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Journal articles on the topic 'Southern Rhodesia – History'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 11 February 2022

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1

Novak, Andrew. "Averting an African Boycott: British Prime Minister Edward Heath and Rhodesian Participation in the Munich Olympics." Britain and the World 6, no. 1 (March 2013): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2013.0076.

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In 1968, the British government of Prime Minister Harold Wilson lobbied behind the scenes for Rhodesia's exclusion from the Mexico City Olympics. Three years earlier, the former British colony of Southern Rhodesia had seceded from the British Empire under white minority rule and faced isolation from international sporting events. With the election of Conservative Prime Minister Edward Heath in 1970, British foreign policy shifted more heavily to Europe rather than the former British colonies of the Commonwealth, and Heath sought to allow Rhodesia to compete in the 1972 Munich Games lest it isolate West Germany and create a controversy similar to South Africa's expulsion from the Olympics. With the help of Foreign Minister Alec Douglas-Home, Heath manoeuvred Conservative Party factionalism on the issue of Rhodesian sanctions and the Party's traditionally ambiguous relationship with Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith. The merger between the Foreign Office and the Commonwealth Relations Office coincided with this increased emphasis on European foreign policy matters, the Foreign Office's traditional expertise. Ultimately, Rhodesia was excluded from the Olympics despite Heath's hesitation, and the threatened African boycott movement proved to be a critical episode toward the development of the Gleneagles Agreement, which ultimately led to the sporting isolation of South Africa in 1978. Relying on documents in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office Archives, the International Olympic Committee Archives, the Avery Brundage papers at the University of Illinois, and microfilm of African newspapers, this paper reconstructs the pressures on Heath and the International Olympic Committee to expel Rhodesia.

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2

Ruzivo, Munetsi. "Ecumenical Initiatives in Southern Rhodesia: A History of The Southern Rhodesia Missionary Conference 1903-1945." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 43, no. 1 (July 13, 2017): 149–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/1000.

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The article seeks, first and foremost, to investigate the origins, growth and development of the Southern Rhodesia Missionary Conference (SRMC) from 1903 to 1945. In the second place, the article will explore the formative factors that lay behind the rise of the ecumenical movement in the then Southern Rhodesia in 1903. In the third place, the study endeavours to examine the impact of the SRMC on the social, religious and political landscape of the country from 1903 to 1945. The research will make use of minutes of the SRMC, newspapers and books with information that date back to the period under investigation.

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3

Johnson, David. "Settler Farmers and Coerced African Labour in Southern Rhodesia, 1936–46." Journal of African History 33, no. 1 (March 1992): 111–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185370003187x.

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This paper contributes to a growing body of literature on the socio-economic impact of the Second World War on Africa. The focus is on the inter-relationship between the state, settler farmers and African labour in Southern Rhodesia. The war presented an opportunity for undercapitalized European farmers to enlist state support in securing African labour that they could not obtain through market forces alone. Historically, these farmers depended heavily on a supply of cheap labour from the Native Reserves and from the colonies to the north, especially Nyasaland. But the opportunities for Africans to sell their labour in other sectors of the Southern Rhodesian economy and in the Union of South Africa, or to at least determine the timing and length of their entry into wage employment, meant that settler farmers seldom obtained an adequate supply of labour. Demands for increased food production, a wartime agrarian crisis and a diminished supply of external labour all combined to ensure that the state capitulated in the face of requests for Africans to be conscripted into working for Europeans as a contribution to the Imperial war effort. The resulting mobilization of thousands of African labourers under the Compulsory Native Labour Act (1942), which emerged as the prize of the farmers' campaign for coerced labour, corrects earlier scholarship on Southern Rhodesia which asserted that state intervention in securing labour supplies was of importance only up to the 1920s. The paper also shows that Africans did not remain passive before measures aimed at coercing them into producing value for settler farmers.

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4

Stapleton, Tim. "The Composition of the Rhodesia Native Regiment during the First World War: A Look at the Evidence." History in Africa 30 (2003): 283–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003259.

