply survey and census information to examine the spatial pattern of neighborhood succession. We also model the sorting of immigrants across neighborhoods according to personal characteristics. Despite the many differences in urban form and experience with immigration, the main processes forging the early development of Hispanic neighborhoods in Durham are remarkably consistent with the spatial expectations from the Chicago School, though the sorting of immigrants across neighborhoods is more closely connected to family dynamics and political economy considerations than purely human capital attributes.

This paper consists of historical case studies of Amsterdam and Eindhoven which provide insight into political decisionmaking over plans for metropolitan government, Amsterdam extended its territory by more than three times in 1921, and Eindhoven by 80 times in 1920. After the 1920s large-scale annexations did not occur around the largest Dutch cities. The annexation of the Bijlmermeer to the southeast of Amsterdam (1966) was an exception. While Amsterdam annexed the Bijlmermeer, intermunicipal cooperation developed in the Eindhoven metropolitan area. It is argued that the political inheritance and the pattern of urbanisation play a major role in explaining the differences between Amsterdam and Eindhoven. Both cities also show similarities. Since the Second World War several plans have been developed for metropolitan governments, but they have not been very successful. Up to 1997, the typical Dutch solution was not metropolitan government but redistribution on a national level. The Netherlands is a small country; both in population and in size it is comparable with metropolitan areas such as Los Angeles or South East England. In an international comparative perspective, one might as well consider the Dutch national state as the real metropolitan government. It remains to be seen whether after a hundred years of discussion the national government will finally decide to establish some form of metropolitan government.

- Peter Boomgaard, John Robert Shepherd, Marriage and mandatory abortion among the 17th-century Siraya. Arlington: American Anthropological Association, 1995, iv + 99 pp. [American Ethnological Society Monograph Series 6.] - Bernice de Jong Boers, Michael Hitchcock, Islam and identity in Eastern Indonesia. Hull: The University of Hull Press, 1996, ix + 208 pp. - Dwight Y. King, Audrey R. Kahin, Subversion as foreign policy; The secret Eisenhower and Dulles debacle in Indonesia. New York: The New Press, 1995, 230 + 88 pp., George McT. Kahin (eds.) - Han Knapen, Harold Brookfield, In place of the forest; Environmental and socio-economic transformation in Borneo and the eastern Malay peninsula. Tokyo, New York, Paris: United Nations University Press, 1995, xiv + 310 pp. [UNU Studies on Critical Environmental Regions.], Lesley Potter, Yvonne Byron (eds.) - Niels Mulder, E. Paul Durrenberger, State power and culture in Thailand. New Haven: Yale University, Southeast Asia Studies, 1996, vii + 200 pp. [Monograph 43.] - Peter Pels, Margaret J. Wiener, Visible and invisible realms; Power, magic and colonial conquest in Bali. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, xiv + 445 pp. - Marie-Odette Scalliet, Annabel Teh Gallop, Early views of Indonesia; Drawings from the British Library. Pemandangan Indonesia di masa lampau; Seni gambar dari British Library. London: The British Library, Jakarta: Yayasan Lontar, 1995, 128 pp., 86 ill., 39 pl. - Cornelia M.I. van der Sluys, Marina Roseman, Healing sounds from the Malaysian rain forest; Temiar music and medicine. Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993, xvii + 233 pp. - Cornelia M.I. van der Sluys, John D. Leary, Violence and the dream people; The Orang Asli in the Malayan emergency, 1948-1960. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University, Center for International Studies, 1995, xxiii + 238 pp. [Monographs in International Studies, Southeast Asia Series 95.] - H. Steinhauer, Darrell T. Tryon, Comparative Austronesian Dictionary; An introduction to Austronesian studies, Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 1995, Part I, Fascicle I: xxviii pp + p.1-666; Fascicle II: xix pp + p.667-1197; Part II: xviii + 749 pp; Part III: xviii + 739 pp; Part IV: xviii + 767 pp. [Trends in Linguistics, Documentation 10 (Werner Winter and Richard A. Rhodes, eds).]

Abstract A subset of 3371 events recorded in the Northridge area by the Southern California Seismic Network during January to April 1994 was relocated with the joint hypocentral determination (JHD) technique. This analysis showed two unexpected results: (a) the JHD locations are shifted about 3.9 km on average in a northwest direction with respect to the locations determined using a single-event location (SEL) program, and (b) the station corrections vary between −0.55 and 1.26 sec, a rather large range. In addition, the JHD locations are less scattered than the SEL locations. For each station, the weighted average of the arrival time residuals obtained when the events are located with the SEL program (which does not apply distance or error weighting) are generally smaller than the corresponding JHD corrections. The locations determined with SEL and using the weighted average residuals as station corrections do not differ much from the SEL locations, but on average the RMS residuals become as small as those corresponding to the JHD locations. As the magnitude of the station corrections indicates the presence of large lateral velocity variations, a 3D velocity model for the area was determined using the arrival times of 1012 events recorded by at least 17 stations. The initial velocity model was that used routinely by the Southern California Earthquake Center. The first two layers (5.5- and 10.5-km thick) were subdivided into 100 blocks each (12 × 12 km). These layers show a pronounced low-velocity anomaly (24% and 16%, respectively) immediately to the northwest of the epicentral area. This low-velocity zone coincides with the west Ventura Basin. Another pronounced low-velocity zone to the southeast of the epicentral area reflects the presence of the Los Angeles Basin. The locations obtained with the 3D velocity model are consistently to the southeast of the JHD locations, 2.4 km on average. To establish the effect of these pronounced lateral velocity variations on the SEL and JHD locations, synthetic travel times were analyzed. The synthetic times were generated for event locations determined by JHD (shifted by various amounts) and the 3D velocity model and were subsequently treated as the actual data. The most important result of this analysis is that the JHD locations are affected by a quasi-systematic shift in a northwest direction (up to about 2.7 km on average, depending on the initial shift) but that the relative locations are well preserved. Therefore, both the velocity inversion of the actual data and the analysis of the synthetic data indicate that the JHD locations determined for the actual data are quasi-systematically mislocated. To account for this mislocation, an overall shift of 2.5 km to the southeast was applied to all the JHD locations. One of the most important implications of the shifted locations is the possibility that the northeasterly dipping Santa Susana fault, to the northwest of the epicentral area, was seismically active during the aftershock sequence. This feature is more diffuse in other published locations.

Abstract. Gas phase water-soluble organic matter (WSOMg) is ubiquitous in the troposphere. In the summertime, the potential for these gases to partition to particle phase liquid water (H2Optcl) where they can form secondary organic aerosol (SOAAQ) is high in the Eastern US and low elsewhere, with the exception of an area near Los Angeles, CA. This spatial pattern is driven by mass concentrations of H2Optcl, not WSOMg. H2Optcl mass concentrations are predicted to be high in the Eastern US, largely due to sulfate. The ability of sulfate to increase H2Optcl is well-established and routinely included in atmospheric models, however WSOMg partitioning to this water and subsequent SOA formation is not. The high mass concentrations of H2Optcl in the southeast (SE) US but not the Amazon, may help explain why biogenic SOA mass concentrations are high in the SE US, but low in the Amazon. Furthermore, during the summertime in the Eastern US, the potential for organic gases to partition into liquid water is greater than their potential to partition into organic matter (OM) because concentrations of WSOMg and H2Optcl are higher than semi-volatile gases and OM. Thus, unless condensed phase yields are substantially different (> ~ order of magnitude), we expect that SOA formed through aqueous phase pathways (SOAAQ) will dominate in the Eastern US. These findings also suggest that H2Optcl is largely anthropogenic and provide a previously unrecognized mechanism by which anthropogenic pollutants impact the amount of SOA mass formed from biogenic organic emissions. The previously reported estimate of the controllable fraction of biogenic SOA in the Eastern US (50%) is likely too low.

Abstract. Gas-phase water-soluble organic matter (WSOMg) is ubiquitous in the troposphere. In the summertime, the potential for these gases to partition to particle-phase liquid water (H2Optcl) where they can form secondary organic aerosol (SOAAQ) is high in the Eastern US and low elsewhere, with the exception of an area near Los Angeles, CA. This spatial pattern is driven by mass concentrations of H2Optcl, not WSOMg. H2Optcl mass concentrations are predicted to be high in the Eastern US, largely due to sulfate. The ability of sulfate to increase H2Optcl is well established and routinely included in atmospheric models; however WSOMg partitioning to this water and subsequent SOA formation is not. The high mass concentrations of H2Optcl in the southeast (SE) US but not the Amazon may help explain why biogenic SOA mass concentrations are high in the SE US but low in the Amazon. Furthermore, during the summertime in the Eastern US, the potential for organic gases to partition into liquid water is greater than their potential to partition into organic matter (OM) because concentrations of WSOMg and H2Optcl are higher than semi-volatile gases and OM. Thus, unless condensed phase yields are substantially different (> ~ order of magnitude), we expect that SOA formed through aqueous-phase pathways (SOAAQ) will dominate in the Eastern US. These findings also suggest that H2Optcl is largely anthropogenic and provide a previously unrecognized mechanism by which anthropogenic pollutants impact the amount of SOA mass formed from biogenic organic emissions. The previously reported estimate of the controllable fraction of biogenic SOA in the Eastern US (50%) is likely too low.

Abstract. The National Air Quality Forecast Capability (NAQFC) project provides the US with operational and experimental real-time ozone predictions using two different versions of the three-dimensional Community Multi-scale Air Quality (CMAQ) modeling system. Routine evaluation using near-real-time AIRNow ozone measurements through 2011 showed better performance of the operational ozone predictions. In this work, quality-controlled and -assured Air Quality System (AQS) ozone and nitrogen dioxide (NO2) observations are used to evaluate the experimental predictions in 2010. It is found that both ozone and NO2 are overestimated over the contiguous US (CONUS), with annual biases of +5.6 and +5.1 ppbv, respectively. The annual root mean square errors (RMSEs) are 15.4 ppbv for ozone and 13.4 ppbv for NO2. For both species the overpredictions are most pronounced in the summer. The locations of the AQS monitoring sites are also utilized to stratify comparisons by the degree of urbanization. Comparisons for six predefined US regions show the highest annual biases for ozone predictions in Southeast (+10.5 ppbv) and for NO2 in the Lower Middle (+8.1 ppbv) and Pacific Coast (+7.1 ppbv) regions. The spatial distributions of the NO2 biases in August show distinctively high values in the Los Angeles, Houston, and New Orleans areas. In addition to the standard statistics metrics, daily maximum eight-hour ozone categorical statistics are calculated using the current US ambient air quality standard (75 ppbv) and another lower threshold (70 ppbv). Using the 75 ppbv standard, the hit rate and proportion of correct over CONUS for the entire year are 0.64 and 0.96, respectively. Summertime biases show distinctive weekly patterns for ozone and NO2. Diurnal comparisons show that ozone overestimation is most severe in the morning, from 07:00 to 10:00 local time. For NO2, the morning predictions agree with the AQS observations reasonably well, but nighttime concentrations are overpredicted by around 100%.

