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Journal articles on the topic 'Southern Africa political economy series'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 7 February 2022

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1

Eldredge, Elizabeth A. "Sources of Conflict in Southern Africa, c. 1800–30: The ‘Mfecane’ Reconsidered." Journal of African History 33, no. 1 (March 1992): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700031832.

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The so-called ‘mfecane’ has been explained in many ways by historians, but never adequately. Julian Cobbing has absolved the Zulu of culpability for ongoing regional conflicts, but his work is severely flawed in its use of evidence. Cobbing is incorrect to argue that the Delagoa Bay slave trade existed on a large scale prior to the disruptions beginning in 1817, and European slaving therefore cannot have been a root cause of political turmoil and change, as he claims. Cobbing correctly identifies European-sponsored slave-raiding as a major cause of violence across the north-eastern Cape Frontier, but his accusations of missionary involvement are false. Jeff Guy's interpretation of the rise of the Zulu kingdom based on environmental factors is inadequate because he examined only stock-keeping and not arable land use, which led him to false conclusions about demography and politics. In this paper I argue that the socio-political changes and associated demographic turmoil and violence of the early nineteenth century in southern Africa were the result of a complex interaction between factors governed by the physical environment and local patterns of economic and political organization. Increasing inequalities within and between societies coupled with a series of environmental crises transformed long-standing competition over natural resources and trade in south-eastern Africa into violent struggles.

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2

Chege, Michael. "Southern Africa Political Economy Monthly: December 1996, Harare, Zimbabwe." Foreign Policy, no. 107 (1997): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1149348.

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3

Whitaker, Jennifer Seymour, and Margaret C. Lee. "SADCC: The Political Economy of Development in Southern Africa." Foreign Affairs 69, no. 2 (1990): 188. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044388.

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4

Demissie, Fassil, and Margaret C. Lee. "SADCC: The Political Economy of Development in Southern Africa." International Journal of African Historical Studies 24, no. 3 (1991): 631. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219101.

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5

Dubb, Alex, Ian Scoones, and Philip Woodhouse. "The Political Economy of Sugar in Southern Africa – Introduction." Journal of Southern African Studies 43, no. 3 (September 16, 2016): 447–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2016.1214020.

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6

Muhammad Zeeshan Shaukat, Muhammad Aamir, Imad-ud-Din Akbar, and Majid Ali. "Deciphering the Global Private Financial Flows." Journal of Accounting and Finance in Emerging Economies 7, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 233–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/jafee.v7i1.1605.

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Cross border and inter country financial recourse is like a civilization hold. It is fundamentally important phenomenon to study. Purpose of this study is to investigate inter country global private financial flows in context of current financial regimes. Design of the study is quantitative based on a secondary data taken from website of World Development Indicators (WDI) 2020. A literature review of relevant studies extracted from renowned research databases is also integral part of the overall design of the study. For the purpose of analysis and investigation the study uses Grey Relational Analysis (GRA). GRA is a mathematical technique capable of handling a multitude of alternatives with plenty of criteria simultaneously. It is a ranking technique that generates the reference series, normalizes the data and compares the weighted average grey coefficients with reference series. GRA is a popular methodology espoused in grey systems theory. It is the study of eighty-three countries on the basis of five different criteria. The countries have been ranked according to Grey relational grades by using rank function of excel and are divided into seven different categories on the basis of intensity of financial flows. The categories have been made on the basis of ordinal scale e.g. exceptionally high level of private global financial flows, excellent, very good, good, fair, poor and very poor. Results show that China, Niger, Brazil, Mozambique, Mongolia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Cambodia, Grenada, Thailand, Indonesia, Argentina and Maldives have exceptionally high private financial flows, whereas, countries namely Lesotho, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Botswana, Guatemala, Solomon Islands, Afghanistan, Bolivia, Bhutan, Angola and Russian Federation have poor financial flows. Majorly, Arabian Countries (AC), Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) countries fall under exceptionally high ensign, whereas, member countries of Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) and Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) countries fall under very poor ensign. This study is useful for political governments, international agencies, researchers and academia (students and teachers of international finance). It also provides new information and deeper insights by way of assigning grey relational grades to countries and classifies them into seven groups. It also extends discussion to enlighten upon bloc level position.

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7

Hentz, James J. "South Africa and the political economy of regional cooperation in Southern Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 1 (February 16, 2005): 21–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0400059x.