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Several scholars of the First World War in Southern Africa have briefly looked at the composition of the Rhodesia Native Regiment (RNR), which was formed in Southern Rhodesia in 1916 and fought in the German East Africa campaign until the armistice in November 1918. According to Peter McLaughlin, who has written the most about Zimbabwe and the Great War, “[b]y 1918 seventy-five per cent of the 2360 who passed through the ranks of the regiment were ‘aliens;’ over 1000 came from Nyasaland. The Rhodesia Native Regiment had thus lost its essentially ‘Rhodesian’ character.” This would seem to suggest that because the RNR had many soldiers who originated from outside Zimbabwe, this regiment was somehow less significant to Zimbabwe's World War I history. While McLaughlin admits that “the evidence on the precise composition of the Rhodesia Native Regiment is not available”, he claims that “approximately 1800 aliens served in the unit.”In a recent book on Malawi and the First World War, Melvin Page agrees with McLaughlin's estimate that “probably more than 1000 Malawians joined the Rhodesian Native Regiment.” However, Page freely admits that the evidence on which this approximation is based is far from conclusive. By looking at the available evidence, particularly a previously unutilized regimental nominal roll in the Zimbabwe National Archives, it is possible to gain a clearer picture of the composition of the only African unit from Zimbabwe to have fought in the First World War. This analysis will not only deal with the nationality of the soldiers, which is what the two previous writers focused on, but also their ethnic/regional origin and pre-enlistment occupations.

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5

Shutt, Allison K. "Litigating Honor, Defamation, and Shame in Southern Rhodesia." African Studies Review 61, no. 3 (July 9, 2018): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2018.27.

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Abstract:This article reviews the history of defamation cases involving Africans in Southern Rhodesia. Two precedent-setting cases, one in 1938 and the other in 1946, provided a legal rationale for finding defamation that rested on the ability of litigants to prove they had been shamed. The testimony and evidence of these cases, both of which involved government employees, tracks how colonial rule was altering hierarchy and changing definitions of honor, often to the bewilderment of the litigants themselves. Importantly, both cases concluded that African employees of the state deserved special protection from defamation. The article then traces how the rules and ambiguities resulting from the legal logic of the 1938 and 1946 cases gave a wider group of litigants such as clerks, police, clergy, and teachers room to maneuver in the courtroom where they also claimed their professional honor. Such litigants perfectly understood the expectations of the court and performed accordingly by recounting embarrassing, even painful, experiences, all to validate their personal and professional honor in court. Such performances raise the question of how we might use court records to write a history of the emotional costs to people who used astute strategies that rested on dishonorable revelations to win their cases.

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6

Cohen, Andrew. "“A difficult, tedious and unwanted task”: Representing the Central African Federation in the United Nations, 1960–1963." Itinerario 34, no. 2 (July 30, 2010): 105–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115310000379.

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On Tuesday 22 January, 1963, the First Secretary of State and Minister in charge of the Central Africa Office, R.A. Butler, met with the Southern Rhodesia Cabinet in Salisbury. Butler notified the Cabinet that he was visiting the Central African Federation in order to “gauge for himself” the situation. Southern Rhodesia, he remarked, was “an issue unjustifiably pursued at the United Nations” and countering this negative international opinion “was providing the British Government with a difficult, tedious and unwanted task”.

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7

Kennedy, Dane, and Alan Megahey. "Humphrey Gibbs, Beleaguered Governor: Southern Rhodesia, 1929-69." International Journal of African Historical Studies 31, no. 1 (1998): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220897.

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8

Phimister, Ian, and Alfred Tembo. "A Zambian Town in Colonial Zimbabwe: The 1964 “Wangi Kolia” Strike." International Review of Social History 60, S1 (September 8, 2015): 41–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859015000358.