Abstract. The National Air Quality Forecast Capability (NAQFC) project provides the US with operational and experimental real-time ozone predictions using two different versions of the three-dimensional Community Multi-scale Air Quality (CMAQ) Modeling System. Routine evaluation using near-real-time AIRNow ozone measurements through 2011 showed better performance of the operational ozone predictions. In this work, quality-controlled and -assured Air Quality System (AQS) ozone and nitrogen dioxide (NO2) observations are used to evaluate the experimental predictions in 2010, with a view towards their improvement. It is found that both ozone and NO2 are overestimated over the contiguous US (CONUS), with annual biases of +5.6 ppbv and +5.1 ppbv, respectively. The annual root mean square errors (RMSEs) are 15.4 ppbv for ozone and 13.4 ppbv for NO2. For both species the over-predictions are most pronounced in the summer. The locations of the AQS monitoring sites are also utilized to stratify comparisons by the degree of urbanization. Comparisons for six predefined US regions show the highest annual biases for ozone predictions in Southeast (+10.5 ppbv) and for NO2 in the Lower Middle (+8.1 ppbv) and Pacific Coast (+7.1 ppbv) regions. The spatial distributions of the NO2 biases in July and August show distinctively high values in Los Angeles, Houston, and New Orleans areas. In addition to the standard statistics metrics, daily maximum eight-hour ozone categorical statistics are calculated using the current US ambient air quality standard (75 ppbv) and another lower threshold (70 ppbv). Using the 75 ppbv standard, the hit rate and proportion of correct over CONUS for the entire year are 0.64 and 0.96, respectively. Summertime biases show distinctive weekly patterns for ozone and NO2. Diurnal comparisons show that ozone overestimation is most severe in the morning, from 07:00 to 10:00 local time. For NO2, the morning predictions agree with the AQS observations reasonably well, but night-time concentrations are over-predicted by around 100%. Based on the analysis presented here, experimental ozone prediction system was updated for summer 2012.

Des Alwi, Friends and exiles; A memoir of the nutmeg isles and the Indonesian nationalist movement. (Chris F. van Fraassen) James A. Anderson, The rebel den of Nùng Trí Cao; Loyalty and identity along the Sino-Vietnamese frontier. (Emmanuel Poisson) Reggie Baay, De njai; Het concubinaat in Nederlands-Indië. (Maya Sutedja-Liem) John Barker (ed.), The anthropology of morality in Melanesia and beyond. (Jaap Timmer) Kees Buijs, Powers of blessing from the wilderness and from heaven; Structure and transformations in the religion of the Toraja in the Mamasa area of South Sulawesi. (Robert Wessing) Jamie S. Davidson, From rebellion to riots; Collective violence on Indonesian Borneo. (Victor T. King) Kees van Dijk, The Netherlands Indies and the Great War, 1914-1918. (Jaap Anten) Linda España-Maram, Creating masculinity in Los Angeles’ Little Manila; Working-class Filipinos and popular culture, 1920s-1950s. (John D. Blanco) Renate Carstens, Durch Asien im Horizont des Goethekreises; Neue Facetten im Wirken Goethes. (Edwin Wieringa) James T. Collins, Bahasa Sanskerta dan Bahasa Melayu. (Arlo Griffiths) Victoria M. Clara van Groenendael, Jaranan; The horse dance and trance in East Java. (Dick van der Meij) Paul M. Handley, The king never smiles; A biography of Thailand’s Bhumibol Adulyadej. (Jeroen Rikkerink) Holger Jebens, Kago und kastom; Zum Verhältnis von kultureller Fremd- und Selbstwahrnehmung in West New Britain (Papua-Neuguinea). (Menno Hekker) Lee Hock Guan and Leo Suryadinata (eds), Language, nation and development in Southeast Asia. (Renata M. Lesner-Szwarc) Ross H. McLeod and Andrew MacIntyre (eds), Indonesia; Democracy and the promise of good governance. AND Patrick Ziegenhain, The Indonesian parliament and democratization. (Henk Schulte Nordholt) Laurent Sagart, Roger M. Blench, and Alicia Sanchez-Mazas (eds), The peopling of East Asia; Putting together archaeology, linguistics and genetics. (Alexander Adelaar) Saw Swee Hock, The population of Malaysia. (Gavin Jones) Henk Schulte Nordholt and Fridus Steijlen (producers), Don’t forget to remember me; A day in the life of Indonesia. (Jean Gelman Taylor) Karel Steenbrink, Catholics in Indonesia; A documented history. Volume I, A modest recovery 1808-1900; Volume 2 (with the cooperation of Paule Maas), The spectacular growth of a self-confident minority 1903-1942. (Chris de Jong) Pamela J. Stewart and Andrew Strathern (eds), Exchange and sacrifice. (Toon van Meijl) Hans Straver (samenst.), Wonder en geweld; De Molukken in de verbeelding van vertellers en schrijvers. (G.J. Schutte) Dendy Sugono et al. (eds), Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia Pusat Bahasa; Edisi keempat. (Hein Steinhauer) Jacqueline Vel, Uma politics; An ethnography of democratization in West Sumba, Indonesia, 1986-2006. (Chris Lundry) C.W. Watson, Of self and injustice; Autobiography and repression in modern Indonesia. (Roxana Waterson)

Looking back on history, we find that human beings have suffered from many biological disasters. Most of these have been infectious diseases such as cholera, plague, and small pox. Medical advances have brought vaccines and other specific cures enabling us to avoid damages from some of infectious diseases, yet many remain to be conquered. Highly pathogenic avian influenza, a disease in birds occurring repeatedly since ancient times, is now found worldwide. A World Health Organization (WHO) announced on February 15, 2007 that of 273 bird flu victims in 11 countries in Asia, the Middle East, and Africa, 166 have died. Since bird flu does not spread easily to human beings, the number of victims is limited. Once it mutates to a new strain of virus, however, it may be transmitted so easily that it could cause a large number of deaths. Many such cases have actually occurred in the past. The worst historically recorded ones involved Spanish flu, which started in 1918 during World War I among French and German soldiers and spread globally, resulting in 20 million to 60 million deaths. Spanish flu - said to have been named after its effects on the Spanish royal family - is known to have caused the highest number of deaths of any single infection. More than 30 types of emerging infectious diseases have recently been discovered including Lassa virus, Ebola virus, and Helicobacter pylori which causes stomach ulcers and stomach cancer. Among them, human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), which causes AIDS, has produced 30 million victims globally since its discovery in Los Angeles in 1981. Many infectious diseases are also reemerging after having once been decreased. These include malaria, plague, diphtheria, tuberculosis, and influenza, according to WHO. Rabies is another such case that alone kills 50,000 people a year worldwide. Even in Japan, where no rabies cases have originated since 1956, two victims contracted rabies and died within the last year after being bitten during trips to Southeast Asia. Besides microorganisms or viruses, abnormal protein named 'prion' was found to cause disease. Bovine spongiform encephalopathy (BSE) was such a case which set off a global panic when it spread from cattle to human beings, in whom it causes variant Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease (vCJD). We have experienced biological terrorisms, which are intentionally-caused biological disasters by human. For example, the terrorist sent anthrax bacillus through the mail in the United States in 2001 - an act killed 5 people. WHO has warned that smallpox virus, plague bacillus, and botulinum toxin could also be used in bioterrorism. This issue features cases of biological disasters that are sure to prove both interesting and informational to readers. We thank the authors and others who, through their dedication and hard work, have made this edition possible.

Tanytarsini (Diptera: Chironomidae: Chironominae) collected from madicolous habitats in Brazil are analyzed, and three new species of Tanytarsus van der Wulp are described and illustrated: T. angelae sp. n. and T. alaidae sp. n. as adult male and T. alienus sp. n. as male and female. New records of another Brazilian Tanytarsus species are also presented, and immature stages of Paratanytarsus silentii Trivinho-Strixino are described.

Abstract. We analyze the simulation results from a CMAQ model and GOME-2 NO2 retrievals over the United States for August~2009 to estimate the model-simulated biases of NOx concentrations over six geological regions (Pacific Coast = PC, Rocky Mountains = RM, Lower Middle = LM, Upper Middle = UM, Southeast = SE, Northeast = NE). By comparing GOME-2 NO2 columns to corresponding CMAQ NO2 columns, we produced satellite-adjusted NOx emission ("GOME2009") and compared baseline emission ("BASE2009") CMAQ simulations with GOME2009 CMAQ runs. We found that the latter exhibited decreases of −5.6%, −12.3%, −21.3%, and −15.9% over the PC, RM, LM, and SE regions, respectively, and increases of +2.3% and +10.0% over the UM and NE regions. In addition, we found that changes in NOx emissions generally mitigate discrepancies between the surface NOx concentrations of baseline CMAQ and those of AQS at EPA AQS stations (mean bias of +19.8% to −13.7% over PC, −13.8% to −36.7% over RM, +149.7% to −1.8% over LM, +22.5% to −7.8% over UM, +31.3% to −7.9% over SE, and +11.6% to +0.7% over NE). The relatively high simulated NOx biases from baseline CMAQ over LM (+149.7%) are likely the results of over-predictions of simulated NOx emissions, which could shed light on those from global/regional Chemical Transport Models. We also perform more detailed investigations on surface NOx and O3 concentrations in two urban and outflow areas, PC (e.g., Los Angeles, South Pasadena, Anaheim, La Habra and Riverside) and LM (e.g., Houston, Beaumont and Sulphur). From two case studies, we found that the GOME2009 emissions decreased surface NOx concentrations significantly in the urban areas of PC (up to 30 ppbv) and in those of LM (up to 10 ppbv) during the daytime and that simulated NOx concentrations from CMAQ with GOME2009 compare well to those of in-situ AQS observations. A significant reduction in NOx concentrations resulted in a comparable increase in surface O3 concentrations in the urban areas of PC (up to 30 ppbv) and the resulting simulated O3 concentrations compare well with in-situ surface O3 observations over South Pasadena, Anaheim, and Riverside. Over Houston, Beaumont, and Sulphur, large reductions in NOx emissions from CMAQ with GOME2009 coincides with large reduced concentrations of simulated NOx. These concentrations are similar to those of the EPA AQS NOx observations. However, the resulting simulated increase in surface O3 at the urban stations in Houston and Sulphur exacerbated preexisting high O3 over-predictions of the baseline CMAQ. This study implies that simulated low O3 biases in the urban areas of PC are likely caused by simulated high NOx biases, but high O3 biases in the urban areas of LM cannot be explained by simulated high NOx biases over the region. This study also suggests that both in-situ surface NOx and O3 observations should be used simultaneously to resolve issues pertaining to simulated high/low O3 bias and that remote sensing data could be used as a constraint for bottom-up emissions. In addition, we also found that daytime O3 reductions over the outflow regions of LM following large reductions in NOx emissions in the urban areas are significantly larger than they are over outflow regions of PC. These findings provide policymakers in the two regions with information critical to establishing strategies for mitigating air pollution.