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Post-apartheid South Africa has recast its regional relations. Nonetheless, much of the literature depicts its policy as a projection of captured interests, for instance big business as embedded in Pretoria's apparent neo-liberal turn. Instead, post-apartheid South Africa's regional relations represent a political compromise, albeit not necessarily an explicit one, that reflects the different visions of South Africa's regional role and their respective political bases. Because their policies reflect the push and pull of competing constituencies, democratic states are rarely one dimensional. Post-apartheid South Africa is no exception, as it attempts to square the political circle of competing political constituencies, such as big business and labour. South Africa's regional relations and, in particular, its policy of regional economic cooperation/integration, are best understood as a reflection of the competing interests within its domestic political economy.

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8

GREEN, REGINALD HERBOLD. "The political economy of drought in Southern Africa 1991–1993." Health Policy and Planning 8, no. 3 (1993): 255–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/heapol/8.3.255.

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9

GREEN, REGINALD HERBOLD. "The political economy of drought in Southern Africa 1991–1993." Health Policy and Planning 8, no. 3 (1993): 256–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/heapol/8.3.256.

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10

Marks, Shula, and Neil Andersson. "Issues in the political economy of health in Southern Africa." Journal of Southern African Studies 13, no. 2 (January 1987): 177–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057078708708140.

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11

Resnick, Danielle, Finn Tarp, and James Thurlow. "THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF GREEN GROWTH: CASES FROM SOUTHERN AFRICA." Public Administration and Development 32, no. 3 (June 18, 2012): 215–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pad.1619.

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12

Hara, Mafaniso, Stephen Turner, Tobias Haller, and Frank Matose. "Governance of the commons in southern Africa: knowledge, political economy and power." Development Southern Africa 26, no. 4 (October 2009): 521–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03768350903181324.

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13

Kahn, Owen Ellison. "Cuba's Impact in Southern Africa." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 29, no. 3 (1987): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165843.

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This Article Assesses the impact of the Cuban military on strategic, diplomatic and political relationships in southern Africa. It does not deal with why Cuba and its Soviet benefactor have interested themselves in the region, nor does it discuss Soviet influence on Cuban foreign policy. The aspects covered here include: (1) how Cuba and Angola fit into the complex pattern of regional relations in southern Africa; (2) an outline of the region's main territorial actors and guerrilla movements, along with a brief history of Cuban involvement in the area; (3) the response of South Africa to this foreign spoiler of its regional hegemony, (4) regional cooperation in southern Africa insofar as it is a response to South Africa's militancy in the face of international communism as represented in the region by Cuba; and (5) Cuba's effect upon the economy and polity of Angola and Mozambique.

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14

Webster, David J. "The Political Economy of Food Production and Nutrition in Southern Africa in Historical Perspective." Journal of Modern African Studies 24, no. 3 (September 1986): 447–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007114.

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The abundant health enjoyed by these people [the Xhosa] must undoubtedly be principally ascribed to the simple food on which they live: milk, the principal dish, which is supplied in abundance by numerous herds of cows; meat, mostly roasted; corn, millet and watermelons, prepared in different ways, appease hunger… —Ludwig Alberti (1807)1 The tuberculosis scourge is undoubtedly on the upgrade in the Native Territories and especially in this district with its high rainfall and congested population. Unsatisfactory conditions of living and nutrition are amongst the chief factors in spreading malnutrition… the former accounted, I'm afraid, for a considerable infant mortality and pellagralike conditions among the adults.

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15

McKay, Ben, Sérgio Sauer, Ben Richardson, and Roman Herre. "The political economy of sugarcane flexing: initial insights from Brazil, Southern Africa and Cambodia." Journal of Peasant Studies 43, no. 1 (May 13, 2015): 195–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03066150.2014.992016.

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16

Moffett, Abigail J., Simon Hall, and Shadreck Chirikure. "Crafting power: New perspectives on the political economy of southern Africa, AD 900–1300." Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 59 (September 2020): 101180. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2020.101180.

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17

Tewari, Professor D. D. "Book Review: Economic Change, Government and Natural Resource Wealth: The Political Economy of Change in Southern Africa." Journal of Interdisciplinary Economics 13, no. 4 (April 2002): 441–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02601079x02001300406.

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18

Prendergast, John. "The Political Economy of Famine in Sudan and the Horn of Africa." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 19, no. 2 (1991): 49–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501310.

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Over 300,000 Sudanese perished primarily from hunger during 1988-89 in one of the most avoidable human tragedies in recent history. Mostly from the war-torn southern part of the country, these civilians were deliberately starved by central government, and to a lesser extent the insurgent Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA), which used the deprivation of food as a tactic of war. The threat of further genocidal actions by the Islamic fundamentalist junta in Khartoum and the private militias allied with the government continue to daily threaten the lives of millions of internally displaced people. Due to these man-made causes and nature’s lack of rain, up to ten million Sudanese are at risk of malnutrition, hunger and starvation in 1991.