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AbstractIn March 1964 the entire African labour force at Wankie Colliery, “Wangi Kolia”, in Southern Rhodesia went on strike. Situated about eighty miles south-east of the Victoria Falls on the Zambezi River, central Africa’s only large coalmine played a pivotal role in the region’s political economy. Described byDrum, the famous South African magazine, as a “bitter underpaid place”, the colliery’s black labour force was largely drawn from outside colonial Zimbabwe. While some workers came from Angola, Tanganyika (Tanzania), and Nyasaland (Malawi), the great majority were from Northern Rhodesia (Zambia). Less than one-quarter came from Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) itself. Although poor-quality food rations in lieu of wages played an important role in precipitating female-led industrial action, it also occurred against a backdrop of intense struggle against exploitation over an extended period of time. As significant was the fact that it happened within a context of regional instability and sweeping political changes, with the independence of Zambia already impending. This late colonial conjuncture sheds light on the region’s entangled dynamics of gender, race, and class.

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9

Madimu, Tapiwa. "Responsible Government and Miner-Farmer Relations in Southern Rhodesia, 1923–1945." South African Historical Journal 68, no. 3 (July 2, 2016): 366–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2016.1246591.

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10

WARHURST, P. R. "Imperial Watchdog: Sir Marshal Clarke as Resident Commissioner in Southern Rhodesia." South African Historical Journal 40, no. 1 (May 1999): 223–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582479908671356.

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11

Henshaw, Peter, and Alan Megahey. "Humphrey Gibbs, Beleaguered Governor: Southern Rhodesia, 1929-69." Canadian Journal of African Studies 32, no. 3 (1998): 636. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/486337.

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12

Shutt, Allison K., and Carol Summers. "Colonial Lessons: Africans' Education in Southern Rhodesia, 1918-1940." International Journal of African Historical Studies 36, no. 1 (2003): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3559326.

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13

McCulloch, Jock. "Asbestos Mining and Occupational Disease in Southern Rhodesia/Zimbabwe, 1915–98." History Workshop Journal 56, no. 1 (2003): 131–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/56.1.131.

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14

Stapleton, Tim. "Views of the First World War in Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) 1914–1918." War & Society 20, no. 1 (May 2002): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/072924702791201953.

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15

West, Michael O. "“Equal Rights for all Civilized Men”:." International Review of Social History 37, no. 3 (December 1992): 376–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000111344.

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SummaryBetween 1924 and 1961 elite Africans in Southern Rhodesia (colonial Zimbabwe) waged a protracted political struggle for the right legally to drink “European” liquor, which had been banned to colonized Africans under the Brussels Treaty of 1890. Refusing to be lumped with the black masses and basing their claim on the notion that there should be “equal rights for all civilized men”, elite Africans argued that they had attained a cultural level comparable to that of the dominant European settlers and should therefore be exempt from the liquor ban. This struggle, which ended successfully in 1961, also highlights other important themes in the history of the emergent African elite in Southern Rhodesia, most notably its political tactics and consciousness. The quest for European liquor helped to hone political skills as well, as a number of individuals who participated in it later became important African nationalist leaders.

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16

Kennedy, Dane, and Jock McCulloch. "Black Peril, White Virtue: Sexual Crime in Southern Rhodesia, 1902-1935." American Historical Review 106, no. 5 (December 2001): 1912. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2692928.

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17

Johnson, Joan Marie. "Sex, Race, Gender and Power: Southern Rhodesia and the American South." Journal of Women's History 14, no. 1 (2002): 174–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2002.0022.

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18

Ranger, Terence. "The Making of Southern Rhodesia - Rhodes and Rhodesia: The White Conquest of Zimbabwe, 1884–1902. By Arthur Keppel-Jones. Toronto: McGill–Queen's University Press, 1984, Pp. xiv+674, $60.00." Journal of African History 26, no. 1 (January 1985): 123–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700023197.

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19

Stewart, John. "The Expulsion of South Africa and Rhodesia from the Commonwealth Medical Association, 1947–70." Medical History 61, no. 4 (September 13, 2017): 548–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2017.58.