Abstract. We analyze the simulation results from a CMAQ model and GOME-2 NO2 retrievals over the United States for August 2009 to estimate the model-simulated biases of NOx concentrations over six geological regions (Pacific Coast = PC, Rocky Mountains = RM, Lower Middle = LM, Upper Middle = UM, Southeast = SE, Northeast = NE). By comparing GOME-2 NO2 columns to corresponding CMAQ NO2 columns, we produced satellite-adjusted NOx emission ("GOME2009") and compared baseline emission ("BASE2009") CMAQ simulations with GOME2009 CMAQ runs. We found that the latter exhibited decreases of −5.6%, −12.3%, −21.3%, and −15.9 % over the PC, RM, LM, and SE regions, respectively, and increases of +2.3% and +10.0% over the UM and NE regions. In addition, we found that changes in NOx emissions generally mitigate discrepancies between the surface NOx concentrations of baseline CMAQ and those of AQS at EPA AQS stations (mean bias of +19.8% to −13.7% over PC, −13.8% to −36.7% over RM, +149.7% to −1.8% over LM, +22.5% to −7.8% over UM, +31.3% to −7.9% over SE, and +11.6% to +0.7% over NE). The relatively high simulated NOx biases from baseline CMAQ over LM (+149.7%) are likely the results of over-predictions of simulated NOx emissions, which could shed light on those from global/regional Chemical Transport Models. We also perform more detailed investigations on surface NOx and O3 concentrations in two urban and outflow areas, PC (e.g., Los Angeles, South Pasadena, Anaheim, La Habra and Riverside) and LM (e.g., Houston, Beaumont and Sulphur). From two case studies, we found that the GOME2009 emissions decreased surface NOx concentrations significantly in the urban areas of PC (up to 30 ppbv) and in those of LM (up to 10 ppbv) during the daytime and that simulated NOx concentrations from CMAQ with GOME2009 compare well to those of in-situ AQS observations. A significant reduction in NOx concentrations resulted in a comparable increase in surface O3 concentrations in the urban areas of PC (up to 30 ppbv) and the resulting simulated O3 concentrations compare well with in-situ surface O3 observations over South Pasadena, Anaheim, and Riverside. Over Houston, Beaumont, and Sulphur, large reductions in NOx emissions from CMAQ with GOME2009 coincides with large reduced concentrations of simulated NOx. These concentrations are similar to those of the EPA AQS NOx observations. However, the resulting simulated increase in surface O3 at the urban stations in Houston and Sulphur exacerbated preexisting high O3 over-predictions of the baseline CMAQ. This study implies that simulated low O3 biases in the urban areas of PC are likely caused by simulated high NOx biases, but high O3 biases in the urban areas of LM cannot be explained by simulated high NOx biases over the region. This study also suggests that both in-situ surface NOx and O3 observations should be used simultaneously to resolve issues pertaining to simulated high/low O3 bias and that remote-sensing data could be used as a constraint for bottom-up emissions. In addition, we also found that daytime O3 reductions over the outflow regions of LM following large reductions in NOx emissions in the urban areas are significantly larger than they are over outflow regions of PC. These findings provide policymakers in the two regions with information critical to establishing strategies for mitigating air pollution.

- K. Alexander Adelaar, James T. Collins, Bibliografi dialek Melayu di pulau Sumatera. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka (Kementerian Pendidikan Malaysia), 1995, xliii + 201 pp. [Siri Monograf Bibliografi Sejarah Bahasa Melayu.] - K. Alexander Adelaar, James T. Collins, Bibliografi dialek Melayu di pulau Jawa, Bali dan Sri Lanka. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka (Kementerian Pendidikan Malaysia), 1995, xxxvii + 213 pp. [Siri Monograf Bibliografi Sejarah Bahasa Melayu.] - K. Alexander Adelaar, James T. Collins, Bibliografi dialek Melayu di Indonesia Timur. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka (Kementerian Pendidikan Malaysia), 1996, xxx + 103 pp. [Siri Monograf Bibliografi Sejarah Bahasa Melayu.] - K. Alexander Adelaar, James T. Collins, Bibliografi dialek Melayu di pulau Borneo. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka (Kementerian Pendidikan Malaysia), 1990, xxviii + 100 pp. [Siri Monograf Bibliografi Sejarah Bahasa Melayu.] - Freek L. Bakker, Samuel Wälty, Kintamani; Dorf, Land und Rituale; Entwicklung und institutioneller Wandel in einer Bergregion auf Bali. Münster: Lit Verlag, 1997, xii + 352 pp. - René van den Berg, Linda Barsel, The verb morphology of Mori, Sulawesi. Canberra: Department of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National University, 1994, x + 139 pp. [Pacific Linguistics Series B-111.] - Martin van Bruinessen, Darul Aqsha, Islam in Indonesia; A survey of events and developments from 1988 to March 1993. Jakarta: INIS, 1995, 535 pp., Dick van der Meij, Johan Hendrik Meuleman (eds.) - Martin van Bruinessen, Niels Mulder, Inside Indonesian society; Cultural change in Java. Amsterdam: Pepin Press, 1996, 240 pp. [Previously published Bangkok, Duang Kamol, 1994.] - Matthew Isaac Cohen, Craig A, Lockard, Dance of life; Popular music and politics in Southeast Asia. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1998, xix + 390 pp. - Will Derks, Tenas Effendy, Bujang Tan Domang; Sastra lisan orang Petalangan. Yogyakarta: Yayasan Benteng Budaya/Ecole Francaise d’Extrême Orient/The Toyota Foundation, 1997, 818 pp. [Al Azhar and Henri Chambert-Loir (eds).] - Will Derks, Philip Yampolsky, Music from the forests of Riau and Mentawai. Recorded and compiled by Philip Yampolsky; annotated by Hanefi, Ashley Turner, and Philip Yampolsky. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Folkways, 1995. [Music of Indonesia 7SF; CD 40423.] - Will Derks, Philip Yampolsky, Melayu music of Sumatra and the Riau Islands: Zapin, Mak Yong, Mendu, Ronggeng. Recorded, compiled , and annotated by Philip Yampolsky. Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Folkways, 1996. [Music of Indonesia 11 SF; CD 40427.] - Rens Heringa, Roy W. Hamilton, Gift of the cotton maiden; Textiles of Flores and the Solor Islands. Los Angeles: Fowler Museum of Cultural History, University of California, 1994, 287 pp. - Bernice de Jong Boers, Willemijn de Jong, Geschlechtersymmetrie in einer Brautpreisgesellschaft; Die Stoffproduzentinnen der Lio in Indonesien. Berlin: Reimer, 1998, 341 pp. - C. de Jonge, A.Th. Boone, Bekering en beschaving; De agogische activititeiten van het Nederlandsch Zendelinggenootschap in Oost-Java (1840-1865). Zoetermeer: Boekencenturm, 1997, xiv + 222 pp. - Nico Kaptein, Peter G. Riddell, Islam; Essays on scripture, thought and society; A Festschrift in honour of Anthony H. Johns. Leiden: Brill, 1997, xliii + 361 pp., Tony Street (eds.) - Hugo Klooster, Janny de Jong, Niet-westerse geschiedenis; Benaderingen en thema’s. Assen: Van Gorcum, 1998, 185 pp., Gé Prince, Hugo s’Jacob (eds.) - Jean Robert Opgenort, L. Smits, The J.C. Anceaux collection of wordlists of Irian Jaya languages, B: Non-Austronesian (Papuan) languages (Part I). Leiden/Jakarta: Department of Languages and Cultures of Southeast Asia and Oceania, Rijksuniversiteit Leiden/Irian Jaya Studies Interdisciplinary Research Programme (IRIS), 1994, vi + 281 pp. [Irian Jaya Source Materials 9 (Series B No. 3).], C.L. Voorhoeve (eds) (eds.) - Pim Schoorl, Albert Hahl, Gouverneursjahre in Neuguinea. Edited by Wilfried Wagner. Hamburg: Abera Verlag Meyer, 1997, xxxi + 230 pp. - Elly Touwen-Bouwsma, Dieuwke Wendelaar Bonga, Eight prison camps; A Dutch family in Japanese Java. Athens, Ohio: University Center for International Studies, 1996, xii + 219 pp. - Freek Colombijn, Anthony J. Whitten, The ecology of Sumatra. Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press, 1987 [First edition 1984], xxiii + 583 pp., photographs, figures, tables, index., Sengli J. Damanik, Jazanul Anwar (eds.) - David Henley, Anthony J. Whitten, The ecology of Sulawesi. Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press, 1987, xxi + 777 pp., Muslimin Mustafa, Gregory S. Henderson (eds.) - Peter Boomgaard, Tony Whitten, The ecology of Java and Bali. [Singapore]: Periplus Editions, 1996, xxiii + 969 pp. [The Ecology of Indonesia Series 2.], Roehayat Emon Soeriaatmadja, Surya A. Afiff (eds.) - Han Knapen, Kathy MacKinnon, The ecology of Kalimantan. [Singapore]: Periplus Editions, 1996, xxiv + 802 pp., tables, figures, boxes, index. [The Ecology of Indonesia Series 3.], Gusti Hatta, Hakimah Halim (eds.) - Bernice de Jong Boers, Manon Ossewiejer, Kathryn A. Monk, The ecology of Nusa Tenggara and Maluku. [Singapore]: Periplus Editions, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997, xvii + 966 pages, tables, figures, boxes, annexes, appendixes, index. [The Ecology of Indonesia Series 5.], Yance de Fretes, Gayatri Reksodiharjo-Lilley (eds.) - Freek Colombijn, Tomas Tomascik, The ecology of the Indonesian seas [2 volumes]. Hong Kong: Periplus, 1997, xiv + vi + 1388 pp., photographs, figures, tables, indexes. [The Ecology of Indonesia Series 7-8.], Anmarie Janice Mah, Anugerah Nontji (eds.)

In various cultural and religious contexts, from West Asia to Southeast Asia, we come across a number of quite similar creation myths in which a peacock, seated on a cosmic tree, plays a central part. For the Yezidis, a sect of Sufi origins that has moved away from Islam, the Peacock Angel, who is the most glorious of the angels, is the master of the created world. This belief may be related to early Muslim cosmologies involving the Muhammadan Light (Nur Muhammad), which in some narratives had the shape of a peacock and participated in creation. In a different set of myths, the peacock and the Tree of Certainty (shajarat al-yaqīn) play a role in Adam and Eve’s fall and expulsion from Paradise. The central myth of the South Indian Hindu cult of the god Murugan also involves a tree and a peacock. The myth is enacted in the annual ritual of Thaipusam, like the Nur Muhammad myth is still enacted annually in the Maulid festival of Cikoang in South Sulawesi. Images of the peacock, originating from South India, have moved across cultural and religious boundaries and have been adopted as representing the different communities’ peacock myths.