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19

Fuller, Bruce, Judith D. Singer, and Margaret Keiley. "Why do Daughters Leave School in Southern Africa? Family Economy and Mothers' Commitments." Social Forces 74, no. 2 (December 1995): 657. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2580496.

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20

Fuller, B., J. D. Singer, and M. Keiley. "Why Do Daughters Leave School in Southern Africa? Family Economy and Mothers' Commitments." Social Forces 74, no. 2 (December 1, 1995): 657–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/74.2.657.

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21

Urdang, Stephanie. "The Care Economy: Gender and the Silent AIDS Crisis in Southern Africa." Journal of Southern African Studies 32, no. 1 (March 2006): 165–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070500493886.

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22

Cross, Hannah, and Lionel Cliffe. "A comparative political economy of regional migration and labour mobility in West and Southern Africa." Review of African Political Economy 44, no. 153 (July 3, 2017): 381–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2017.1333411.

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23

Bwalya, Edgar. "The Political Economy of Antiretroviral Drugs in Zambia." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 5, no. 4 (2006): 385–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915006779206042.

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AbstractAccording to the 2005 United Nations Programe on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) and the World Health Organization (WHO) Report, Zambia has one of the highest rates of HIV/AIDS cases in Southern Africa as well as in the world. However, it is also one of the few countries that have recorded a drop in the infection rates from an estimated 26% of the population in 2000 to just fewer than 16% in 2005. There appears to be a general consensus that the availability and free provision of antiretroviral drugs (ARVs) and treatment have raised hope that the recipients will live a longer, improved, and productive life. This paper will attempt to assess the major challenges to scaling-up antiretroviral therapy in Zambia. It argues that, while the government has made some progress in scaling-up access to ARVs, there is still much to be done.

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24

Francis, Suzanne, Michael Francis, and Adeoye Akinola. "The edge of the periphery: situating the ≠Khomani San of the Southern Kalahari in the political economy of Southern Africa." African Identities 14, no. 4 (April 14, 2016): 370–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725843.2016.1154813.

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25

MAZUR, ROBERT E. "The Political Economy of Refugee Creation in Southern Africa: Micro and Macro Issues in Sociological Perspective." Journal of Refugee Studies 2, no. 4 (1989): 441–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/2.4.441.

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26

Carruthers, Jane. "Changing Perspectives on Wildlife in Southern Africa, C.1840 to C.1914." Society & Animals 13, no. 3 (2005): 183–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568530054927762.

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AbstractThis article analyzes how a number of writers in English articulated their attitudes toward southern Africa's indigenous mammal megafauna from c.1840 to just before the First World War. In changing contexts of declining wild animal numbers, it examines how attitudes and the expression of those attitudes—together with developments in biology—altered with the modernization of government and the economy. To some extent, it also explores the human and other values placed on certain species of animals, including ideas about extinction, notions of what constitutes "vermin," and evolving opinions on nature and environmental conservation. Some of the concerns discussed here include lines of thinking that continue, albeit much altered, into our own time.

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27

Mazenda, Adrino, Tyanai Masiya, and Norman Nhede. "South Africa-BRIC-SADC Trade Alliances and the South African Economy." International Studies 55, no. 1 (January 2018): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881718757589.

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The article discusses the implications of South Africa-Brazil Russia India China-Southern African Development Community (BRIC-SADC) trade alliances on South Africa’s economic growth. The analysis follows the periods in which South Africa is mired by fluctuating exchange rate and rising cost of living, as denoted by the rising consumer price index (CPI). In order to understand the implications, an autoregressive redistributive modelling (ARDL) was utilized on quarterly data from 2005 quarter 1 to 2017 quarter 3, regressing South Africa’s growth against South Africa-BRIC and South Africa-SADC trade balances, the main variables of interest. The empirical results identify a significant long-run relationship of the selected variables. However, the results review a negative contribution of South Africa-BRIC trade on South Africa’s economy, while the South Africa-SADC trade produced positive results. Trade composition remains a major challenge for South Africa-BRIC trade. Continued innovation and research and development will shift reliance on primary commodities for exports to mechanized products, hence increasing gains from the lucrative BRICS trade and the non-utilized SADC trade.

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28

Abegunrin, Layi. "Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC): Towards Regional Integration of Southern Africa for Liberation." A Current Bibliography on African Affairs 17, no. 4 (June 1, 1985): 363–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001132558501700405.