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In 1970 the medical associations of South Africa and Rhodesia (now, Zimbabwe) were expelled from the Commonwealth Medical Association. The latter had been set up, as the British Medical Commonwealth Medical Conference, in the late 1940s by the British Medical Association (BMA). These expulsions, and the events leading up to them, are the central focus of this article. The BMA’s original intention was to establish an organisation bringing together the medical associations of the constituent parts of the expanding Commonwealth. Among the new body’s preoccupations was the relationship between the medical profession and the state in the associations’ respective countries. It thus has to be seen as primarily a medico-political organisation rather than one concerned with medicine per se. Although, there were also tensions from the outset regarding the membership of the Southern African medical associations. Such stresses notwithstanding, these two organisations remained in the BMA-sponsored body even after South Africa and Rhodesia had left the Commonwealth. This was not, however, a situation which could outlast the growing number of African associations which joined in the wake of decolonisation; and hardening attitudes towards apartheid. The article therefore considers: why the BMA set up this Commonwealth body in the first place and what it hoped to achieve; the history of the problems associated with South African and Rhodesian membership; and how their associations came to be expelled.

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20

SHUTT, ALLISON K. "‘I TOLD HIM I WAS LENNOX NJOKWENI’: HONOR AND RACIAL ETIQUETTE IN SOUTHERN RHODESIA." Journal of African History 51, no. 3 (November 2010): 323–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853710000514.

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ABSTRACTThis article focuses on a single episode of racial interaction in 1931 in order to highlight competing notions of honor and respectability in a shared colonial society. This story elucidates how Africans and whites unraveled and rebuilt ‘racial etiquette’, the tacit code that guided individual encounters between blacks and whites and that were so vital to the expression of colonial power. In moments of transition, such as the early 1930s in Southern Rhodesia, the minutiae of racial etiquette were confusing, and this allowed for some dialogue between Africans and whites about what constituted proper behavior. As this story makes clear, Africans were as much a part of composing racial etiquette as whites, despite – indeed, because of – the latter's political power.

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21

Nyambara, Pius S. "Colonial Policy and Peasant Cotton Agriculture in Southern Rhodesia, 1904-1953." International Journal of African Historical Studies 33, no. 1 (2000): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220259.

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22

Epprecht, Marc, and Jock McCulloch. "Black Peril, White Virtue: Sexual Crime in Southern Rhodesia, 1902-1935." International Journal of African Historical Studies 33, no. 2 (2000): 368. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220655.

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23

Dube, Thembani. "Land Migration and Belonging: A History of the Basotho in Southern Rhodesia c.1890–1960s." South African Historical Journal 72, no. 3 (July 2, 2020): 552–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2020.1774638.

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24

Ambler, Charles. "Alcohol, Racial Segregation and Popular Politics in Northern Rhodesia." Journal of African History 31, no. 2 (July 1990): 295–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025056.

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Historians who have studied the rise of African opposition to colonialism in Northern Rhodesia have concentrated largely on the development of political parties and their campaigns for political rights. This paper explores some of the social and cultural elements of the popular movement against British rule through an examination of challenges to restrictions on the production and consumption of alcoholic beverages. In Northern Rhodesia as in much of British-ruled east, central and southern Africa, the colonial government banned the consumption by Africans of all European-type alcoholic drinks and placed tight restrictions on the brewing and sale of grain beers. In the immediate postwar period racially discriminatory alcohol regulations emerged as a highly emotional issue and remained so despite liberalization of the restrictions on beer and wine. But the focus of popular anger was the municipal grain beer monopolies and attempts on the part of the authorities to stamp out an illegal beer trade conducted by women brewers. Beginning in the mid-1950s this anger erupted in a series of protests and boycotts directed against municipal beerhalls. The protesters, many of whom were women, opposed the exclusion of Africans from a potentially lucrative sector of trade as well as the supposedly immoral and degrading characteristics of the beerhalls. Examination of the struggle over the beerhalls illuminates some of the diverse and contradictory sources and objectives of popular political expression during this period and in particular sheds light on the interplay among issues of race, class and gender in the nationalist movement.

