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Journal articles on the topic 'Sovereign nation'
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1
Rautava, Jori-Pekka, and Mari Ristolainen. "Cyberterritory: An Exploration of the Concept." European Conference on Cyber Warfare and Security 21, no. 1 (June 8, 2022): 239–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.34190/eccws.21.1.229.
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What does the future of cyberspace look like? The idealistic notion of cyberspace as a 'free' and 'open' global infrastructure is progressively challenged by projecting territoriality and conveying traditional nation-state models of governance into cyberspace. The aim of this interdisciplinary paper is to examine the process of cyberspace territorialisation and to present a conceptual definition of a theoretical 'cyberterritory' as a bounded sovereign entity that operates under the jurisdiction of a certain nation-state. Firstly, we explain the different views of the cyberspace governance and summarize the latest developments in the UN's efforts to bring order over cyberspace. Secondly, we analyse the different views on 'digital sovereignty' and show how several nations have felt the need to express publicly their views on sovereignty in cyberspace. Thirdly, we discuss the possibility of new techno-economic alliances, because only few (if any) nation-states could have sufficient resources to be 'sovereign' in cyberspace. Finally, we present a conceptual definition of a theoretical 'cyberterritory' that encompasses political, legal and technical aspects. The significance of this paper is in its contribution to the discussion of future cyberspace governance by presenting a definition of a theoretical 'cyberterritory' as an entity of its own - a new nation-state 'digital terrain' of the future.
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Shoker, Ali. "Digital Sovereignty Strategies for Every Nation." Applied Cybersecurity & Internet Governance 1, no. 1 (November 17, 2022): 56–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0016.0943.
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Digital Sovereignty must be on the agenda of every modern nation. Digital technology is becoming part of our life details, from the vital essentials, like food and water management, to transcendence in the Metaverse and Space. Protecting these digital assets will, therefore, be inevitable for a modern country to live, excel and lead. Digital Sovereignty is a strategic necessity to protect these digital assets from the monopoly of friendly rational states, and the threats of unfriendly Malicious states and behaviors. In this work, we revisit the definition and scope of digital sovereignty through extending it to cover the entire value chain of using, owning, and producing digital assets. We emphasize the importance of protecting the operational resources, both raw materials and human expertise, in addition to research and innovation necessary to achieve sustainable sovereignty. We also show that digital sovereignty by autonomy is often impossible, and by mutual cooperation is not always sustainable. To this end, we propose implementing digital sovereignty using Nash Equilibrium, often studied in Game Theory, to govern the relation with Rational states. Finally, we propose a digital sovereignty agenda for different country’s digital profiles, based on their status quo, priorities, and capabilities. We survey state-of-the-art digital technology that is useful to make the current digital assets sovereign. Additionally, we propose a roadmap that aims to develop a sovereign digital nation, as close as possible to autonomy. Finally, we draw attention to the need of more research to better understand and implement digital sovereignty from different perspectives: technological, economic, and geopolitical.
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Sivakumar, N., and S. Baskaran. "Globalization and Nation State." International Journal for Innovation Education and Research 2, no. 8 (August 31, 2014): 81–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31686/ijier.vol2.iss8.225.
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The article explains the impact of globalization on state sovereignty. The globalization is the dominant force which has shaped a new era of interaction and interdependence among nations. It has many dimensions such as economic, political, military, social and cultural dimension. It creates both opportunities and costs to the nation state. Sovereignty is the most essential element of the state. Globalization contributes to the change and reduction of the scope of state sovereignty. The scope of the inner sovereignty has legally narrowed to a large degree due to the international agreements including global financial flows, activities of International Organization and Multinational Corporation, Information communication technology and issues concerning human rights and in connection with already formed models and traditions of states' behavior. At the same time increasingly more states quite often give away some of their sovereign powers voluntarily for certain reason.
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Hont, Istvan. "The Permanent Crisis of a Divided Mankind: ‘Contemporary Crisis of the Nation State’ in Historical Perspective." Political Studies 42, no. 1_suppl (August 1994): 166–231. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1994.tb00011.x.
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It is said that the people are sovereign; but over whom? – over themselves, apparently. The people are thus subject. There is surely something equivocal if not erroneous here, for the people which command are not the people which obey. It is enough, then, to put the general proposition, ‘The people are sovereign’, to feel that it needs an exegesis…. The people, it will be said, exercise their sovereignty by means of their representatives. This begins to make sense. The people are the sovereign which cannot exercise sovereignty… (Joseph De Maistre, Study on Sovereignty) Someone was speaking to Sieyès of the scorn that his detractors continually affect for what they call ‘grand theories’. ‘Theories’, he said, ‘are the practice of centuries; all their practices are the theory of the passing moment! (Pierre Louis Roederer)1
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SALT, KAREN N. "Ecological Chains of Unfreedom: Contours of Black Sovereignty in the Atlantic World." Journal of American Studies 49, no. 2 (May 2015): 267–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875815000067.
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Black sovereignty in the Atlantic world pivots, as in the case of Haiti, from a haunting apparition to a haunting recognition, never quite forming a tangible, and legal, sovereignty unto itself. Haiti's tangled and complicated geopolitical positioning within the Atlantic world gives this spectral state of being meaning. Sovereignty, or, as I will suggest, the processes of recognizing sovereignty and the material shape of its appearance, imbues Haiti's sovereign claims with a specific racialized threshold. Reading along Haiti's racio-national edge also illuminates the tenuous position on the international stage of Liberia and Abyssinia – two nations, along with Haiti, that represented the only nation-states in the Atlantic world by the end of the nineteenth century with a majority black population and independence. Although a small representative group, these sites deserve far more scrutiny within the fields of race and sovereignty studies by legal scholars and scholars of transnational American studies, especially because of the ways the nations battled for recognition and respect amongst other nation-states who may have attached derogatory notions of humanity onto the political work and rights of these self-avowed black nations. Haiti is an important example of this phenomenon.
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Stevens, William S. "Jurisdiction, Allegiance, and Consent: Revisiting the Forgotten Prong of the Fourteenth Amendment’s Birthright Citizenship Clause in Light of Terrorism, Unprecedented Modern Population Migrations, Globalization, and Conflicting Cultures." Texas Wesleyan Law Review 14, no. 2 (March 2008): 337–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/twlr.v14.i2.9.