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Southern Africa has become a battleground between two ideologically and fundamentally opposed constellation of states, Pretoria and Lusaka constellations. The conflict between the two basically concerns the domestic racial policies and the future of South Africa. The Pretoria constellation was launched on July 22, 1980, and is led by P. W. Botha, the South Africa's Prime Minister. The Botha's axis is a designed strategy which essentially aims at using South Africa's economic power and wealth to manipulate its neighboring nine black ruled states; and to exert subtle pressure to ensure that they cohere with the white minority regime of South Africa. This ambition of the Pretoria constellation is a vital part of the total strategy of survival of the Botha government. This particularly involves the use of the economy as an instrument of maintaining ultimate political power and control based on the maintenance of the basic structures of apartheid. This has in turn motivated South Africa's opposition to the policies of economic and political liberation of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) states. The second, the Lusaka constellation and also known as the “Southern Nine” was launched on April 1, 1980. It consists of the nine Southern African States of Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The declared aim of the Southern Nine is to form an alliance which would pursue an economic strategy that would reduce or eliminate their economic dependence on South Africa. To this end, the Southern Nine and the South African-occupied territory of Namibia unanimously adopted a Programme of Action aimed at stimulating inter-state trade with the ultimate objective of economic independence from South Africa.

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29

Mazonde, I. N. "Africa - Balefi Tsie: The political economy of Botswana in SADCC. (Southern Africa Specialist Studies.) xvi, 366 pp. Harare: SAPES Books, 1995." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 60, no. 1 (February 1997): 201–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00030354.

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30

Zerbe, Noah. "Seeds of hope, seeds of despair: Towards a political economy of the seed industry in southern Africa." Third World Quarterly 22, no. 4 (August 2001): 657–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436590120071830.

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31

Igbinoba, Emmanuel. "Do country sizes matter? What motivates China’s trade decision in Southern Africa?" Journal of Chinese Economic and Foreign Trade Studies 10, no. 1 (February 6, 2017): 44–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcefts-07-2016-0018.

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Purpose This paper aims to test the political-economy hypothesis that country sizes are related with constraints associated with Chinese trade. Design/methodology/approach This study applies a generalized linear mixed approach on panel data of Southern African (henceforth SADC) economies from 2001 to 2014 to observe common Chinese trade patterns among SADC countries. Findings Empirical results support the hypothesis that structural differences exist and smaller SADC countries are disadvantaged in their trade relations with China. Research limitations/implications This paper is exploratory by nature. Its scope and the depth of analysis is constrained by data availability. Originality/value The manuscript has been approved by the author and has never been published, or has been considered for publication elsewhere.

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32

Hyden, Goran. "Politicians and Poachers: The Political Economy of Wildlife Policy in Africa. By Clark C. Gibson. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. 262p. $70.00 cloth, $26.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 659–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402720364.

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This interesting and insightful book on the political economy of wildlife policy in Africa is an important contribution to the literature not only on African politics but also on the role that institutions play in shaping behavior and decisions. Although wildlife may not occupy the same centrality in African economies as oil and precious metals do, it is a crucial natural resource that earns countries, especially in eastern and southern Africa, significant revenue. Few political scientists have paid attention to this sector. No one has really approached it from a political economy perspective. Yet the struggle over access to natural resources in Africa is very much a political matter. Gibson's well-crafted and thorough study fills this gap. Its main contribution to the discipline at large is its focus on the distributive nature of institutions. The latter do not just produce collective or public goods. They also serve individual interests differentially. By concentrating on the strategic interaction of individuals within institutions, Gibson, following in the tradition of Douglass North and Robert Bates, identifies the intended and unintended consequences of policy decisions made with regard to the use and conservation of wildlife in Africa.

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33

Koelble, Thomas A. "Ecology, Economy and Empowerment: Eco-Tourism and the Game Lodge Industry in South Africa." Business and Politics 13, no. 1 (April 2011): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1333.

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An extensive game lodge industry operates across Southern Africa. Many of these lodges market themselves as ‘eco-tourism destinations’ where wildlife protection, community development and the maintenance of bio-diversity are supposed to be central values of the business model. This article deals with the tensions that arise for the management of such enterprises between a multiplicity of local and global interests around land use pertaining to conflicting motivations of profitability and capital-intensive development, protection of bio-diversity and enabling community empowerment. The article illustrates the interplay between these competing interests, preferences and claims surrounding the use to which the land these lodges occupy is used. It examines a set of cases in South Africa with special reference to the Sabi Sand Private Game Reserve.

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34

Enaifoghe, Andrew O., and Toyin C. Adetiba. "South African Economic Development in SADC Sub-Regional Integration." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 10, no. 1 (March 15, 2018): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v10i1.2097.