The north-northeast trending Sellarsville and Rafting Ground faults are southeasterly directed Acadian (Devonian) thrusts in the Québec Appalachians. They are located at the western end of the Grand Pabos fault system, a dextral strike-slip fault system that transects Upper Ordovician to Lower Devonian sedimentary rocks in the southern Gaspé Peninsula. The structural analysis of mesoscopic brittle and brittle–ductile shear zones by graphical methods was used to determine the stress field related to these two faults. The attitude of slip lines was calculated when the slickenside striations were not observed on the movement plane. Conjugate faults, Arthaud's method, and Angelier and Mechler's method were used to determine the paleostress. The maximum principal compressive stress σ1, always subhorizontal and striking west-northwest – east-southeast, is perpendicular to the Sellarsville and Rafting Ground faults and was probably the cause of the thrusting motion along the faults. North-northeast-trending regional folds and cleavage could also be related to this same stress. Geological mapping and structural cross sections confirm the southeasterly directed thrust motions, which are well integrated in the Grand Pabos fault system. Sellarsville and Rafting Ground faults with the Restigouche fault may represent a leading contractional imbricate fan in a dextral strike-slip system. [Journal Translation]

Pulau Weh merupakan pulau vulkanik yang dilalui jalur sesar aktif the Great Sumatran Fault. Keberadaan jalur sesar aktif pada suatu kawasan berimplikasi pada ancaman bahaya gempa bumi. Kami telah menggunakan data Digital Elevation Model (DEM) dari Shuttle Radar Topography Mission (SRTM) untuk pemetaan jalur-jalur sesar di Pulau Weh. Data DEM yang diproduksi oleh SRTM diekstrak menjadi hillshade dengan memberikan variasi sudut penyinaran matahari dan altitude 45o. Analisis topografi permukaan bumi memberikan penampakan gerusan-gerusan sesar dan rekahan. Selanjutnya kelurusan-kelurusan ditarik secara manual berdasarkan analisis sesar dan rekahan untuk tiap perbedaan sudut elevasi matahari pada hillshade. Kelurusan-kelurusan yang diperoleh dari tiap hillshade kemudian di-overlay. Berdasarkan jenisnya, kelurusan yang dianggap sebagai sesar dan rekahan diinterpretasi dengan memberikan grid 500 x 500 m. Dengan menggunakan metode FFD, didapatkan kelurusan-kelurusan yang berasosiasi dengan struktur atau merupakan refleksi gambaran topografi berupa kelurusan sungai, kelurusan lembah, struktur sesar maupun rekahan, kontak batuan dan kemunculan manifestasi panas bumi. Terdapat empat lokasi yang memiliki nilai anomali densitas kelurusan tinggi. Dominasi kelurusan yang terdapat di Pulau Weh yaitu Barat Laut-Tenggara. Arah dominan ini bersesuaian dengan arah Sesar Sumatera. Weh Island is a volcanic island crossed by the Great Sumatran Fault. Presence of such active fault may trigger seismic hazard on the island. We have applied Digital Elevation Model (DEM) from Shuttle Radar Topography Mission (SRTM) data to delineate fault distribution in Weh Island. The DEM data produced by SRTM were extracted as hillshade using variation of sun irradiation angels and altitude 45 o. Surface topographic analysis provided fractures and faults signatures on the study area. The faults and fractures lineament were drawn manually for each angle on the hillshades. The lineaments for each hillshade were overlaid. Using Fault Fracture Density (FFD) method we found lineaments associated as geological structures reflected from rivers, valleys, faults, fractures, rock contacts, and geothermal manifestations. There are four locations with high density lineaments on the island. The lineaments mostly directed in Northwest-Southeast which is same direction as the Great Sumatran Fault. Keywords: DEM, SRTM, geomorphology, the Great Sumatran Fault.

The popular historical narrative of the batik Sidoarjo needs to be reexamined based on historical methodology so that there is no historical bias based only on oral stories of the general public. Many studies are trapped in an inaccurate understanding of local historicity. As a result, these various studies have failed to fit batik Sidoarjo into its full context, instead it has become a kind of narrative standardization on its characteristics and history. This study aims to criticize the historical construction that has been popular in relation to the basic understanding of batik Sidoarjo and to explain the position of batik Sidoarjo in the cultural framework of its people. This article is the author's attempt to provide an analysis or explanation that is different from the historical narrative of batik Sidoarjo which is commonly used in various discussions. This research is classified as a qualitative research, using the historical method which consists of four stages, namely heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. This research uses historical and sociological approaches to collect, select, and critically examine historical sources of Sidoarjo batik, resulting in historical facts. The results showed that the historicity of batik Sidoarjo refers to the batik activities in the areas of Kedungcangkring, Jetis, Sekardangan, Gajah Mada St. (Peranakans), and Tulangan, all of which have a direct relationship with both Peranakans nor indigenous. Batik Sidoarjo is not framed by traditional rituals, nor is it under the control and domination of the royal aristocracy. Its growth is based on the factor of the economic needs of the supporting community, which tends to be a trading commodity. The presence of other groups of people or nations such as Peranakan Chinese, Indo-European, Dutch, Arabic contributed to the birth of Sidoarjo batik. Keywords: batik, Sidoarjo, historical criticism.AbstrakNarasi sejarah batik Sidoarjo yang populer perlu dikaji ulang dengan didasari metodologi sejarah sehingga tidak terjadi bias sejarah yang hanya berdasar pada cerita lisan masyarakat umum. Banyak penelitian yang terjebak dalam pemahaman historisitas setempat yang kurang tepat. Akibatnya, berbagai kajian tersebut tidak berhasil mendudukkan batik Sidoarjo sesuai dengan konteksnya secara utuh, malah menjadi semacam standardisasi narasi pada karakteristik maupun sejarahnya. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkritisi konstruksi sejarah yang telah populer terkait pemahaman dasar tentang batik Sidoarjo serta menjelaskan kedudukan batik Sidoarjo dalam kerangka budaya masyarakatnya. Artikel ini merupakan upaya penulis untuk memberikan analisis atau paparan yang berbeda dari narasi sejarah batik Sidoarjo yang umum dilakukan pada berbagai pembahasan. Penelitian ini tergolong dalam penelitian kualitatif, dengan menggunakan metode sejarah yang terdiri atas empat tahap, yaitu heuristik, kritik sumber, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan historis dan sosiologis untuk mengumpulkan, menyeleksi, dan menguji secara kritis sumber-sumber sejarah batik Sidoarjo, sehingga menghasilkan fakta sejarah. Hasil penelitian memperlihatkan bahwa historisitas batik Sidoarjo merujuk pada aktivitas pembatikan yang ada di wilayah Kedungcangkring, Jetis, Sekardangan, Jl. Gajah Mada (China Peranakan), dan Tulangan yang kesemuanya saling terkait memiliki hubungan langsung baik itu pembatikan China peranakan maupun pribumi. Batik Sidoarjo tidak dikerangkai oleh ritual adat, juga tidak di bawah kendali dan dominasi aristokrasi kraton. Pertumbuhannya didasari faktor kebutuhan ekonomi masyarakat pendukungnya, sifatnya cenderung merupakan komoditas dagang. Hadirnya golongan masyarakat atau bangsa lain seperti China Peranakan, Indo-Eropa, Belanda, Arab turut berpengaruh melahirkan batik Sidoarjo.Kata Kunci: batik, Sidoarjo, kritik sejarah. Author:Asy Syams Elya Ahmad : Universitas Negeri Surabaya References:Abbas, Irwan. (2014). Memahami Metodologi Sejarah antara Teori dan Praktek. ETNOHISTORI: Jurnal Ilmiah Kebudayaan dan Kesejerahan, 1(1), 33–41.Abdurrahman, Dudung. (1999). Metode Penelitian Sejarah. Yogyakarta: Logos.Ahmad, Asy Syams Elya. (2013). Kajian Estetik Batik Sidoarjo. Tesis. Tidak Diterbitkan. Bandung: Program Studi Magister Desain, Institut Teknologi Bandung.Anas, Biranul, Hasanuddin, Ratna Panggabean, Yanyan Sunarya. (1997). Indonesia Indah-Buku ke 8; “Batik”. Jakarta: Yayasan Harapan Kita/BP 3 TMII.Anshori, Yusak & Kusrianto, Adi. (2011). Keeksotisan Batik Jawa Timur. Jakarta: Elex Media Komputindo.Anwarid. (2012). Geliat Batik Tulis Sidoarjo. Skripsi. Tidak Diterbitkan. Surabaya: Jurusan Pengembangan Masyarakat Islam, Fakultas Dakwah, Institut Agama Islam Negeri Sunan Ampel.Arfianti, D. Y., Afandi, A. F., permatasari, i., Agustin, F. R., & Nikmah, K. (2018). Batik Jetis Sidoarjo. https://doi.org/ 10.31227/osf.io/xq3r2 (diakses tanggal 17 April 2021).Benard, Russell H. (1994). Research Methods in Anthropology. London: Sage Publications.Carey, Peter. (1996). “The World of the Pasisir”, dalam Fabric of Enchantment; Batik from the North Coast of Java. County Museum of Art.Daliman. (2012). Metode Penelitian Sejarah. Yogyakarta: Ombak.Djoemena, Nian S. (1990a). Batik dan Mitra. Jakarta: Djambatan.________, Nian S. (1990b). Ungkapan Sehelai Batik: Its Mystery and Meaning. Cetakan II. Jakarta: Djambatan.Elliott, Inger McCabe. (2004). Batik, Fabled Cloth of Java. Singapore: Periplus.Fauzi, Ahmad. (2020, Juli 24). Daya Tarik Kampung Batik Jetis Sidoarjo. https://brisik.id/read/ 54889/daya-tarik-kampung-batik-jetis-sidoarjo (diakses tanggal 17 April 2021).Fitinline. (2013, Februari 17). Batik Sidoarjo. https://fitinline.com/article/ read/batik-sidoarjo/ (diakses tanggal 17 April 2021).Garraghan, Gilbert J. 1957. A Guide To Historical Method. New York: Fordham University Press.Gottschalk, Louis. (1975). Mengerti Sejarah. Terjemahan Nugroho Notosusanto. Jakarta: Yayasan Penerbit UI.Gray, Wood. (1964). Historian's Handbook: A Key to the Study and Writing of History. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.Gustami, SP. (2007). Butir-butir Estetika Timur; Ide Dasar Penciptaan Seni Kriya Indonesia. Yogyakarta: Prasista.Hani, Asfi. (2020, September 18). Sejarah Batik di Kampung Batik Jetis Sidoarjo. https://www. kompasiana.com/asfihani5098/5f642741097f3602e03e3cc3/sejarah-batik-di-kampung-batik-jetis-sidoarjo?page=all (diakses tanggal 17 April 2021).Hasanuddin. (2001). Batik Pesisiran: Melacak Etos Dagang Santri pada Ragam Hias Batik. Bandung: Kiblat.Harris, Jennifer, Ed. (1993). 5000 Years of Textiles. London: The British Museum Press.Hitchcock, Michael. (1991). Indonesian Textiles. Periplus Editions (HK) Ltd.Heringa, Rens & Veldhuisen, H.C. (1996). Fabric of Enchantment; Batik from the North Coast of Java. Los Angeles: County Museum of Art.Heringa, Rens. (2010). "Upland Tribe, Coastal Village, and Inland Court: Revised Parameters for Batik Research" dalam Five Centuries of Indonesian Textiles. Ruth Barnes & Mary Hunt Kahlenberg (Ed). Munich: Prestel.Irwanto, Dedi & Sair, Alian. (2014) Metodologi dan Historiografi Sejarah. Yogyakarta: EJA PUBLISHER.Irwantono, Yusuf & Hidayatun M.I. (2019). Fasilitas Wisata Edukasi Batik Sidoarjo di Sidoarjo. Jurnal eDIMENSI ARSITEKTUR, 7(1), 1089–1096. Ishwara, Helen, L.R. Supriyapto Yahya, Xenia Moeis. (2011). Batik Pesisir Pusaka Indonesia; Koleksi Hartono Sumarsono. Jakarta: KPG.Kartodirdjo, Sartono (1993). Pendekatan Ilmu Sosial dalam Metodologi Sejarah. Jakarta: Gramedia.Khasanah, Uswatun. (2018, Juni 8). Batik Asli Sidoarjo.https://doi.org/ 10.31227/ osf.io/zdka8 (diakses tanggal 17 April 2021).Kuntowijoyo. (2013). Pengantar Ilmu Sejarah. Yogyakarta: Tiara Wacana.Listanto, Virgiawan. (2019). “Batik Sebagai Representasi Produk Indsutri Kreatif di Sidoarjo Reinvensi Pragmatis untuk Inovasi Industri Kreatif Berbasis Budaya Visual Nusantara." Prosiding Seminar Nasional Seni dan Desain 2019, 465–469. Surabaya: Universitas Negeri Surabaya.Majlis, Brigitte Khan. (2000). “Javanesse Batik: An Introduction” dalam Rudolf G. Smend, Batik from The Courts of Java and Sumatra. Singapore: Periplus.Masadmin, (2016, Oktober 3). Batik Jetis Sidoarjo. Badan Perpustakaan dan Kearsipan Provinsi Jawa Timur. https:// jawatimuran.disperpusip. jatimprov.go.id/2016/10/03/batik-jetis-sidoarjo/ (diakses tanggal 17 April 2021).Maxwell, Robyn. (2003). Textiles of Southeast Asia: tradition, trade and transformation. Hongkong: Tuttle.Pranoto, Suhartono W. (2010). Teori dan Metodologi Sejarah. Yogyakarta: Graha Ilmu.Qamariah, Desti. (2012). Perkembangan Motif Batik Tulis Jetis Sidoarjo (2008-2011). Skripsi. Tidak Diterbitkan. Malang: Program Studi Pendidikan Sejarah, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial, Universitas Negeri Malang.Ran. (2015, Desember 5). Sempat Tenggelam, Kini Kian Eksis: Sejarah Panjang Batik Sidoarjo. Jawa Pos. https://www.pressreader.com/indone sia/jawa-pos/20151205/282656096383339 (diakses tanggal 17 April 2021).Ramadhan, Iwet. (2013). Cerita Batik. Tangerang: Literati.Rouffaer, G.P. & Juynboll, H.H. (1914). De Batikkunst in Nederlandsch Indië en haar geschiedenis. Utrecht: Oosthoek.Rusli. (2013). “Pendokumentasian Artifak Sejarah Pembatikan di Kedungcangkring”. Hasil Dokumentasi Pribadi: 2 Februari 2013. Kedungcangkring, Sidoarjo.Skocpol, Theda (ed.). (1984). Vision and Method in Historical Sociology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Solikha, Rokhimatus. (2019). Sejarah Perkembangan dan Pengaruh Batik Jetis dalam Perekonomian Masyarakat Desa Jetis Sidoarjo. Skripsi. Tidak Diterbitkan. Surabaya: Program Studi Sejarah Peradaban Islam, Fakultas Adab dan Humaniora, Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Ampel.Spradley, James. (1997). Metode Etnografi. Yogyakarta: Tiara Wacana.Susanto, Sewan. (1980). Seni Kerajinan Batik Indonesia. Jakarta: Balai Penelitian Batik dan Kerajinan. Lembaga Penelitian dan Pendidikan Industri, Departemen Perindustrian RI.Tjoa, Dave. (2004, Oktober 5). Batik Sidoarjo: Kampung Batik Jetis, Kampung Pengrajin Batik Tulis Sidoarjo. http://jejakbatik.blogspot. com/2014/10/batik-sidoarjo.html (diakses tang-gal 17 April 2021).Van Leur, J.C. (1955). Indonesian Trade and Society: Essay in Asean Social and Economical History. ‘s-Gravenhage: n.v. Uitgeverij W. Van Hoove.Van Roojen, Pepin. 2001. Batik Design. Amsterdam: Pepin Press.Wasino & Hartatik, Endah Sri. (2018). Metode Penelitian Sejarah: dari Riset hingga Penulisan. Yogyakarta: Magnum Pustaka Utama.Wibowo, Januar, Haryanto Tanuwijaya, Achmad Yanu A.F. (2016). “Rancang Bangun Management Information System Batik Tradisional Jawa Timur sebagai Upaya Pelestarian Warisan Budaya Bangsa”. Laporan Akhir Penelitian Hibah Bersaing. Tidak Diterbitkan. Surabaya: Institut Bisnis dan Informatika, STIKOM.Wirawan, Rizky S. & Trilaksana, Agus. (2015). Sejarah Industrialisasi Batik di Kampung Batik Jetis Sidoarjo Tahun 1970-2013. AVATARA, e-Journal Pendidikan Sejarah, 3(3), 480–486.Wulandari, Ari. (2011). Batik Nusantara; Makna Filosofis, Cara Pembuatan dan Industri Batik. Yogyakarta: Andi.Wulandari, S.E., Imam As’ary, Yudi Prasetyo. (2013). Perkembangan Motif Batik Jetis Sidoarjo dalam Tinjauan Sejarah. GENTA: Jurnal Pendidikan Sejarah, 1(1), 1–12.Yanuar. (2016, Oktober 19). Kampung Kuno Jetis Penghasil Batik Tulis Khas Sidoarjo. https://kabarinews.com/kampung-kuno-jetis-penghasil-batik-tulis-khas-sidoarjo/87296 (diakses tanggal 17 April 2021).