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Various questions lead me to this Comment. I began by asking what makes a nation? What grants sovereignty? What limits sovereignty? Does a border define a nation, or the nation define the border? Further, does a nation have a sovereign right to define and enforce a border? Is the border meant to include or exclude? Who is included, or excluded? Are we citizens by virtue of the border, or does something else define both citizenship and a border? What is citizenship? Exploring those questions, of course, will not fit in a single law review Comment. While I touch on some, I have left many topics for future writings.
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Chatterjee, Partha. "Nation and Sovereignty: A Response to Boyarin." Cambridge Journal of Postcolonial Literary Inquiry 9, no. 1 (January 2022): 67–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pli.2021.28.
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In his provocative article “The New Jewish Question,” Daniel Boyarin has offered a view of the Jewish nation as a collective identity that is not only diasporic but also “counter-sovereign.” I found his reappraisal of the history of Zionism very informative. Unfortunately, I do not have the competence to engage with it. But I do have a few things to say about his more general claim regarding the possibility of nationalism being dissociated from sovereignty.
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Ruckstuhl, Katharina. "“A shift in the playing field”: Indigenous sovereignty and the philosophy of Jacques Ranciѐre." AlterNative: An International Journal of Indigenous Peoples 13, no. 1 (February 1, 2017): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1177180116689024.
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This article considers Indigenous people as political actors in their quest for sovereignty within the liberal democracies of Canada, Australia, Aotearoa New Zealand and the USA (the CANZUS nations). I aim to show that, despite the structures of settler colonialism that both resist and then co-opt dissent, seeking sovereignty is, as political philosopher Jacques Ranciѐre outlines, an act of Indigenous politics that challenges and shifts these structures. While the fundamental colonising logic of the nation state does not change, through the Indigenous sovereign voice, a reframed understanding of democracy is revealed which in turn creates an enlarged space for Indigenous peoples.
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Hamuľák, Ondrej. "European Integration and Czech Sovereignty ‘Synchronized’." International and Comparative Law Review 14, no. 2 (December 1, 2014): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/iclr-2016-0050.
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Abstract European integration entity ceased to be just a forum for negotiations between independent and sovereign nation states. To some extent it overlaps with the states and becomes their competitor. In this context, the classical concept of state sovereignty loses its original content and meaning. The participation in the integration project opens the question whether it takes away or weakens sovereignty of Member States? This paper puts on four arguments to proof the hypothesis that Czech Republic continues to be a sovereign country even aft er accession to the European Union.
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Sumkoski, Goran. "Global Dissipation of Neoliberal Models and the Sovereign State Doctrine." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 4 (December 30, 2022): 771–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-4-771-787.
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The article examines the mechanisms of quasi-voluntary and coercive dissemination of neoliberal models of development at the global level through the targeted activities and agendas of international organizations. At present, the legitimacy of both the process of promoting global neoliberalism itself and its results appear contradictory and widely challenged. This process has been accompanied by a decades-long erosion of state sovereignty, mandates and powers of nation-states. The result has been a “vacuum” in their ability to fully implement the sovereign state doctrine. However, today, with a multipolar world order transit states are again claiming the need to implement sovereign approaches to their own development, actively forming strategies and operational development plans alternative to neoliberalism. The author extensively analyzes neoliberal models of intervention, as well as those spheres in which there has been the greatest weakening of state powers. The article puts forward the thesis of the necessity for states to formulate national independent models of development alternative to the neoliberal programs globally imposed. This involves providing a broad ideological and philosophical framework and understanding of sovereign development for restoring the nation-sates ability to formulate sovereign state doctrine, vision, and strategy. In order to design and implement operational plans to revitalize the functional capacities of nation-states, it is important to restore relevant knowledge and practical skills, platforms and tools. It seems that this is what will allow nation-states to formulate their own development strategies in the context of dynamically emerging multipolarity. The article puts special emphasis on the doctrine of a sovereign state in the sphere of the economy. However, a similar approach can and should be applied in related spheres of social and political development.
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Habibullah, Luthfi, Bagus Haryono, and Argyo Demartoto. "Ideology Movements of Trisakti Trilogy: Remending Maritime Archipelagic as a Concept of Indonesian Unity in the Threat of Democracy and Sovereignty Crisis." Journal of Maritime Studies and National Integration 5, no. 2 (April 6, 2022): 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jmsni.v5i2.10555.
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Indonesia has great potential in managing its maritime strength. Historical traces have recorded that Nusantara kingdoms succeeded in showing their strength to build geopolitical and global trade routes. Having a geographical structure makes Indonesia pay great attention to the sea. Archipelagic state is not merely interpreted as an archipelagic concept, but it is a state that connects islands to and from a sovereign territory by presenting a national maritime power. Indonesia is expected to be a successor to the maritime nation considered in Southeast Asia and also to play its role in the global geopolitical strategy. National unity must be followed by strong geographical entity. The emergence of the Juanda Declaration as a diplomacy order was to defend the principles of the sovereign island nation of Indonesia. The sea is no longer defined as a separator, but a link and unifying sovereignty. State sovereignty become the foundation of the Trisakti trilogy. Fully sovereign in political, self-sufficient in economic and conforming personality in cultural values are the basis of the foundation. It rejects all forms of new-style imperialism, capitalism and foreign dictation of life value system.
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Bhattacharjee, Suparna. "Nation Building in Indonesia: Role of President Sukarno." Spectrum: Humanities, Social Sciences and Management 7, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.54290/spectrum/2020.v7.2.0003.
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Nation building became a challenge for many nations of Asia, Africa and Latin America. It was not only a process of a political economic or social restructuring of an erstwhile colony-it was much more to do with creating an identity of a sovereign nation. In post-colonial societies, nation building implies that its citizens have formally been bestowed with nationality. The nationality or nation-ness of a sovereign nation is the cultural artifacts of a particular kind (Anderson, Benedict, 1883). It needs delicate handling as it involves a process of integration and reconstructing of a new sense of unity and belonging. In a multi-cultural society, the issue of integration assumes complexities as it entails integration and accommodation of diverse entities into a common framework. Many nations have failed in that process. Indonesia is one such country which is diverse in every sense of the term. On top of that its vast geographical spread posed serious challenges before the process of nation building. The article is an attempt to examine the issues that came across before the architect of modern Indonesia-president Sukarno and how he had cope up with that. How Indonesia was able to curve out a mechanism to deal with its multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi-religious realities, is what the paper seeks to explore.