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Following the end of colonialism in the Southern African sub-region, the SADC has experienced a thorough rearrangement with South Africa as the front-runner as opposed to her pre-1994 stance on integration. African regional cooperation has nevertheless been revitalised in some ways as a result of the two major events which started in the beginning of the 1990s that include the abolition of the apartheid regime in South Africa, and the eventual stabilisation of both political and economic relationships in the Southern Africa sub-region. This study employs the use of content analyses to assess the position of South Africa investments in SADC. Through the use ofregional integration, the studyfurther examined various South Africa’s Key Economy Performance since 1994 which are the main contributing factors to South African economic growth; furthermore it looks at her material, commodity and political investment in the subregional integration process to determine if it serves as the strategy for National Economic Development for South Africa.The paper find out thatregardless of South Africa’s economic clout within the SADC region, its Foreign Direct Investment is predominantly from its investment and market penetration of Southern Africa region while maintaining constant economic growth.

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35

Mpofu, Raphael Tabani. "Dollarization and economic development in Zimbabwe: An interrupted time-series analysis." Risk Governance and Control: Financial Markets and Institutions 5, no. 4 (2015): 38–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/rgcv5i4art4.

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This paper examines the impact of dollarization on the performance of the Zimbabwean economy from 2003 to 2014 using an interrupted time-series analysis. In Zimbabwe’s case, dollarization was the official replacement of the Zimbabwean dollar with the U.S. dollar. Rapid dollarization in the economy was accelerated by the exogenous shock caused by the injection of cash dollars into the Zimbabwean economy, mostly from international transfers. Since the official adoption of dollarization, Zimbabwe is largely a cash-based economy, with a huge amount of U.S. dollars that are in circulation outside the banking system. A hands-off approach to currency management has served Zimbabwe well since 2009, but a number of risks are beginning to emerge as the economy has slowly regenerated itself and the need for large capital injections has increased. Macroeconomic data obtained from the World Bank and from the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe’s Monthly Economic Review is analysed. According to the tests conducted, it was found that dollarization did introduce some macroeconomic stability in Zimbabwe although a few key macroeconomic variables showed a sustained improvement. Statistical analysis shows that increased dollarization had positively affected reversed the spiralling effects of hyperinflation that were prevalent prior to 2009, although inflationary pressures still continued, albeit at a slower pace. This research has implications not just for Zimbabwean policy makers as they grapple with decisions pertaining to re-adoption of a local currency and/or the continuation of the use of the US dollar and/or the adoption of a regional currency, for example, the South African rand. The African Union and specifically, the Southern Africa Development Community should look at these policy issues very closely in order to provide policy direction to its member states.

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36

Cobbe, James H. "Economic Aspects of Lesotho's Relations with South Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 26, no. 1 (March 1988): 71–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010338.

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Lesotho has long had the distinction of being one of the more anomalous states not only in Southern Africa, but in the world. It is entirely surrounded by another country, the Republic of South Africa. It is ethnically and linguistically very homogeneous. It is a monarchy. Physically, the lowest point in Lesotho is higher, in vertical distance above sea level, that that in any other country. Its economy is marked by some extraordinary paradoxes, such as agriculture being the main economic activity of the bulk of the labour force albeit the origin of a small fraction of total income, imports enomously exceeding exports and being larger than domestic output, and fewer citizens working for cash inside the country than outside.

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37

Bradshaw, York W., and Ana-Maria Wahl. "Agricultural Prices, The International Economy, and Development in Kenya, 1964–1988: A Time-Series Analysis." Sociological Perspectives 35, no. 2 (June 1992): 283–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389380.

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With few exceptions, the growing literature on agricultural underdevelopment in Africa has two major deficiencies. First, many scholars are guided by either an “internalist” or “externalist” theoretical and policy orientation. Second, although many studies use descriptive data to support their arguments, few utilize formal quantitative techniques to test competing theories. By contrast, we apply several different theoretical perspectives to Kenyan development and then test them via time-series analysis. The quantitative analysis reveals a series of rich findings: (1) agricultural prices have a positive effect on coffee production, food production, and economic output; (2) coffee exports have a positive effect on total agricultural output but a negative effect on food production and overall economic output; (3) “finished” imports (e.g., machinery) have a positive effect on industrial output but a negative effect on agricultural output, coffee production, and total economic output.

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38

Bond, Patrick. "Blue Economy threats, contradictions and resistances seen from South Africa." Journal of Political Ecology 26, no. 1 (July 21, 2019): 341. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v26i1.23504.