Abstract. Tolentino PJS, Navidad JRL, Angeles MD, Fernandez AP, Villanueva ELC, Obena RDR, Buot Jr IE. 2020. Review: Biodiversity of forests over limestone in Southeast Asia with emphasis on the Philippines. Biodiversitas 21: 1597-1613. A comprehensive review of literature was carried out to determine the status of plant and animal diversity on forests over limestone in Southeast Asia (SEA), particularly in the Philippines. Angiosperm records are available in Peninsular Malaysia (1216 spp.); West Java and Seram Indonesia (101 and 149 spp., respectively); Laos (135 spp.); Thailand and Myanmar (1 sp.); and Limestone areas in Vietnam. Pteridophytes were recorded in Malaysia (32 spp.) while Bryophytes are recorded in Peninsular Malaysia (59 spp.). In the Philippines, there are plant records in: Masbate (61 spp.); Isabela (169 spp. Pteridophytes); Bohol (12 spp.), and Samar forests over limestone (29 spp. palms and 20 spp. orchids). A floral assessment in Samar Island Natural Park (SINP) includes species (212 spp.) that can possibly be found but are not limited to karsts. New Philippine endemic species are also recorded in Cebu, Palawan, and Panay Island. There are animal records in SEA including Vietnam (Bats-36, Bird-1, and Langurs-5 spp.); Malaysia (Sciuridae-1, Bats-28, Birds-129, Reptiles-17, and Invertebrates-74 spp.); Thailand (Murids-12, Reptiles-11, and Amphibian-1 sp.); and Myanmar (Reptiles-15 spp.). Records in the Philippines include: Mammals (Bicol-9, Mt. Irid-24, Mt. Aruyan-1, and Cebu-1 species), and; Birds (Cebu-1 sp.). A terrestrial faunal assessment in SINP includes species (182 spp.) that can possibly be found but are not limited to karsts. Forests over limestone are still largely understudied and the potential of discovering species is high. Further research is critical to establish science-based initiatives and policies that will protect and conserve limestone ecosystem biodiversity while allowing the utilization of its biological resources at a sustainable level.

ABSTRACT Earthquake early warning (EEW) systems can quickly identify the beginning of a significant earthquake rupture, but the first seconds of seismic data have not been found to predict the final rupture length. We present two approaches for estimating probabilities of rupture length given the rupture initiation from an EEW system. In the first approach, bends and steps on the fault are interpreted as physical mechanisms for rupture arrest. Arrest probability relations are developed from empirical observations and depend on bend angle and step size. Probability of arrest compounds serially with increasing rupture length as bends or steps are encountered. In the second approach, time-independent rates among ruptures from the Uniform California Earthquake Rupture Forecast, Version 3 (UCERF3), are interpreted to apply to the time-dependent condition in which rupture grows from a known starting point. Length probabilities from a Gutenberg–Richter magnitude–frequency relation provide a reference of comparison. We illustrate the new approach using the discretized fault model for California developed for UCERF3. For the case of rupture initiating on the southeast end of the San Andreas fault we find the geometric complexity of the Mill Creek section impedes most ruptures, and only ∼5% are predicted to reach to San Bernardino on the eastern edge of the greater Los Angeles region. Conditional probabilities of length can be precompiled in this manner for any initiation point on the fault system and thus are of potential value in seismic hazard and EEW applications.

During the late 17th-early 18th century, Spanish forces colonized the middle reaches of the Neches River and its tributaries when several missions were established for the Tejas and other Hasinai tribes in this locale: Mission San Francisco de los Tejas, 1690-1693, Mission El Santisimo de Nombre Maria (1690-1692), and Mission Nuestra Padre de San Francisco de Tejas (1716-1719, 1721-1730), otherwise known as Mission San Francisco de los Nechas. These missions were established along the Hasinai Trace, later known as El Camino Real de los Tejas . None of these missions have been located and identified in the many archaeological investigations that have been conducted in East Texas since the 1930s. It has been known, however, since 1940 that early 18th century artifacts have been found at the George C. Davis site (41CE19) on the Neches River at the crossing of the Camino Real. H. Perry Newell, the Works Progress Administration (WPA) excavator of the site, had noted in the published report on the 1939-1941 excavations at the George C. Davis site, that: some pieces of Spanish pottery found near a spring in one of the ravines cutting the slope a few hundred yards southeast from the mound [Mound A]…The Spanish ware were examined by Arthur Woodward, Los Angeles County Museum…The Spanish ware was analyzed as follows: “The fragment of blue and white glazed ware is Mexican majolica, made at Puebla, Mexico, sometime between 1700-76 but more than likely it dates from 1720-1750." This majolica from the George C. Davis site, about 20 sherds in total, has been recently relocated in the collections of the Texas Archeological Research Laboratory at The University of Texas at Austin. The sherds are from early 18th century (ca. 1720) Puebla Blue on White plates, a bowl, and a cup. Given the rarity of majolica on archaeological sites in East Texas outside of Spanish Colonial archaeological deposits, its presence at the George C. Davis site is especially intriguing given the fact that Mission San Francisco de Tejas/de los Nechas or Neches was built in this part of the Neches River valley in 1716, then rebuilt in 1721, and finally abandoned in 1730.