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Khanna, Pallavi. "STATE SOVEREIGNTY AND SELF-DEFENCE IN CYBERSPACE." BRICS Law Journal 5, no. 4 (December 15, 2018): 139–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21684/2412-2343-2018-5-4-139-154.
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Given the increasing role and use of cyberspace in our daily lives, it is important to consider the large-scale dynamics of the cyber forum. Shifting the focus from individuals to nation states as participants that engage in activities in cyberspace raises doubts over the status of nations in this domain. Do they continue to remain sovereign entities on such a platform? Do they have the right to defend themselves against attacks from other nations? These questions have been subject to a lot of debate in the context of international law. The aim of this paper is to study the implications of the principle of state sovereignty and selfdefence in cyberspace. The paper focuses on two prime considerations of sovereignty and self-defence in the context of cyberspace and its link to international law. Thus the scope is limited to concepts such as territorial jurisdiction, sovereignty, attribution and selfdefence. While doing so, the researcher seeks to answer questions such as, Is international law applicable to cyberspace? Can cyberspace be called a sovereign domain? Do principles of territorial jurisdiction apply to cyberspace? How does the attribution mechanism work in cyberspace? Under what circumstances are states permitted to exercise the right of self-defence against cyber attacks? and What are the deficiencies in international law governing cyberspace?
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Merino, Roger. "Conflicting Sovereignties: Global Conservation, Protected Areas, and Indigenous Nations in the Peruvian Amazon." Global Environmental Politics 22, no. 2 (2022): 95–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00646.
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Abstract Indigenous organizations, international actors, and national authorities portray different images of Indigenous Peoples’ relationship with the natural environment. Based on these images, these actors deploy ecological, economic, and security arguments to create or transform protected areas. By exploring three cases of conflicts over creation and management of protected areas in the Peruvian Amazon, this article maps the tensions around the different images and explores how Indigenous organizations and state authorities—backed by international actors—engage with security, economic, and ecological rationales from their own sovereignty standpoint. I argue that the state weakens Indigenous political aspiration of sovereign territorial control by translating this agenda into depoliticized mechanisms and assumptions of modern international environmentalism, which ultimately limits their capacity to truly contribute to conservation goals. A “nation-building” approach to conservation, by conceiving Indigenous Nations as sovereign partners in environmental management, might give legitimacy to environmental initiatives.
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Weber, Cynthia. "The Cultural Construction of International Relations: The Invention of the State of Nature. By Beate Jahn. New York: Palgrave, 2000. 182p. $65.00. The State and Identity Construction in International Relations. Edited by Sarah Owen Vandersluis. New York: St. Martin's, 2000. 207p. $69.95." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (March 2002): 266–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305540238434x.
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Conceptualizing the sovereign nation-state remains a core concern in the discipline of international relations (IR). Yet, as the volumes by Sarah Owen Vandersluis and Beate Jahn demonstrate, the theoretical location of this conceptual debate is shifting. Questions of identity, like those regarding sovereign nation-states, were answered in the 1990s with reference to terms like social construction. In the new millennium, “the social” is increasingly joined by “the cultural” as an intellectual marker of how serious IR scholars must pose questions of identity. Why this shift? And what difference does it make to our understandings of sovereign nation-states, not to mention IR theory more generally?
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Nagata, Masaki. "The Radical Nation-State and Contemporary Extremism." Middle East Law and Governance 11, no. 3 (December 16, 2019): 319–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01103002.
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Abstract In recent years Muslim extremist groups have sought to establish a contemporary Islamic caliphate. Such groups have not historically sought to establish such a territory; this form of sovereignty did not exist in the Prophet’s time, and is quite unlike the traditional Islamic model or that practiced by the Prophet in Medina. Moreover, this ideal state incorporates elements of the modern, sovereign nation-state. It is ironic that, although such groups criticize Western systems and laws, their concept of ‘the state’ derives from the very European ideology that they so violently oppose. This paper examines how notions of modern statehood have influenced the ideologies of state and law espoused by contemporary extremist groups.
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Martoredjo, Nikodemus Thomas. "Building Character Through Pancasila Values to Sovereign Nation." Humaniora 7, no. 1 (January 30, 2016): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/humaniora.v7i1.3494.
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This article discussed the role of character development through the inculcation of the values contained in Pancasila to achieve sovereignty of the nation. Character development became a priority to look at the situation and condition of the nation that appreciation and application of the main values of Pancasila was degraded. Embedding Pancasila values creatively should be implemented in a variety of learning processes both formal and informal. Basic values contained in Pancasila was not only a slogan, but also became the guiding principles in facing all of challenges and threats of the nation. The purpose of this study was to strengthen the resilience of ourselves as a nation. With such resilience, then sovereignty as a great nation can be enforced. The method used in writing this article was literature studies approach. The result of this study is if the values of Pancasila (das sollen) has become daily reality (das Sein), it can build good resistance by itself. Whatever challenges or threats are faced, it will be resolved properly and may even be a stepping-stone to be better.
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Graziano, Manlio. "The long crisis of the nation-state and the rise of religions to the public stage." Philosophy & Social Criticism 42, no. 4-5 (February 3, 2016): 351–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453715625440.