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<p>South Africa hosts Africa's most advanced form of the new Blue Economy, named 'Operation Phakisa: Oceans.' In 2014, the McKinsey-designed project was formally launched by now-disgraced President Jacob Zuma with vibrant state and corporate fanfare. Financially, its most important elements were anticipated to come from corporations promoting shipping investments and port infrastructure, a new generation of offshore oil and gas extraction projects and seabed mining. However, these already conflict with underlying capitalist crisis tendencies associated with overaccumulation (overcapacity), globalization and financialization, as they played out through uneven development, commodity price volatility and excessive extraction of resources. Together this metabolic intensification of capital-nature relations can be witnessed when South Africa recently faced the Blue Economy's ecological contradictions: celebrating a massive offshore gas discovery at the same time as awareness rises about extreme coastal weather events, ocean warming and acidification (with profound threats to fast-bleaching coral reefs), sea-level rise, debilitating drought in Africa's main seaside tourist city (Cape Town), and plastic infestation of water bodies, the shoreline and vulnerable marine life. Critics of the capitalist ocean have demanded a greater state commitment to Marine Protected Areas, support for sustainable subsistence fishing and eco-tourism. But they are losing, and so more powerful resistance is needed, focusing on shifting towards post-fossil energy and transport infrastructure, agriculture and spatial planning. Given how climate change has become devastating to vulnerable coastlines – such as central Mozambique's, victim of two of the Southern Hemisphere's most intense cyclones in March-April 2019 – it is essential to better link ocean defence mechanisms to climate activism: global youth Climate Strikes and the direct action approach adopted by the likes of Dakota Access Pipe Line resistance in the US, Extinction Rebellion in Britain, and Ende Gelände in Germany. Today, as the limits to capital's crisis-displacement tactics are becoming more evident, it is the interplay of these top-down and bottom-up processes that will shape the future Blue Economy narrative, giving it either renewed legitimacy, or the kind of illegitimacy already experienced in so much South African resource-centric capitalism.</p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong>Blue Economy, capitalist crisis, Oceans Phakisa, resistance, South Africa</p>

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39

Connell, Raewyn, Rebecca Pearse, Fran Collyer, João Marcelo Maia, and Robert Morrell. "Negotiating with the North: How Southern-tier intellectual workers deal with the global economy of knowledge." Sociological Review 66, no. 1 (April 13, 2017): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026117705038.

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This article examines a group of intellectual workers who occupy a peripheral but not powerless position in the global economy of knowledge. How do they handle relations with the global metropole, especially in new fields of research where established hierarchies are in question? Three new domains of knowledge – climate change, HIV/AIDS and gender studies – are studied through interviews with 70 active researchers in Southern-tier countries Brazil, South Africa and Australia. A pattern of extraversion, involving active adoption of paradigms from the metropole, is widespread and institutionally supported. Major alternative knowledge formations have not emerged in these domains. However contestations of more specific kinds are frequent. Paradigms are adapted, criticism is offered, activism is engaged, capacities are developed and allegiances sometimes changed. The valorization of local knowledge, which goes beyond the abstractions of universalized paradigms, is particularly significant. Not stark subordination, but a complex collective negotiation characterizes the response of intellectual workers in the Southern tier.

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Enaifoghe, Andrew O., and Toyin C. Adetiba. "South African Economic Development in SADC Sub-Regional Integration." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 10, no. 1(J) (March 15, 2018): 135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v10i1(j).2097.

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Following the end of colonialism in the Southern African sub-region, the SADC has experienced a thorough rearrangement with South Africa as the front-runner as opposed to her pre-1994 stance on integration. African regional cooperation has nevertheless been revitalised in some ways as a result of the two major events which started in the beginning of the 1990s that include the abolition of the apartheid regime in South Africa, and the eventual stabilisation of both political and economic relationships in the Southern Africa sub-region. This study employs the use of content analyses to assess the position of South Africa investments in SADC. Through the use ofregional integration, the studyfurther examined various South Africaâ€™s Key Economy Performance since 1994 which are the main contributing factors to South African economic growth; furthermore it looks at her material, commodity and political investment in the subregional integration process to determine if it serves as the strategy for National Economic Development for South Africa.The paper find out thatregardless of South Africaâ€™s economic clout within the SADC region, its Foreign Direct Investment is predominantly from its investment and market penetration of Southern Africa region while maintaining constant economic growth.

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House, William J. "Population, Poverty, and Underdevelopment in the Southern Sudan." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 2 (June 1989): 201–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00000458.

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The Christian and animist population of the Southern Sudan is largely composed of black Africans, estimated to number 5·3 million in 1983, as against the 15·3 million, predominantly Arabic and Muslim, who inhabit the Northern Sudan. The economy of the Southern Sudan, comprised of the three semi-autonomous regions of Bahr El Ghazal, Upper Nile, and Equatoria, remains one of the least developed in sub-Saharan Africa. The great majority of the population is engaged in subsistence agriculture, although some limited cash income is generated from the sale of surplus crops, and nomadic pastoralism is also widely practised. Only about three per cent of the inhabitants live in the three regional capitals of Wau, Malakal, and Juba, and they have to depend heavily for work in the public sector and small-scale informal activities.