Angel investor plays an important role in the startup ecosystem, and is a factor that fills the capital gap for startups and also brings many benefits to startups when they can accompany and support expertise, management and consulting for startups. In the early stage of establishment and development of the startup ecosystem, the role of governments was important in issuing policies and providing solutions to promote angel investment. For Vietnam, encouraging angel investors to invest in startups is an important policy in developing the startup ecosystem. With research on policies to promote angel investment in startups in some countries in Southeast Asia including: Singapore, Thailand and Malaysia, the article summarizes some experiences to promote angel investment in startups in Vietnam.
 Keyword:
 Angel investor, startup.
 References
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When George Orwell encountered ideas of a technological utopia sixty-five years ago, he acted the grumpy middle-aged man Reading recently a batch of rather shallowly optimistic “progressive” books, I was struck by the automatic way in which people go on repeating certain phrases which were fashionable before 1914. Two great favourites are “the abolition of distance” and “the disappearance of frontiers”. I do not know how often I have met with the statements that “the aeroplane and the radio have abolished distance” and “all parts of the world are now interdependent” (1944). It is worth revisiting the old boy’s grumpiness, because the rhetoric he so niftily skewers continues in our own time. Facebook features “Peace on Facebook” and even claims that it can “decrease world conflict” through inter-cultural communication. Twitter has announced itself as “a triumph of humanity” (“A Cyber-House” 61). Queue George. In between Orwell and latter-day hoody cybertarians, a whole host of excitable public intellectuals announced the impending end of materiality through emergent media forms. Marshall McLuhan, Neil Postman, Daniel Bell, Ithiel de Sola Pool, George Gilder, Alvin Toffler—the list of 1960s futurists goes on and on. And this wasn’t just a matter of punditry: the OECD decreed the coming of the “information society” in 1975 and the European Union (EU) followed suit in 1979, while IBM merrily declared an “information age” in 1977. Bell theorized this technological utopia as post-ideological, because class would cease to matter (Mattelart). Polluting industries seemingly no longer represented the dynamic core of industrial capitalism; instead, market dynamism radiated from a networked, intellectual core of creative and informational activities. The new information and knowledge-based economies would rescue First World hegemony from an “insurgent world” that lurked within as well as beyond itself (Schiller). Orwell’s others and the Cold-War futurists propagated one of the most destructive myths shaping both public debate and scholarly studies of the media, culture, and communication. They convinced generations of analysts, activists, and arrivistes that the promises and problems of the media could be understood via metaphors of the environment, and that the media were weightless and virtual. The famous medium they wished us to see as the message —a substance as vital to our wellbeing as air, water, and soil—turned out to be no such thing. Today’s cybertarians inherit their anti-Marxist, anti-materialist positions, as a casual glance at any new media journal, culture-industry magazine, or bourgeois press outlet discloses. The media are undoubtedly important instruments of social cohesion and fragmentation, political power and dissent, democracy and demagoguery, and other fraught extensions of human consciousness. But talk of media systems as equivalent to physical ecosystems—fashionable among marketers and media scholars alike—is predicated on the notion that they are environmentally benign technologies. This has never been true, from the beginnings of print to today’s cloud-covered computing. Our new book Greening the Media focuses on the environmental impact of the media—the myriad ways that media technology consumes, despoils, and wastes natural resources. We introduce ideas, stories, and facts that have been marginal or absent from popular, academic, and professional histories of media technology. Throughout, ecological issues have been at the core of our work and we immodestly think the same should apply to media communications, and cultural studies more generally. We recognize that those fields have contributed valuable research and teaching that address environmental questions. For instance, there is an abundant literature on representations of the environment in cinema, how to communicate environmental messages successfully, and press coverage of climate change. That’s not enough. You may already know that media technologies contain toxic substances. You may have signed an on-line petition protesting the hazardous and oppressive conditions under which workers assemble cell phones and computers. But you may be startled, as we were, by the scale and pervasiveness of these environmental risks. They are present in and around every site where electronic and electric devices are manufactured, used, and thrown away, poisoning humans, animals, vegetation, soil, air and water. We are using the term “media” as a portmanteau word to cover a multitude of cultural and communications machines and processes—print, film, radio, television, information and communications technologies (ICT), and consumer electronics (CE). This is not only for analytical convenience, but because there is increasing overlap between the sectors. CE connect to ICT and vice versa; televisions resemble computers; books are read on telephones; newspapers are written through clouds; and so on. Cultural forms and gadgets that were once separate are now linked. The currently fashionable notion of convergence doesn’t quite capture the vastness of this integration, which includes any object with a circuit board, scores of accessories that plug into it, and a global nexus of labor and environmental inputs and effects that produce and flow from it. In 2007, a combination of ICT/CE and media production accounted for between 2 and 3 percent of all greenhouse gases emitted around the world (“Gartner Estimates,”; International Telecommunication Union; Malmodin et al.). Between twenty and fifty million tonnes of electronic waste (e-waste) are generated annually, much of it via discarded cell phones and computers, which affluent populations throw out regularly in order to buy replacements. (Presumably this fits the narcissism of small differences that distinguishes them from their own past.) E-waste is historically produced in the Global North—Australasia, Western Europe, Japan, and the US—and dumped in the Global South—Latin America, Africa, Eastern Europe, Southern and Southeast Asia, and China. It takes the form of a thousand different, often deadly, materials for each electrical and electronic gadget. This trend is changing as India and China generate their own media detritus (Robinson; Herat). Enclosed hard drives, backlit screens, cathode ray tubes, wiring, capacitors, and heavy metals pose few risks while these materials remain encased. But once discarded and dismantled, ICT/CE have the potential to expose workers and ecosystems to a morass of toxic components. Theoretically, “outmoded” parts could be reused or swapped for newer parts to refurbish devices. But items that are defined as waste undergo further destruction in order to collect remaining parts and valuable metals, such as gold, silver, copper, and rare-earth elements. This process causes serious health risks to bones, brains, stomachs, lungs, and other vital organs, in addition to birth defects and disrupted biological development in children. Medical catastrophes can result from lead, cadmium, mercury, other heavy metals, poisonous fumes emitted in search of precious metals, and such carcinogenic compounds as polychlorinated biphenyls, dioxin, polyvinyl chloride, and flame retardants (Maxwell and Miller 13). The United States’ Environmental Protection Agency estimates that by 2007 US residents owned approximately three billion electronic devices, with an annual turnover rate of 400 million units, and well over half such purchases made by women. Overall CE ownership varied with age—adults under 45 typically boasted four gadgets; those over 65 made do with one. The Consumer Electronics Association (CEA) says US$145 billion was expended in the sector in 2006 in the US alone, up 13% on the previous year. The CEA refers joyously to a “consumer love affair with technology continuing at a healthy clip.” In the midst of a recession, 2009 saw $165 billion in sales, and households owned between fifteen and twenty-four gadgets on average. By 2010, US$233 billion was spent on electronic products, three-quarters of the population owned a computer, nearly half of all US adults owned an MP3 player, and 85% had a cell phone. By all measures, the amount of ICT/CE on the planet is staggering. As investigative science journalist, Elizabeth Grossman put it: “no industry pushes products into the global market on the scale that high-tech electronics does” (Maxwell and Miller 2). In 2007, “of the 2.25 million tons of TVs, cell phones and computer products ready for end-of-life management, 18% (414,000 tons) was collected for recycling and 82% (1.84 million tons) was disposed of, primarily in landfill” (Environmental Protection Agency 1). Twenty million computers fell obsolete across the US in 1998, and the rate was 130,000 a day by 2005. It has been estimated that the five hundred million personal computers discarded in the US between 1997 and 2007 contained 6.32 billion pounds of plastics, 1.58 billion pounds of lead, three million pounds of cadmium, 1.9 million pounds of chromium, and 632000 pounds of mercury (Environmental Protection Agency; Basel Action Network and Silicon Valley Toxics Coalition 6). The European Union is expected to generate upwards of twelve million tons annually by 2020 (Commission of the European Communities 17). While refrigerators and dangerous refrigerants account for the bulk of EU e-waste, about 44% of the most toxic e-waste measured in 2005 came from medium-to-small ICT/CE: computer monitors, TVs, printers, ink cartridges, telecommunications equipment, toys, tools, and anything with a circuit board (Commission of the European Communities 31-34). Understanding the enormity of the environmental problems caused by making, using, and disposing of media technologies should arrest our enthusiasm for them. But intellectual correctives to the “love affair” with technology, or technophilia, have come and gone without establishing much of a foothold against the breathtaking flood of gadgets and the propaganda that proclaims their awe-inspiring capabilities.[i] There is a peculiar enchantment with the seeming magic of wireless communication, touch-screen phones and tablets, flat-screen high-definition televisions, 3-D IMAX cinema, mobile computing, and so on—a totemic, quasi-sacred power that the historian of technology David Nye has named the technological sublime (Nye Technological Sublime 297).[ii] We demonstrate in our book why there is no place for the technological sublime in projects to green the media. But first we should explain why such symbolic power does not accrue to more mundane technologies; after all, for the time-strapped cook, a pressure cooker does truly magical things. Three important qualities endow ICT/CE with unique symbolic potency—virtuality, volume, and novelty. The technological sublime of media technology is reinforced by the “virtual nature of much of the industry’s content,” which “tends to obscure their responsibility for a vast proliferation of hardware, all with high levels of built-in obsolescence and decreasing levels of efficiency” (Boyce and Lewis 5). Planned obsolescence entered the lexicon as a new “ethics” for electrical engineering in the 1920s and ’30s, when marketers, eager to “habituate people to buying new products,” called for designs to become quickly obsolete “in efficiency, economy, style, or taste” (Grossman 7-8).