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The aim of this article is to identify the main factors of the current crisis of the nation-state and to demonstrate how many of the voids left by this crisis are filled by religions. The main characteristic of the nation-state is the principle of sovereignty. The apogee of the nation-state is the political form (as well as a political need) of industrialization. National identity is possible only when the state proves to its citizens that the fact of being a member of it carries benefits and privileges and will always bring more. Today, the majority of nation-states, in particular the oldest great powers, no longer have this capability. The weakening of the nation-state began at the end of the 19th century. The first wave of globalization multiplied the cases of reciprocal interferences and trespassed on the theoretical impermeability of the sovereign states. The outcome of the First World War, with the creation of the first supranational body (the League of Nations), and much more the outcome of the Second World War, were two important steps of this crisis. The birth of the United Nations, and of other supranational bodies (the International Monetary Fund [IMF], the World Bank [WB], the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade [GATT] …), as well as the creation of the first court called to judge an entire political class, were an assault on the principle of sovereignty. The second wave of globalization, characterized by the free circulation of goods, money, people and cultures, did the rest. Moreover, the countries that ‘invented’ the principle of sovereignty are today in relative decline as new powers are emerging. The nation-state is no longer able to keep its promises. The less effective states become at offering their citizens both meaning and social services, the more do religions tend to reoccupy the public stage. The less national and political legitimacy they have, the more powers use the religious tool against one another.
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Burns, Madeline Mackenzie Lynn. "Reclaiming Indigenous Sexuality in Vancouver." Arbutus Review 11, no. 1 (July 13, 2020): 28–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/tar111202019427.
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This paper illustrates Indigenous sexual being on the unceded territories of the xʷməθkʷəy̓əm (Musqueam),Sḵwx̱wú7mesh (Squamish), and səl̓ilwətaɁɬ (Tsleil-Waututh) Nations, through a narrative of resurgenceand sovereignty. Discussions regarding Indigenous sexual being in Vancouver within scholarship andmedia tend to share a single story which focuses narrowly on a theme of violence. This paper utilizesthe Indigenous concept of a Sovereign Erotic (Driskill, 2004) to illustrate how sexuality can be used as asovereignty practice. I exemplify this concept as an active practice of decolonization through erotics byexploring the works of Virago Nation, an all-Indigenous burlesque group. This paper works to exposenarratives of colonization and gendered violence in Vancouver, in order to share a competing narrativeof sovereignty through sexuality. This narrative of sovereignty provides a broader scope of Indigenoussexuality in Vancouver by including those who reflect resurgence, reclamation, and hope.
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ZADOKHIN, A. G. "SOVEREIGN MOLDOVA: ETHNO-REGIONAL VECTORS OF NATION-BUILDING." Bulletin of the Diplomatic Academy of the Russian Foreign Ministry. International Law, no. 3-4 (2021): 28–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.54449/76585_2021_3-4_28.
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Rajan, M. S. "Small States and the Sovereign-Nation-State System." International Studies 25, no. 1 (January 1988): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881788025001001.
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Solescu, Daniel. "State Sovereignty in the Current Economic Context." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 22, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 126–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2016-0023.
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Abstract Globalization has raised the issue of the place and role of the nation state in the world market. The effects of globalization have resulted in the joint effort of some State’s sovereign powers, quite exclusive until recently, which leads to reconsider the concept of state sovereignty, tasks, functions and objectives of the state. Globalization involves reducing the state intervention in the economic matters, but it does not imply the disappearance of the state concept. The integration in the transnational economy necessarily implies the weakening of the nation-state authority, since it must make room for the independent actors.
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Wing, Heath. "The Sovereign Fool and Bare Life in Cormac McCarthy’s Blood Meridian." Cormac McCarthy Journal 20, no. 2 (October 1, 2022): 158–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/cormmccaj.20.2.0158.
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ABSTRACT This article argues that violence in Cormac McCarthy’s Blood Meridian is attributed to an allegory of sovereignty found in the work. As such, Giorgio Agamben’s notion of state of exception—a sovereign space of suspended law—is the common denominator for violence in the novel, which reduces human life to an animalized existence known as bare life and accounts for the novel’s unanthropocentric viewpoint. The state of exception is first enacted by way of the illegal scalp-hunting contract exchanged between Governor Trias and the Glanton gang, which is mediated by the judge. Furthermore, Holden’s place of privilege at the governor’s side in his palace demonstrates allegorically the relationship of the king and his court jester-fool, thus signaling the sovereign’s need for chaos and violence for validation. Ultimately, this article interprets Blood Meridian as a novel that can be understood as a biopolitical metaphor for the modern nation-state.
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Azman Suhaimy, Khairul, Lutfan Jaes, Khairol Anuar Kamri, Hussain Othman, Shah Rul Anuar Nordin, Zahrul Akmal Damin, Harliana Halim, et al. "Sovereignty of A Nation: A Lesson Learnt From the Case of Batu Puteh Island (Pedra Branca)." International Journal of Engineering & Technology 7, no. 2.29 (May 22, 2018): 1147. http://dx.doi.org/10.14419/ijet.v7i2.29.15145.
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This paper discusses on the issues related to Batu Puteh Island (Pedra Branca) which is a topic of discussion in relation to the sovereignty of a country and its implications in the future. Losing territories will undermine the sovereignty of a country and is an insult to them. The reality is a bitter truth. Sovereignty is a symbol of power to many countries. The corresponding letter by the Acting Secretary of Johore dated 21st September 1953 stated that Johore does not claim ownership of Pedra Branca. The letter was seen by ICJ as a sign that Johore had handed over its sovereignty on Batu Puteh Island over to the British. Therefore, the court concluded that the letter clearly indicates that since 1953, Johore has declared that it no longer had sovereignty over Pedra Branca. Various questions arise regarding the letter. Where is the authority and sovereign of the Sultan of Johore who ruled over Johore and its territories? Can an Acting Secretary of State legitimately decide on matters of sovereignty, land and territorial rights? Or, should it be decided by the Sultan as head of a sovereign state? These are some of the questions which are yet to be answered and documentation is vital. It will determine the future and the road to success. Learn from history, learn from the administrative weaknesses and individual mistakes, and remember that history repeats itself in the future. Our own mistakes cost us an island which was originally ours for centuries. Our absent mindedness led us in losing the island’s sovereignty to other nation. Everyone knows that the island belongs to Johore with all related documents are complete and history has proven it. Always be careful when making any decisions or be sorry for life.
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Moreton-Robinson, Aileen. "The discursive nature of citizenship." International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies 2, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 2–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcis.v2i2.26.