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Massé, Francis, Nicia Givá, and Elizabeth Lunstrum. "A feminist political ecology of wildlife crime: The gendered dimensions of a poaching economy and its impacts in Southern Africa." Geoforum 126 (November 2021): 205–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2021.07.031.

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Moffett, Abigail Joy. "‘Phalaborwa where the hammer is heard’: crafting together the political economy of Iron Age communities in southern Africa, AD 900–1900." Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa 52, no. 2 (April 3, 2017): 278. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0067270x.2017.1328901.

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Mlambo, Daniel Nkosinathi, and Victor H. Mlambo. "To What Cost to its Continental Hegemonic Standpoint: Making Sense of South Africa’s Xenophobia Conundrum Post Democratization." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 8, no. 2 (May 10, 2021): 347. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/696.

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From the 1940s, a period where the National Party (NP) came into power and destabilized African and Southern Africa’s political dynamics, South Africa became a pariah state and isolated from both the African and African political realms and, to some extent, global spectrum(s). The domestic political transition period (1990-1994) from apartheid to democracy further changed Pretoria’s continental political stance. After the first-ever democratic elections in 1994, where the African National Congress (ANC) was victorious, South Africa was regarded as a regional and continental hegemon capable of re-uniting itself with continental and global politics and importantly uniting African states because of its relatively robust economy. However, the demise of apartheid brought immense opportunities for other African migrants to come and settle in South Africa for diverse reasons and bring a new enemy in xenophobia. Post-1994, xenophobia has rattled South Africa driven (albeit not entirely) by escalating domestic social ills and foreign nationals often being blamed for this. Using a qualitative methodology supplemented by secondary data, this article ponders xenophobia in post-democratization South Africa and what setbacks this has had on its hegemonic standpoint in Africa post the apartheid era.

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BERNAULT, FLORENCE. "BODY, POWER AND SACRIFICE IN EQUATORIAL AFRICA." Journal of African History 47, no. 2 (July 2006): 207–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853706001836.

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This article revisits the trope of the traffic in body parts in colonial and postcolonial Equatorial Africa. Current analyses, mostly written by anthropologists and sociologists, explain these rumors by the destructive integration of Africa in the world's economy and the commodification of the human body. While acknowledging their fertility, I argue that these approaches fail to understand how, during the colonial era, Europeans and Africans participated in the re-enchanting of the human body. The first part of the article examines Equatorial African conceptions of the body as central in the crafting of power and social reproduction, and reconstructs how these views were disturbed by colonial intrusion. The second part turns to European discourses and suggests that the colonial situation revealed significant contradictions in the western fiction of a modern disconnect between the body and power. The series of political and moral transgressions triggered by the conquest made apparent how Europeans themselves envisioned political survival as a form of positive exchange revolving around the body-fetish. The third section puts these ideas to the test of funeral practices to show how, in the colony, black and white bodies became re-sacralized as political resources. Building on these findings, the conclusion questions anthropologists' and historians' tendency to draw epistemic boundaries between western and African imaginaries.

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Branca, Giacomo, Aslihan Arslan, Adriana Paolantonio, Uwe Grewer, Andrea Cattaneo, Romina Cavatassi, Leslie Lipper, Jonathan Hillier, and Sylvia Vetter. "Assessing the economic and mitigation benefits of climate-smart agriculture and its implications for political economy: A case study in Southern Africa." Journal of Cleaner Production 285 (February 2021): 125161. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jclepro.2020.125161.

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Manyeruke, Charity, and Lawrence Mhandara. "Reflecting on Namibia’s Position in the European Union (EU)-Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) Negotiations and the Lessons for Africa." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 2, no. 4 (November 20, 2012): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v2i4.2731.

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Negotiations for Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) between European Union (EU) and the African Caribbean and Pacific countries (ACP) have been on the spotlight since 2002. The negotiations seek to replace the Lome Conventions which provided for a one way non-reciprocal trading regime between the EU and the ACP countries. The paper examines the position of Namibia in relation to EPAs and the lessons that Africa can derive from Namibia’s stance. Namibia which is negotiating under the Southern African Development Community (SADC) has declined to sign the Interim Partnership Agreements, besides initialing them in 2007, arguing that EPAs are not consistent with the objective of advancing African economies into competitive outfits in the global economy. Some of the sticking issues that need to be addressed concern EU’s demand for trade liberalization and a near elimination of import duty on all EU products to ACP zone. The paper argues that the major lessons for Africa are that EPA negotiations are much a political activity in as much as they involve the advancement of collective national interest by the EU. The paper therefore implores African countries to safeguard both political and economic interest in the process in the same manner as their EU counterparts are doing. Again, the paper exhorts Africa to negotiate from a position of strength and refuse to give in to unfair trade terms given the evident competition that is looming between the West and the East to partner Africa in development matters.