[iii] This defines the short lifespan deliberately constructed for computer systems (drives, interfaces, operating systems, batteries, etc.) by making tiny improvements incompatible with existing hardware (Science and Technology Council of the American Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences 33-50; Boyce and Lewis). With planned obsolescence leading to “dizzying new heights” of product replacement (Rogers 202), there is an overstated sense of the novelty and preeminence of “new” media—a “cult of the present” is particularly dazzled by the spread of electronic gadgets through globalization (Mattelart and Constantinou 22). References to the symbolic power of media technology can be found in hymnals across the internet and the halls of academe: technologies change us, the media will solve social problems or create new ones, ICTs transform work, monopoly ownership no longer matters, journalism is dead, social networking enables social revolution, and the media deliver a cleaner, post-industrial, capitalism. Here is a typical example from the twilight zone of the technological sublime (actually, the OECD): A major feature of the knowledge-based economy is the impact that ICTs have had on industrial structure, with a rapid growth of services and a relative decline of manufacturing. Services are typically less energy intensive and less polluting, so among those countries with a high and increasing share of services, we often see a declining energy intensity of production … with the emergence of the Knowledge Economy ending the old linear relationship between output and energy use (i.e. partially de-coupling growth and energy use) (Houghton 1) This statement mixes half-truths and nonsense. In reality, old-time, toxic manufacturing has moved to the Global South, where it is ascendant; pollution levels are rising worldwide; and energy consumption is accelerating in residential and institutional sectors, due almost entirely to ICT/CE usage, despite advances in energy conservation technology (a neat instance of the age-old Jevons Paradox). In our book we show how these are all outcomes of growth in ICT/CE, the foundation of the so-called knowledge-based economy. ICT/CE are misleadingly presented as having little or no material ecological impact. In the realm of everyday life, the sublime experience of electronic machinery conceals the physical work and material resources that go into them, while the technological sublime makes the idea that more-is-better palatable, axiomatic; even sexy. In this sense, the technological sublime relates to what Marx called “the Fetishism which attaches itself to the products of labour” once they are in the hands of the consumer, who lusts after them as if they were “independent beings” (77). There is a direct but unseen relationship between technology’s symbolic power and the scale of its environmental impact, which the economist Juliet Schor refers to as a “materiality paradox” —the greater the frenzy to buy goods for their transcendent or nonmaterial cultural meaning, the greater the use of material resources (40-41). We wrote Greening the Media knowing that a study of the media’s effect on the environment must work especially hard to break the enchantment that inflames popular and elite passions for media technologies. We understand that the mere mention of the political-economic arrangements that make shiny gadgets possible, or the environmental consequences of their appearance and disappearance, is bad medicine. It’s an unwelcome buzz kill—not a cool way to converse about cool stuff. But we didn’t write the book expecting to win many allies among high-tech enthusiasts and ICT/CE industry leaders. We do not dispute the importance of information and communication media in our lives and modern social systems. We are media people by profession and personal choice, and deeply immersed in the study and use of emerging media technologies. But we think it’s time for a balanced assessment with less hype and more practical understanding of the relationship of media technologies to the biosphere they inhabit. Media consumers, designers, producers, activists, researchers, and policy makers must find new and effective ways to move ICT/CE production and consumption toward ecologically sound practices. In the course of this project, we found in casual conversation, lecture halls, classroom discussions, and correspondence, consistent and increasing concern with the environmental impact of media technology, especially the deleterious effects of e-waste toxins on workers, air, water, and soil. We have learned that the grip of the technological sublime is not ironclad. Its instability provides a point of departure for investigating and criticizing the relationship between the media and the environment. The media are, and have been for a long time, intimate environmental participants. Media technologies are yesterday’s, today’s, and tomorrow’s news, but rarely in the way they should be. The prevailing myth is that the printing press, telegraph, phonograph, photograph, cinema, telephone, wireless radio, television, and internet changed the world without changing the Earth. In reality, each technology has emerged by despoiling ecosystems and exposing workers to harmful environments, a truth obscured by symbolic power and the power of moguls to set the terms by which such technologies are designed and deployed. Those who benefit from ideas of growth, progress, and convergence, who profit from high-tech innovation, monopoly, and state collusion—the military-industrial-entertainment-academic complex and multinational commandants of labor—have for too long ripped off the Earth and workers. As the current celebration of media technology inevitably winds down, perhaps it will become easier to comprehend that digital wonders come at the expense of employees and ecosystems. This will return us to Max Weber’s insistence that we understand technology in a mundane way as a “mode of processing material goods” (27). Further to understanding that ordinariness, we can turn to the pioneering conversation analyst Harvey Sacks, who noted three decades ago “the failures of technocratic dreams [:] that if only we introduced some fantastic new communication machine the world will be transformed.” Such fantasies derived from the very banality of these introductions—that every time they took place, one more “technical apparatus” was simply “being made at home with the rest of our world’ (548). Media studies can join in this repetitive banality. Or it can withdraw the welcome mat for media technologies that despoil the Earth and wreck the lives of those who make them. In our view, it’s time to green the media by greening media studies. References “A Cyber-House Divided.” Economist 4 Sep. 2010: 61-62. “Gartner Estimates ICT Industry Accounts for 2 Percent of Global CO2 Emissions.” Gartner press release. 6 April 2007. ‹http://www.gartner.com/it/page.jsp?id=503867›. Basel Action Network and Silicon Valley Toxics Coalition. Exporting Harm: The High-Tech Trashing of Asia. Seattle: Basel Action Network, 25 Feb. 2002. Benjamin, Walter. “Central Park.” Trans. Lloyd Spencer with Mark Harrington. New German Critique 34 (1985): 32-58. Biagioli, Mario. “Postdisciplinary Liaisons: Science Studies and the Humanities.” Critical Inquiry 35.4 (2009): 816-33. Boyce, Tammy and Justin Lewis, eds. Climate Change and the Media. New York: Peter Lang, 2009. Commission of the European Communities. “Impact Assessment.” Commission Staff Working Paper accompanying the Proposal for a Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council on Waste Electrical and Electronic Equipment (WEEE) (recast). COM (2008) 810 Final. Brussels: Commission of the European Communities, 3 Dec. 2008. Environmental Protection Agency. Management of Electronic Waste in the United States. Washington, DC: EPA, 2007 Environmental Protection Agency. Statistics on the Management of Used and End-of-Life Electronics. Washington, DC: EPA, 2008 Grossman, Elizabeth. Tackling High-Tech Trash: The E-Waste Explosion & What We Can Do about It. New York: Demos, 2008. ‹http://www.demos.org/pubs/e-waste_FINAL.pdf› Herat, Sunil. “Review: Sustainable Management of Electronic Waste (e-Waste).” Clean 35.4 (2007): 305-10. Houghton, J. “ICT and the Environment in Developing Countries: Opportunities and Developments.” Paper prepared for the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, 2009. International Telecommunication Union. ICTs for Environment: Guidelines for Developing Countries, with a Focus on Climate Change. Geneva: ICT Applications and Cybersecurity Division Policies and Strategies Department ITU Telecommunication Development Sector, 2008. Malmodin, Jens, Åsa Moberg, Dag Lundén, Göran Finnveden, and Nina Lövehagen. “Greenhouse Gas Emissions and Operational Electricity Use in the ICT and Entertainment & Media Sectors.” Journal of Industrial Ecology 14.5 (2010): 770-90. Marx, Karl. Capital: Vol. 1: A Critical Analysis of Capitalist Production, 3rd ed. Trans. Samuel Moore and Edward Aveling, Ed. Frederick Engels. New York: International Publishers, 1987. Mattelart, Armand and Costas M. Constantinou. “Communications/Excommunications: An Interview with Armand Mattelart.” Trans. Amandine Bled, Jacques Guot, and Costas Constantinou. Review of International Studies 34.1 (2008): 21-42. Mattelart, Armand. “Cómo nació el mito de Internet.” Trans. Yanina Guthman. El mito internet. Ed. Victor Hugo de la Fuente. Santiago: Editorial aún creemos en los sueños, 2002. 25-32. Maxwell, Richard and Toby Miller. Greening the Media. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012. Nye, David E. American Technological Sublime. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1994. Nye, David E. Technology Matters: Questions to Live With. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. 2007. Orwell, George. “As I Please.” Tribune. 12 May 1944. Richtel, Matt. “Consumers Hold on to Products Longer.” New York Times: B1, 26 Feb. 2011. Robinson, Brett H. “E-Waste: An Assessment of Global Production and Environmental Impacts.” Science of the Total Environment 408.2 (2009): 183-91. Rogers, Heather. Gone Tomorrow: The Hidden Life of Garbage. New York: New Press, 2005. Sacks, Harvey. Lectures on Conversation. Vols. I and II. Ed. Gail Jefferson. Malden: Blackwell, 1995. Schiller, Herbert I. Information and the Crisis Economy. Norwood: Ablex Publishing, 1984. Schor, Juliet B. Plenitude: The New Economics of True Wealth. New York: Penguin, 2010. Science and Technology Council of the American Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences. The Digital Dilemma: Strategic Issues in Archiving and Accessing Digital Motion Picture Materials. Los Angeles: Academy Imprints, 2007. Weber, Max. “Remarks on Technology and Culture.” Trans. Beatrix Zumsteg and Thomas M. Kemple. Ed. Thomas M. Kemple. Theory, Culture [i] The global recession that began in 2007 has been the main reason for some declines in Global North energy consumption, slower turnover in gadget upgrades, and longer periods of consumer maintenance of electronic goods (Richtel). [ii] The emergence of the technological sublime has been attributed to the Western triumphs in the post-Second World War period, when technological power supposedly supplanted the power of nature to inspire fear and astonishment (Nye Technology Matters 28). Historian Mario Biagioli explains how the sublime permeates everyday life through technoscience: "If around 1950 the popular imaginary placed science close to the military and away from the home, today’s technoscience frames our everyday life at all levels, down to our notion of the self" (818). [iii] This compulsory repetition is seemingly undertaken each time as a novelty, governed by what German cultural critic Walter Benjamin called, in his awkward but occasionally illuminating prose, "the ever-always-the-same" of "mass-production" cloaked in "a hitherto unheard-of significance" (48).