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Citizenship is more than a status associated with a bundle of rights; it is also the formal contract by which the sovereignty of a nation is extended to the individual in exchange for being governed. Who can and who cannot contract into this status and what rights are able to be exercised is also shaped by who possesses the nation. In this article it is argued that citizenship operates discursively to contain Indigenous people’s engagement with the economy through social rights. This containment precludes consideration of Indigenous sovereign rights to our lands and resources, to enable Indigenous economic development within a capitalist market economy.
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Hemberger, Suzette. "A Government Based on Representations." Studies in American Political Development 10, no. 2 (1996): 289–332. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00001504.
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In the course of the debates over the ratification of the U.S. Constitution, no one disputed that the people were sovereign, but how this sovereignty was to be embodied proved quite controversial. The post-Revolutionary generation faced the challenge of creating a republican form of government from an oppositional popular politics. Federalists responded by claiming for their Constitution, and for the national government it created, a monopoly on the legitimate representation of the people. They championed the official over the popular and invoked the idea of the nation to authorize this transfer of authority. It was a transfer that would not go unchallenged, and, as a result, the constitutional politics of the early republic repeatedly posed the question of whether popular sovereignty could survive the transformation of the demos into a nation.
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Gábriš, Tomáš, and Ondrej Hamuľák. "Pandemics in Cyberspace – Empire in Search of a Sovereign?" Baltic Journal of Law & Politics 14, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjlp-2021-0005.
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Abstract Traditionally, the idea of a sovereign is being connected either with an absolutist ruler (later replaced by “the people”) at the national level, or the nation-state at the international level – at least in the conditions of the Westphalian system created in 1648. Today, on the contrary, we are witnessing a “post-” situation in many respects – post-modernism, post-positivism, but also post-statism – basically being a sort of return to the pre-Westphalian system (see Ondrej Hamuľák, “Lessons from the ‘Constitutional Mythology’ or How to Reconcile the Concept of State Sovereignty with European Integration,” DANUBE: Law, Economics and Social Issues Review Vol. 6, No. 2 (2015); or Danuta Kabat-Rudnicka, “Autonomy or Sovereignty: the Case of the European Union,” International and Comparative Law Review Vol. 20, No. 2 (2020)). However, paternalistic views, prevailing especially in times of crisis and uncertainty, desperately search for a sovereign to lead us from the crises. With regard to cyberattacks and insecurity in the cyberspace this means an effort to subordinate cyberspace to state sovereignty. Still, given the limitations of traditional state-based monopolies of power and legislation, the state as an “analogue sovereign” shrinks in the digital cyberspace rather to a co-sovereign, co-ordinator, or in feudal terms a “senior” vis-à-vis their vassals. The actual ensuring of the tasks of state as a “digital sovereign” is namely often being entrusted to non-state (essentially private-owned) entities, under the threat of legal sanctions. The current situation of constructing “digital sovereignty” of traditional states or of the EU is thus marked by the necessity of cooperation between the state power and those non-state entities which are falling under its analogue jurisdiction.
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Abdullahi Abdulfatai Akanmu. "Nation and State." Britain International of Humanities and Social Sciences (BIoHS) Journal 2, no. 2 (June 30, 2020): 603–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/biohs.v2i2.273.
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This paper examines the nation and state with their features, merits, and demerits. The level of Nigeria as a nation-state is being appraised from the early of 1914 to 1963 and furthermore, examines the brief history of Nigerian politics from pre-1900-2020. The data collection is base on secondary data from the reliable sources such as textbooks, University lecture’s books and some other online sources. Therefore, this paper will promote high level of understanding among the students in the primary, secondary schools, higher institutions, and those in national-governmental positions in the various offices in order to differentiate between the level of nation and state, and how is it being measured in various sovereign states across the globe.
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Kostić, Dejana. "Proliferation of borders: On border policing, state, and sovereignty." Genero, no. 24 (2020): 159–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/genero2024159k.
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This article summarizes relevant literature in critical border studies and explores how contemporary changes in border policing and management affect the nature of the contemporary state and sovereignty. It asks: If it is not clear where exactly borders are, how does this impact our understanding of state sovereignty? How is the deterritorialization of borders challenging our understanding of territorial sovereignty? How is outsourcing "legitimate means of violence" to non-state actors on borders reshaping the state's authority? In dominant political and public discourse, borders are seen as a common and defining feature of modern statehood. The modern nation-state political theology has invested the monopoly of governance over borders exclusively to the state. However, contemporary border practices challenge such an idea. Ethnographic studies show that while borders are bound to the nation-state sovereign power, they are also sites where multiple actors come into play and are increasingly disentangled from the geopolitical lines on a map. Ethnographic focus provides insights into everyday workings of sovereign power, a topic often overloaded with abstraction and relegated to the realm of theory. However, while ethnographic studies about border control and management question the prevailing ideas about state and borders, these studies often remain trapped in statist logic and spatial assumptions of the modern territorial state. Considering the historical perspective and incorporating the analysis of economic processes on the state and border could help mitigate the shortcomings mentioned above.
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Maltsev, Konstantin G., and Anna V. Maltseva. "The Crisis of the Sovereign State-Nation and the "Rational Discussion": the Liberal Discourse of the "Salvation" of Democracy and the "Common Good"." Proceedings of the Southwest State University. Series: Economics, Sociology and Management 12, no. 1 (2022): 193–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.21869/2223-1552-2022-12-1-193-208.