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25

Etherington, Norman. "Land, Migration and Belonging: A History of the Basotho in Southern Rhodesia, c. 1890s–1960s." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 54, no. 2 (May 3, 2020): 350–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2020.1757708.

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26

Ranger, Terence. "The Meaning of Urban Violence in Africa: Bulawayo, Southern Rhodesia, 1890–1960." Cultural and Social History 3, no. 2 (April 2006): 193–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/1478003806cs057oa.

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27

Schmidt, Elizabeth, and Carol Summers. "From Civilization to Segregation: Social Ideals and Social Control in Southern Rhodesia, 1890-1934." American Historical Review 101, no. 1 (February 1996): 219. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169330.

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28

Lowry, Donal, and Carol Summers. "From Civilization to Segregation: Social Ideas and Social Control in Southern Rhodesia, 1890-1934." Journal of Religion in Africa 27, no. 2 (May 1997): 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581695.

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29

Gregory, Robert G., and Dane Kennedy. "Islands of White: Settler Society and Culture in Kenya and Southern Rhodesia, 1890-1939." American Historical Review 93, no. 3 (June 1988): 749. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1868221.

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30

Schmidt, Elizabeth, and Diana Jeater. "Marriage, Perversion, and Power: The Construction of Moral Discourse in Southern Rhodesia 1894-1930." American Historical Review 99, no. 3 (June 1994): 951. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2167891.

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31

Decker, Corrie. "Allison K. Shutt. Manners Make a Nation: Racial Etiquette in Southern Rhodesia, 1910–1963." American Historical Review 122, no. 2 (March 30, 2017): 615–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/122.2.615.

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32

Waas, David A., and Jeffrey Davidow. "A Peace in Southern Africa: The Lancaster House Conference on Rhodesia, 1979." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 19, no. 3 (1985): 648. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/484526.

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33

Pilossof, Rory, and Gary Rivett. "Imagining Change, Imaginary Futures: “Conditions of Possibility” in Pre-Independence Southern Rhodesia, 1959–1963." Social Science History 43, no. 02 (2019): 243–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2019.1.

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This article invites historians to think more critically about the language, narratives, and tropes historians use to identify, describe, and explain processes of change. By doing so, we raise questions about the possibility of historicizing ideas and experiences of change. The suitability of historians’ descriptive and explanatory tools and frameworks for understanding one of the most important aims of historical scholarship is often very limited. We ponder the extent to which historians’ identification of historical change correlates with how historical actors imagined, experienced, and identified change. Starting from the perspective of the latter enables us to examine how far “change” exists prior to its embedding in the (sometimes conflicting) narratives, discourses, and practices of contemporaries. This article seeks to develop the concepts of “critical junctures” and “discursive thresholds.” While both concepts are used in social science research and literary studies, they have rarely been paired together. We combine them because they help relate the importance of events to change and the discourses surrounding them. As a case study, this article looks at a magazine titled Property and Finance, which was published in Southern Rhodesia (1956–77) and edited by Wilfred Brooks. Brooks’s editorials and political commentary offer an opportunity to consider broad questions of change, imagined futures, and discursive engagements with the political and social developments underway.

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34

Musoni, Francis. "A HISTORY OF THE BASOTHO IN SOUTHERN RHODESIA - Land, Migration and Belonging: A History of the Basotho in Southern Rhodesia c. 1890–1960s. By Joseph Mujere. Suffolk, UK: James Currey, 2019. Pp. 197. $99.00, hardcover (ISBN: 9781847012166)." Journal of African History 61, no. 2 (July 2020): 308–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853720000444.

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35

Shutt, Allison K. "Purchase Area Farmers and the Middle Class of Southern Rhodesia, c. 1931-1952." International Journal of African Historical Studies 30, no. 3 (1997): 555. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220576.

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36

Kaler, Amy. "Visions of Domesticity in the African Women’s Homecraft Movement in Rhodesia." Social Science History 23, no. 3 (1999): 269–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200018101.