The Black Summer of 2019/2020 saw the forests of southeast Australia go up in flames. The fire season started early, in September 2019, and by March 2020 fires had burned over 12.6 million hectares (Werner and Lyons). The scale and severity of the fires was quickly confirmed by scientists to be “unprecedented globally” (Boer et al.) and attributable to climate change (Nolan et al.).The fires were also a media spectacle, generating months of apocalyptic front-page images and harrowing broadcast footage. Media coverage was particularly preoccupied by the cause of the fires. Media framing of disasters often seeks to attribute blame (Anderson et al.; Ewart and McLean) and, over the course of the fire period, blame for the fires was attributed to climate change in much media coverage. However, as the disaster unfolded, denialist discourses in some media outlets sought to veil this revelation by providing alternative explanations for the fires. Misinformation originating from social media also contributed to this obscuration.In this article, we investigate the extent to which media coverage of the 2019/2020 bushfires functioned both to precipitate a climate change epiphany and also to support refutation of the connection between catastrophic fires and the climate crisis.Environmental Communication and RevelationIn its biblical sense, revelation is both an ending and an opening: it is the apocalyptic end-time and also the “revealing” of this time through stories and images. Environmental communication has always been revelatory, in these dual senses of the word – it is a mode of communication that is tightly bound to crisis; that has long grappled with obfuscation and misinformation; and that disrupts power structures and notions of the status quo as it seeks to reveal what is hidden. Climate change in particular is associated in the popular imagination with apocalypse, and is also a reality that is constantly being “revealed”. Indeed, the narrative of climate change has been “animated by the revelations of science” (McNeish 1045) and presented to the public through “key moments of disclosure and revelation”, or “signal moments”, such as scientist James Hansen’s 1988 US Senate testimony on global warming (Hamblyn 224).Journalism is “at the frontline of environmental communication” (Parham 96) and environmental news, too, is often revelatory in nature – it exposes the problems inherent in the human relationship with the natural world, and it reveals the scientific evidence behind contentious issues such as climate change. Like other environmental communicators, environmental journalists seek to “break through the perceptual paralysis” (Nisbet 44) surrounding climate change, with the dual aim of better informing the public and instigating policy change. Yet leading environmental commentators continually call for “better media coverage” of the planetary crisis (Suzuki), as climate change is repeatedly bumped off the news agenda by stories and events deemed more newsworthy.News coverage of climate-related disasters is often revelatory both in tone and in cultural function. The disasters themselves and the news narratives which communicate them become processes that make visible what is hidden. Because environmental news is “event driven” (Hansen 95), disasters receive far more news coverage than ongoing problems and trends such as climate change itself, or more quietly devastating issues such as species extinction or climate migration. Disasters are also highly visual in nature. Trumbo (269) describes climate change as an issue that is urgent, global in scale, and yet “practically invisible”; in this sense, climate-related disasters become a means of visualising and realising what is otherwise a complex, difficult, abstract, and un-seeable concept.Unsurprisingly, natural disasters are often presented to the public through a film of apocalyptic rhetoric and imagery. Yet natural disasters can be also “revelatory” moments: instances of awakening in which suppressed truths come spectacularly and devastatingly to the surface. Matthewman (9–10) argues that “disasters afford us insights into social reality that ordinarily pass unnoticed. As such, they can be read as modes of disclosure, forms of communication”. Disasters, he continues, can reveal both “our new normal” and “our general existential condition”, bringing “the underbelly of progress into sharp relief”. Similarly, Lukes (1) states that disasters “lift veils”, revealing “what is hidden from view in normal times”. Yet for Lukes, “the revelation tells us nothing new, nothing that we did not already know”, and is instead a forced confronting of that which is known yet difficult to engage with. Lukes’ concern is the “revealing” of poverty and inequality in New Orleans following the impact of Hurricane Katrina, yet climate-related disasters can also make visible what McNeish terms “the dark side effects of industrial civilisation” (1047). The Australian bushfires of 2019/2020 can be read in these terms, primarily because they unveiled the connection between climate change and extreme events. Scorching millions of hectares, with a devastating impact on human and non-human communities, the fires revealed climate change as a physical reality, and—for Australians—as a local issue as well as a global one. As media coverage of the fires unfolded and smoke settled on half the country, the impact of climate change on individual lives, communities, landscapes, native animal and plant species, and well-established cultural practices (such as the summer camping holiday) could be fully and dramatically realised. Even for those Australians not immediately impacted, the effects were lived and felt: in our lungs, and on our skin, a physical revelation that the impacts of climate change are not limited to geographically distant people or as-yet-unborn future generations. For many of us, the summer of fire was a realisation that climate change can no longer be held at arm’s length.“Revelation” also involves a temporal collapse whereby the future is dragged into the present. A revelatory streak of this nature has always existed at the heart of environmental communication and can be traced back at least as far as the environmentalist Rachel Carson, whose 1962 book Silent Spring revealed a bleak, apocalyptic future devoid of wildlife and birdsong. In other words, environmental communication can inspire action for change by exposing the ways in which the comforts and securities of the present are built upon a refusal to engage with the future. This temporal rupture where the future meets the present is particularly characteristic of climate change narratives. It is not surprising, then, that media coverage of the 2019/2020 bushfires addressed not just the immediate loss and devastation but also dread of the future, and the understanding that summer will increasingly hold such threats. Bushfires, Climate Change and the MediaThe link between bushfire risk and climate change generated a flurry of coverage in the Australian media well before the fires started in the spring of 2019. In April that year, a coalition of 23 former fire and emergency services leaders warned that Australia was “unprepared for an escalating climate threat” (Cox). They requested a meeting with the new government, to be elected in May, and better funding for firefighting to face the coming bushfire season. When that meeting was granted, at the end of Australia’s hottest and driest year on record (Doyle) in November 2019, bushfires had already been burning for two months. As the fires burned, the emergency leaders expressed frustration that their warnings had been ignored, claiming they had been “gagged” because “you are not allowed to talk about climate change”. They cited climate change as the key reason why the fire season was lengthening and fires were harder to fight. "If it's not time now to speak about climate and what's driving these events”, they asked, “– when?" (McCubbing).The mediatised uncovering of a bushfire/climate change connection was not strictly a revelation. Recent fires in California, Russia, the Amazon, Greece, and Sweden have all been reported in the media as having been exacerbated by climate change. Australia, however, has long regarded itself as a “fire continent”: a place adapted to fire, whose landscapes invite fire and can recover from it. Bushfires had therefore been considered part of the Australian “normal”. But in the Australian spring of 2019, with fires having started earlier than ever and charring rainforests that did not usually burn, the fire chiefs’ warning of a climate change-induced catastrophic bushfire season seemed prescient. As the fires spread and merged, taking homes, lives, landscapes, and driving people towards the water, revelatory images emerged in the media. Pictures of fire refugees fleeing under dystopian crimson skies, masked against the smoke, were accompanied by headlines like “Apocalypse Now” (Fife-Yeomans) and “Escaping Hell” (The Independent). Reports used words like “terror”, “nightmare” (Smee), “mayhem”, and “Armageddon” (Davidson).In the Australian media, the fire/climate change connection quickly became politicised. The Deputy Prime Minister Michael McCormack interviewed by the ABC, responding to a comment by Greens leader Adam Bandt, said connecting bushfire and climate while the fires raged was “disgraceful” and “disgusting”. People needed help, he said, not “the ravings of some pure enlightened and woke capital city greenies” (Goloubeva and Haydar). Gladys Berejiklian the NSW Premier also described it as “inappropriate” (Baker) and “disappointing” (Fox and Higgins) to talk about climate change at this time. However Carol Sparks, Mayor of bushfire-ravaged Glen Innes in rural NSW, contradicted this stance, telling the ABC (Australian Broadcasting Corporation) “Michael McCormack needs to read the science”. Climate change, she said, was “not a political thing” but “scientific fact” (Goloubeva and Haydar).As the fires merged and intensified, so did the media firestorm. Key Australian media became a sparring ground for issue definition, with media predictably split down ideological lines. Public broadcasters the ABC and SBS (Special Broadcasting Service), along with The Age, The Sydney Morning Herald and The Guardian Australia, predominantly framed the catastrophe as wrought by climate change. The Guardian, in an in-depth investigation of climate science and bushfire risk, stated that “despite the political smokescreen” the connection between the fires and global warming was “unequivocal” (Redfearn). The ABC characterised the fires as “a glimpse of the horrors of climate change’s crescendoing impact” (Rose). News outlets owned by Rupert Murdoch’s News Corp Australia, however, actively sought to play down the fires’ seriousness. On 2 January, as front pages of newspapers across the world revealed horrifying fiery images, Murdoch’s Australian ran an upbeat shot of New Year’s Day picnic races as its lead, relegating discussion of the fires to page 4 (Meade). More than simply obscuring the fires’ significance, News Corp media actively sought to convince readers that the fires were not out of the ordinary. For example, as the fires’ magnitude was becoming clear on the last day of 2019, The Australian ran a piece comparing the fires with previous conflagrations, claiming such conditions were “not unprecedented” and the fires were “nothing new” (Johnstone). News Corp’s Sky News also used this frame: “climate alarmists”, “catastrophise”, and “don’t want to look at history”, it stated in a segment comparing the event to past major bushfires (Kenny).As the fires continued into January and February 2020, the refutation of the climate change frame solidified around several themes. Conservative media continued to insist the fires were “normal” for Australia and attributed their severity to a lack of hazard reduction burning, which they blamed on “Greens policies” (Brown and Caisley). They also promoted the argument, espoused by Energy Minister Angus Taylor, that with only “1.3% of global emissions” Australia “could not have meaningful impact” on global warming through emissions reductions, and that top-down climate mitigation pressure from the UN was “doomed to fail” (Lloyd). Foreign media saw the fires in quite different terms. From the outside looking in, the Australian fires were clearly revealed as fuelled by global heating and exacerbated by the Australian government’s climate denialism. Australia was framed as a “notorious climate offender” (Shield) that was—as The New York Times put it—“committing climate suicide” (Flanagan) with its lack of coherent climate policy and its predilection for mining coal. Ouest-France ran a headline reading “High on carbon, rich Australia denies global warming” in which it called Scott Morrison’s position on climate change “incomprehensible” (Guibert). The LA Times called the Australian fires “a climate change warning to its leaders—and ours”, noting how “fossil fuel friendly Morrison” had “gleefully wielded a fist-sized chunk of coal on the floor of parliament in 2017” (Karlik). In the UK, the Independent online ran a front page spread of the fires’ vast smoke plume, with the headline “This is what a climate crisis looks like” (Independent Online), while Australian MP Craig Kelly was called “disgraceful” by an interviewer on Good Morning Britain for denying the fires’ link to climate change (Good Morning Britain).Both in Australia and internationally, deliberate misinformation spread by social media additionally shaped media discourse on the fires. The false revelation that the fires had predominantly been started by arson spread on Twitter under the hashtag #ArsonEmergency. While research has been quick to show that this hashtag was artificially promoted by bots (Weber et al.), this and misinformation like it was also shared and amplified by real Twitter users, and quickly spread into mainstream media in Australia—including Murdoch’s Australian (Ross and Reid)—and internationally. Such misinformation was used to shore up denialist discourses about the fires, and to obscure revelation of the fire/climate change connection. Blame Framing, Public Opinion and the Extent of the Climate Change RevelationAs studies of media coverage of environmental disasters show us, media seek to apportion blame. This blame framing is “accountability work”, undertaken to explain how and why a disaster occurred, with the aim of “scrutinizing the actions of crisis actors, and holding responsible authorities to account” (Anderson et al. 930). In moments of disaster and in their aftermath, “framing contests” (Benford and Snow) can emerge in which some actors, regarding the crisis as an opportunity for change, highlight the systemic issues that have led to the crisis. Other actors, experiencing the crisis as a threat to the status quo, try to attribute the blame to others, and deny the need for policy change. As the Black Summer unfolded, just such a contest took place in Australian media discourse. While Murdoch’s dominant News Corp media sought to protect the status quo, promote conservative politicians’ views, and divert attention from the climate crisis, other Australian and overseas media outlets revealed the fires’ link to climate change and intransigent emissions policy. However, cracks did begin to show in the News Corp stance on climate change during the fires: an internal whistleblower publicly resigned over the media company’s fires coverage, calling it a “misinformation campaign”, and James Murdoch also spoke out about being “disappointed with the ongoing denial of the role of climate change” in reporting the fires (ABC/Reuters).Although media reporting on the environment has long been at the forefront of shaping social understanding of environmental issues, and news maintains a central role in both revealing environmental threats and shaping environmental politics (Lester), during Australia’s Black Summer people were also learning about the fires from lived experience. Polls show that the fires affected 57% of Australians. Even those distant from the catastrophe were, for some time, breathing the most toxic air in the world. This personal experience of disaster revealed a bushfire season that was far outside the normal, and public opinion reflected this. A YouGov Australia Institute poll in January 2020 found that 79% of Australians were concerned about climate change—an increase of 5% from July 2019—and 67% believed climate change was making the bushfires worse (Australia Institute). However, a January 2020 Ipsos poll also found that polarisation along political lines on whether climate change was indeed occurring had increased since 2018, and was at its highest levels since 2014 (Crowe). This may reflect the kind of polarised media landscape that was evident during the fires. A thorough dissection in public discourse of Australia’s unprecedented fire season has been largely eclipsed by the vast coverage of the coronavirus pandemic that so quickly followed it. In May 2020, however, the fires were back in the media, when the Bushfires Royal Commission found that the Black Summer “played out exactly as scientists predicted it would” and that more seasons like it were now “locked in” because of carbon emissions (Hitch). It now remains to be seen whether the revelatory extent of the climate change blame frame that played out in media discourse on the fires will be sufficient to garner meaningful action and policy change—or whether denialist discourses will again obscure climate change revelation and seek to maintain the status quo. References Anderson, Deb, et al. "Fanning the Blame: Media Accountability, Climate and Crisis on the Australian ‘Fire Continent’." 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