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Relevance. The crisis of the modern European sovereign nation-state is defined as existential (not "technical"); therefore, we should talk about a socio-philosophical study of the "crisis of the foundations". The purpose of the article is to present the non-reality of the foundations of the nation-state in modern times, totally determined by the dominant liberal economic paradigm of the political (J. Agamben), and modern ways of removing the consequences of the political crisis in the liberal tradition. The objective is based on the interpretation of these statements - to determine the conditions and boundaries of the possibility of "response" from the perspective of "liberal metaphysics". Methodology. According to K. Schmitt, liberalism is "consistent metaphysics", the essence of which is defined as "endless free / public discussion"; a consistent liberal "response" to the challenge, therefore, can only be given on the basis of the named "essence" ‒ the main methodological position that determines the structure and content of this article. Results. It was revealed, that a nation as a form of political unity of a sovereign people, in the perspective of liberal metaphysics, cannot be relied on as a "substance of the state". That the people-sovereign is "split in itself" and the available ways of actualizing its real unity are no longer "valid". That the mechanisms of political representation that democratically legitimize the power institutions of a sovereign nation-state in its new European, that is, liberal, form, need radical reform. "Free discussion", stated in the article, is limited in the possibility of "answering" the "existential crisis"; this presupposes the need to reduce the "political" (Schmitt's "concept of the political" as an "existential solution" of the sovereign in the horizon of the existential opposition "friend – enemy") and "reduction" by means of such a reduction of the "essentially political" to technical issues of "governance" (M. Weber). Three main methods of "liberal reduction of the political" are distinguished: "logical-epistemological" by Y. Elster, "ethical" by J. Rawls, "aesthetic" by R. Ankersmit, and their characteristic "features" are determined. Conclusion. It is concluded that a consistent liberal political philosophy, losing in its understanding of politics as government, the distinction between auctoritas and potestas, is unable to thematize the "existential", that is, political, crisis of the foundations of a sovereign nation-state.
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Ruru, Jacinta, and Jacobi Kohu-Morris. "‘Maranga Ake Ai’ The Heroics of Constitutionalising Te Tiriti O Waitangi/The Treaty of Waitangi in Aotearoa New Zealand." Federal Law Review 48, no. 4 (October 5, 2020): 556–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x20955105.
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In 1840, some of the sovereign nations of Māori signed te Tiriti o Waitangi (the Māori language version of the Treaty of Waitangi) with the British Crown. Hone Heke was the first Māori leader of the northern nation of Ngāpuhi to sign, but by 1844 he was leading a significant revolt against British colonialism in Aotearoa New Zealand by chopping down British flagpoles erected on his lands. While Māori may have initially welcomed the intent of te Tiriti as a means for seeking British help to protect their international borders, the British prioritised the English version of the Treaty which recorded the transfer of sovereignty from Māori to the British. As the British transposed their dominant legal traditions of governance, including bringing to the fore their doctrine of parliamentary supremacy, Māori have been seeking their survival ever since. We extend this by focusing on why the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty needs to adapt to the Treaty’s promise of bicultural power sharing.
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Schröder, Wolfgang. "Die allmähliche Preisgabe des Nationalstaates: Von „Kongresspolen“ zum „Weichselgouvernement“ — gibt es Parallelen im Hinblick auf EU-Rechtssetzungen und deren Vollzug? Betrachtungen zu staatlicher Souveränität und Identität im Verhältnis zu nebenstaatlichem und supranationalem Recht am Beispiel Polen." Prawo 327 (June 11, 2019): 363–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0524-4544.327.24.
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The gradual abandonment of the nation-state: From “Congress Poland” to the “Vistula Gubernia” — are there any parallels with regard to EU legislation and its implementation? Reflections on state sovereignty and identity in relation to supranational law using the example of PolandIn the light of Poland’s historical experience of more than 100 years under foreign sovereignty, especially that of the Russian from 1815 to 1918, Poland’s current reservations about the danger of an excessive transfer of national sovereign rights to European Union institutions. In the view of the undersigned, partial aspects of this transfer aff ect certain principles of European primary law.
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Díaz Calderón, Julio César. "JuanGa/Aguilera: una figuración "queer" del "homosexual" en América Latina = JuanGa/Aguilera: A Queer Figuration of the “Homosexual” in Latin America." FEMERIS: Revista Multidisciplinar de Estudios de Género 4, no. 1 (January 29, 2019): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/femeris.2019.4571.
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Resumen. Este artículo presenta un estudio de las figuraciones del “homosexual” en América Latina. Se inspira en el trabajo de Cynthia Weber sobre teoría queer en Relaciones Internacionales y en el análisis latinoamericano queer de Carlos Figari. Se propone una manera plural de contestar a tres interrogantes: ¿quién es el “homosexual” en América Latina?, ¿qué es el Estado-nación moderno que se presupone “soberano”? y ¿cómo el “homosexual” participa en la construcción del Estado-nación “soberano”? Las dos primeras preguntas no se contestan, pero se explora su potencial para los estudios “queer” y de Relaciones Internacionales.Para contestar la tercera pregunta se introduce una figuración plural del “homosexual” que rompe con la dicotomía entre normal y perverso en el contexto latinoamericano: JuanGa/Aguilera. Se justifica por qué JuanGa/Aguilera crea un Estado-nación soberano plural que complica (quizá hasta hace imposibles) las nociones tradicionales dicotómicas de soberanía. Se utiliza este resultado para dar una serie de perspectivas de investigación que abre el entendimiento de las figuraciones plurales como hombre soberano, tanto en los estudios latinoamericanos de teoría queer como en los de Relaciones Internacionales.Palabras clave: Queer, Relaciones Internacionales, sexualidad, homosexualidad, soberanía, política internacional.Abstract. This article presents a study about Latin American figurations of the “homosexual”. It was inspired by the work of Cynthia Weber in Queer International Relations (Queer IR) and the Latin American Queer analysis of Carlos Figari. It proposes a new pluralistic way to answer to three interrogatives: who is the “homosexual” in Latin America?, what is the modern nation-state that is assumed to be “sovereign”? and, how does the “homosexual” participates in the construction of the “sovereign” nation-state? The first two questions are not answered, rather they are explored for their potential to produce new insights to Queer and IR theories.To answer the third question, it will be introduced a new plural figuration of the “homosexual” that breaks apart with the either normal or perverse dichotomy: JuanGa/Aguilera. It is justified why JuanGa/Aguilera creates a plural “sovereign” nation state that makes more difficult (even impossible) to sustain traditional binary understandings of sovereign. This last result will be used to give new research possibilities that can be achieved in Latin American Queer Studies and International Relations through the understanding of plural figurations of sovereign man.Keywords: queer, International Relations, sexuality, homosexuality, sovereignty, international politics.
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Barkin, J. Samuel, and Bruce Cronin. "The state and the nation: changing norms and the rules of sovereignty in international relations." International Organization 48, no. 1 (1994): 107–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300000837.