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Now I want you to think and remember for a moment why these clubs were started for African women. The important part is to remember what we call the aims of the women’s clubs. It says this—to help and encourage all African women to become good homemakers and to work together in unity for the advancement of their people.Lady Tredgold, First Lady of Southern Rhodesia, in a speech opening the Congress of the Federation of African Women’s Clubs in Marandellas [Marondera], June 1956It is a truism that the personal is political: State power and other forms of publicly constituted power can penetrate interpersonal intimacy. Feminists and other scholars have criticized the notion that “private” and “public” spheres can be separated; they have asserted that the processes and experiences of the home and family are indissolubly linked with those of the state and the institutions of politics.

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37

Scarnecchia, Tim, and Carol Summers. "From Civilization to Segregation: Social Ideals and Social Control in Southern Rhodesia, 1890-1934." International Journal of African Historical Studies 28, no. 2 (1995): 412. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221644.

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38

Lonsdale, John, and Dane Kennedy. "Islands of White: Settler Society and Culture in Kenya and Southern Rhodesia, 1890-1939." International Journal of African Historical Studies 20, no. 4 (1987): 738. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219668.

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39

White, Luise, and Diana Jeater. "Marriage, Perversion and Power: The Construction of Moral Discourse in Southern Rhodesia 1894-1930." International Journal of African Historical Studies 30, no. 1 (1997): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221551.

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40

Machingaidze, Victor E. M. "Agrarian Change from above: The Southern Rhodesia Native Land Husbandry Act and African Response." International Journal of African Historical Studies 24, no. 3 (1991): 557. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219092.

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41

Boucher, Ellen. "The Limits of Potential: Race, Welfare, and the Interwar Extension of Child Emigration to Southern Rhodesia." Journal of British Studies 48, no. 4 (October 2009): 914–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/603596.

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42

Summers, Carol. "Mission Boys, Civilized Men, and Marriage: Educated AfricanMen in the Missions of Southern Rhodesia, 1920-1945." Journal of Religious History 23, no. 1 (February 1999): 75–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9809.00074.

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43

Uledi, Peter, and Godfrey Hove. "‘A War of Man Against Locust’! Locust Invasions and Anti-locust Campaigns in Salisbury, Southern Rhodesia, 1918–1940s." South African Historical Journal 70, no. 4 (October 2, 2018): 689–707. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2019.1572778.

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44

Hund, John. "A Case of affirming the consequent in international law: un security council resolution 232 (1966)—southern rhodesia." History and Philosophy of Logic 15, no. 2 (January 1994): 201–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01445349408837232.

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45

Tembo, Mwizenge S., and Dane Kennedy. "Islands of White: Settler Society and Culture in Kenya and Southern Rhodesia, 1890-1939." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 24, no. 1 (1990): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485611.

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46

Welch, William M., and Carol Summers. "From Civilization to Segregation: Social Ideals and Social Control in Southern Rhodesia, 1890-1934." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 30, no. 1 (1996): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/486055.

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47

Summers, Carol. "Giving Orders in Rural Southern Rhodesia: Controversies over Africans' Authority in Development Programs, 1928-1934." International Journal of African Historical Studies 31, no. 2 (1998): 279. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221084.

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48

Nkomo, Lotti. "Land, Migration and Belonging: A History of the Basotho in Southern Rhodesia, c. 1890–1960s. By Joseph Mujere." Journal for Contemporary History 44, no. 2 (December 17, 2019): 135–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.18820/24150509/sjch44.v2.7.

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49

OVERTON, JOHN. "THE SETTLER ECONOMIES. STUDIES IN THE ECONOMIC HISTORY OF KENYA AND SOUTHERN RHODESIA 1900–1963. By P. Mosely." New Zealand Geographer 45, no. 1 (April 1989): 43–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-7939.1989.tb01492.x.

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50

Ambler, Charles. ":Law, Language, and Science: The Invention of the “Native Mind” in Southern Rhodesia, 1890–1930.(Social History of Africa.)." American Historical Review 114, no. 1 (February 2009): 255–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.1.255.

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