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Hübschle, Annette M. "The social economy of rhino poaching: Of economic freedom fighters, professional hunters and marginalized local people." Current Sociology 65, no. 3 (October 13, 2016): 427–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392116673210.

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In light of the high incidence of rhino poaching in southern Africa, the African rhinoceros might become extinct in the wild in the near future. Scholars from a variety of disciplines have analysed drivers of illegal hunting and poaching behaviour in general terms. Existing scholarship on rhino poaching proffers a simplistic concurrence of interlinked drivers, including the entry of transnational organized crime into wildlife crime, opportunity structures and the endemic poverty facing people living close to protected areas. By engaging with the lived experiences and social worlds of poachers and rural communities, this article reflects on empirical evidence gathered during ethnographic fieldwork with poachers, prisoners and local people living near the Kruger National Park. It is argued that the socio-political and historical context and continued marginalization of local people are significant factors facilitating poaching decisions at the grassroots level. Green land grabs and the systematic exclusion of local people from protected areas, as well as the growing securitization of anti-poaching responses, are aiding the perception that the wild animal is valued more highly than black rural lives. As a consequence, conservationists and law enforcers are viewed with disdain and struggle to obtain cooperation. The article critiques the current fortress conservation paradigm, which assumes conflict-laden relationships between local people and wildlife.

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de Majo, Claudio. "Understanding the Southern Italian commons: polycentric governance on the mountains of Sila." Modern Italy 24, no. 3 (May 21, 2019): 331–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2019.18.

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In this article, I examine patterns of collective action in the South of Italy, a region where commons scholarship presents several challenges, mainly due to its feudal heritage. In analysing the history of Southern Italian commons, Elinor Ostrom's theories on polycentric governance are adopted. I propose a case study on the mountains of Sila, where collective action was institutionalised through a municipal organisation known as universitas casalium, consisting of the city of Cosenza and its hamlets. This institution collaborated with the royal government, creating a polycentric governance system where institutional functions contentiously intermingled, generating conflicting relations, but also unique governmental arrangements. Yet how did previous historical interpretations miss this point? Documentary evidence provides a clear answer: while the institutional recognition of the universitas casalium can be traced back as far as the twelfth century, a series of institutional reforms initiated in the mid-fifteenth century led to the progressive decline of the local institution and accordingly of the commons economy related to it. This loss of legitimacy derived from the emergence of feudal barons and later of landowners from the middle class, leading to the progressive dissolution of collective action in Sila as Italy moved towards Italian unification in 1861.

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MacFarlane, Campbell. "Terrorism in South Africa." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 18, no. 2 (June 2003): 133–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00000893.

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AbstractThe Republic of South Africa lies at the southern tip of the African continent. The population encompasses a variety of races, ethnic groups, religions, and cultural identities. The country has had a turbulent history from early tribal conflicts, colonialisation, the apartheid period, and postapartheid readjustment.Modern terrorism developed mainly during the apartheid period, both by activities of the state and by the liberation movements that continued to the time of the first democratic elections in 1994, which saw South Africa evolve into a fully representative democratic state with equal rights for all.Since 1994, terrorist acts have been criminal-based, evolving in the Cape Town area to political acts, largely laid at the feet of a predominantly Muslim organisation, People against Gangsterism and Drugs, a vigilant organisation allegedly infiltrated by Muslim fundamentalists. Along with this, has been terrorist activities, mainly bombings by disaffected members of white, right-wing groups.In the apartheid era, a Draconian series of laws was enacted to suppress liberation activities. After 1994, most of these were repealed and new legislation was enacted, particularly after the events of 11 September 2001; this legislation allows the government to act against terrorism within the constraints of a democratic system. Disaster management in South Africa has been largely local authority-based, with input from provincial authorities and Civil Defence. After 1994, attempts were made to improve this situation, and national direction was provided. After 11 September 2001, activity was increased and the Disaster Management Act 2002 was brought into effect. This standardized disaster management system at national, provincial, and local levels, also facilites risk assessment and limitation as well as disaster mitigation.The potential still exists for terrorism, mainly from right wing and Muslim fundamentalist groups, but the new legislation should stimulate disaster management in South Africa to new and improved levels.

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