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The international relations literature regularly embraces sovereignty as the primary constitutive rule of international organization. Theoretical traditions that agree on little else all seem to concur that the defining feature of the modern international system is the division of the world into sovereign states. Despite differences over the role of the state in international affairs, most scholars would accept John Ruggie's definition of sovereignty as “the institutionalization of public authority within mutually exclusive jurisdictional domains.” Regardless of the theoretical approach however, the concept tends to be viewed as a static, fixed concept: a set of ideas that underlies international relations but is not changed along with them. Moreover, the essence of sovereignty is rarely defined; while legitimate authority and territoriality are the key concepts in understanding sovereignty, international relations scholars rarely examine how definitions of populations and territories change through-out history and how this change alters the notion of legitimate authority.
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Kadyrov, T., and T. Shaanov. "Art in Sovereign Kyrgyzstan." Bulletin of Science and Practice 6, no. 12 (December 15, 2020): 461–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/61/56.
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The Declaration of sovereignty by Kyrgyzstan in December 1990, the adoption of the Declaration of independence in August 1991 and their recognition by the world community were the most important historical and political events for our country at the end of the XX century, which led to fundamental changes in all spheres of public life, including in the development of culture. The changes that occurred in these years in the country’s management system have created a number of new problems in the historical and cultural development of the nation. A sharp increase in the flow of diverse ideological information, the strengthening of the influence of Western culture against the background of the socio-economic crisis that engulfed the country from the first years of sovereignty, had an impact, and not always positive, on the national culture.
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Seligmann, Katerina Gonzalez. "Un-nationalisms of the Federated Archipelago." Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 24, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-8190589.
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The West Indies Federation, like the Confederación Antillana from the nineteenth century, was structured by a tension between the dream of a future Pan-Caribbean nation and the prospect of a sovereign archipelagic political body that would exceed the scope of the nation-state. Because of this tension, even if the vocabulary of “Caribbean nationalism” appears to determine debates about the drive to anticolonial sovereignty embedded in the project of federation, veritably “un-national” forms also abound in discourses around both federation projects. This essay highlights discursive forms pertaining to the West Indies Federation that often “pass” for nationalism while exceeding its bounds, arguing that these forms, ranging between an attachment to empire and the critique of empire, resist assimilation into nationalist frameworks.
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Musiał, Aleksandra. "Common Concepts of Immanuel Kant's "The Perpetual Peace" and The Charter of the United Nations." Studies in Global Ethics and Global Education 10 (June 22, 2019): 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.2506.
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The essay compares selected Kantian ideas stated in The Perpetual Peace with the institutions established by the Charter of the United Nations and the Statute of the International Court of Justice. The concept of a nation and its position in international law in view of the Charter will be presented and linked with the Kantian theory of sovereignty of Nations. The core of the paper is an afterthought on the supremacy of three separate powers over the Nations, hence the question of the rules of procedure held by the International Court of Justice will be regarded as the consequence of the idea of sovereign equality. The Kantian concept: "Nations, as states, may be judged like individuals”: (Kant, 1917, p. 128) is observed from the perspective of state’s demand for independence. The institution of the International Court of Justice is presented as a universal supreme body. The key issue of the essay is the federative character of union as a guarantee of eternal peace seen as common point in both of the documents discussed.
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Verdo, Geneviève. "Organizing Sovereign Provinces in Independent America: The Republic of Córdoba, 1776–1827." Annales (English ed.) 69, no. 02 (June 2014): 223–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398568200000753.
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Abstract This article considers the different political forms that emerged after the former viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata (which would eventually become Argentina) became independent. Based on the case of the Republic of Córdoba in the 1820s, it analyzes the territorial and institutional construction of an original political entity, the sovereign province. At the end of the eighteenth century, the reforms put in place under the Spanish Monarchy reinforced and politicized the territorial bodies that made up its empire, a process that continued after the revolution of independence. This created a tension between the sovereignty of these territorial bodies and the sovereignty of the “nation,” which operated according to different territorial constructions and brought different conceptions of sovereignty into play. While the Republic of Córdoba consolidated its internal sovereignty, it was also working toward integration into a larger political entity, envisaged as a confederation.
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Pillai, Sarath. "Fragmenting the Nation: Divisible Sovereignty and Travancore's Quest for Federal Independence." Law and History Review 34, no. 3 (June 14, 2016): 743–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248016000195.
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Speaking at the Travancore legislative assembly on February 2, 1938, Sir C.P. Ramaswamy Aiyar said: “The federation contemplated in the Government of India Act (1935) was founded on the recognition of the fundamental idea that the Ruler alone represents his state and that the Ruler is the government of the state.” Travancore was one of the oldest princely states in India, which antedated the British occupation and claimed a dynastic rule uninterrupted by any foreign or domestic powers. Its history of constitutional reforms and economic advancement enabled it to occupy a pivotal position in colonial India. As the Dewan (prime minister) of Travancore, Sir C.P. played a crucial role in the constitutional debates on the political form of postcolonial India, especially federation, in the last two decades of the British Empire in India. He argued that Indian states were inherently sovereign, and that the only locus of sovereignty in the states was their rulers. In doing so, he imagined a future Indian federation predicated on the idea of divisible sovereignty, which was given constitutional effect by the Government of India (GOI) Act (1935). Sir C.P.'s expositions on the sovereignty of the states and Travancore's constitutionalism offer analytical lenses to recuperate a history of imperial constitutionalism and the grand political project it enabled: Indian federation.
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Aziz, Gazang A., and Rebwar J. Shaikhah. "The Right of Self-Determination of Kurdish People in Iraq and A Legal View to The Kurdistan Region Referendum in 2017." Koya University Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 2 (2021): 191–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.14500/kujhss.v4n2y2021.pp191-203.
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The right of self-determination is a legal concept under international law in which nations can freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development without external interferences. They may accomplish such self-determination either through uniting with another independent sovereign state or establishing an independent sovereign state for themselves. This principle is considered one of the international principles, which dates back to the American Revolutionary War (1776-1777) and the French Revolution (1789-1799). It was primarily a political right of nations. However, after the establishment of the United Nations, this principle developed to become a legal principle and attained jus cogens status. In this context, Kurdish nation in Kurdistan Region of Iraq has continuously attempted to obtain this right by relying on international principles, but it was always impeded by a number of factors. Unlike any other nation, so far, the Kurds were unable to exercise this right despite the fact that they chose various methods to obtain it. Finally, a referendum was held on September 9, 2017, as one of the peaceful ways to exercise this right, as it is considered one of the most diplomatic ways to take public opinion on crucial issues, including the issue of independence. However, this referendum was unsuccessful despite the fact that 92,73% of voters voted yes for independence. The failure of this referendum is due to several factors, which we attempt to refer to within the framework of our research.
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Seth, Sanjay. "Nationalism, Modernity, and the “Woman Question” in India and China." Journal of Asian Studies 72, no. 2 (May 2013): 273–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911812002215.
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The nationalist struggle to bring about the end of colonial rule in India, and the Republican and communist struggles to arrest and reverse the humiliation and the “carve-up” of China by foreign powers, were both closely allied to the struggle to become modern. Indeed, the two goals were usually seen to be so closely related as to be indistinguishable: a people had to start becoming modern if they were ever to be free of foreign domination, and they had to gain sovereignty and state power in order to undertake the laborious but necessary task of building a strong, prosperous, and modern nation. Thus in India, as in China, political movements from the latter nineteenth century sought to found a sovereign nation free from domination by a Western power or powers, and also sought to make this putative nation and its people “modern,” both as a necessary means towards the nationalist end and as an end in itself.
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Mladenova, Viki. "Sovereign Destruction: On Life and Death in Politics." AM Journal of Art and Media Studies, no. 18 (April 15, 2019): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.25038/am.v0i18.299.
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Achille Mbembe and Adriana Cavarero offer two very profound neologisms –necropolitics and horrorism – that can equip one with a better understanding of life and death in the modern political community or sovereign unit (as in the case of the nation-state). If one goes through the rupture of thinking modern sovereignty following the Foucaultian inversion of war as the continuation of politics by other means, the place of violence is inevitable. What is considered as sovereign order in the same time is the place that was violently occupied, upon which was decided that will represent the constitution of power and the rule of a figure that in modern perspective is the rule of body politic i.e. of the sovereign. Thus, what was emphasized as a concern regarding modern sovereign rule opting towards material destruction of human bodies and populations, most certainly helps to explain contemporary political violence. Also what else is recognized are all other forms of war, all its extensions in every political community, since what war bears is not always and only terror, it is horror above all as an even more profound and at the same time excessive violence that spreads over war scenes. Article received: December 3, 2018; Article accepted: January 23, 2019; Published online: April 15, 2019; Original scholarly paperHow to cite this article: Mladenova, Viki. "Sovereign Destruction: On Life and Death in Politics." AM Journal of Art and Media Studies 18 (2019): 9–16. doi: 10.25038/am.v0i18.299
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Rensmann, Lars. "Rethinking European democracy after its legitimacy crisis: On Hannah Arendt and the European Union." Journal of European Studies 49, no. 3-4 (August 12, 2019): 217–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047244119859179.
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Against the backdrop of the European Union’s contemporary legitimacy crisis, this article reconstructs Arendt’s still largely neglected writings on European post-national democracy. Arendt approached the ‘European question’ as a fundamental question for the future of democracy and civil rights in a globalized age, and a necessity for moving beyond the European nation-state model of political organization after the horrors of Nazi totalitarianism. Her work hereby shifts the focus from today’s much-lamented crisis of post-national democracy back to reflecting on the ‘chronic crisis’, contradictions and legacies of the European nation-state and of national sovereignty – a crisis that partly motivated the evolution of new European democratic beginnings in the first place. Moving beyond both national sovereignty and technocratic supra-national governance, Arendt’s critique lies the foundation for post-sovereign models of European politics and provides a rich resource for rethinking the conditions, justifications and legitimacy of European democracy today.
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YEPREMYAN, Tigran. "Imagining the Grotian Europe: Hugo Grotius’s Vision of Europe and Ideas of European Integration." Journal of European Integration History 27, no. 2 (2021): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2021-2-195.
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The paper offers a comprehensive study of Hugo Grotius’s vision for the new coexistential paradigm in Europe and ideas of European integration through the prism of political philosophy and international relations. The paper proceeds with the construction of a theoretical framework from various ideas of the thinker and defines it as the Grotian theory of European integration. Based on the complex analysis of the Grotian concept of a community of sovereign nations and with an interpretive approach, the paper studies the visions of European unity in early modern and modern times. Grotius’s recommendation of “general congresses of Christian powers” had a constructive role in the configuration of the emerging European system of sovereign nation-states and for the new patterns of co-existential consensus. Hence, Grotius’s idealistic and holistic approach towards nations and society of nations is viewed within the framework of the theories of structural constructivism and intergovernmentalism of European integration.
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Gad, Ulrik P. "Greenland: A post-Danish sovereign nation state in the making." Cooperation and Conflict 49, no. 1 (December 27, 2013): 98–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836713514151.
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Parker, Sam. "Is Iraq Back?" Current History 108, no. 722 (December 1, 2009): 429–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2009.108.722.429.
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Schiemann, Konrad. "Europe and the Loss of Sovereignty." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 56, no. 3 (July 2007): 475–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei179.
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AbstractThe concept of sovereignty plays too large a part in contemporary discussion. No nation is sovereign in the sense that it is free to do what it wants within its own borders and not subject to influences from outside. It is not self evident either that political systems have to be hierarchically organized or that there should be one final arbiter of law for all decisions. There are advantages in having different centres of power for decisions affecting differing matters. There is a case for the co-existence of overlapping power centres and for sharing in decision-making and being prepared to live with a decision which does not in itself reflect the wishes of your State. There are advantages in being part of a larger conglomerate. The State can then have some influence and control over what goes on outside its boundaries. There is no reason why that conglomerate should itself be a large sovereign State. The European Union offers the hope of transcending the sovereign State rather than simply replicating it in some new superstate. It may prove to be a model and an inspiration.
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Wonders, Nancy A. "Sitting on the fence – Spain’s delicate balance: Bordering, multiscalar challenges, and crimmigration." European Journal of Criminology 14, no. 1 (January 2017): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1477370816640140.
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In a widely circulated image from the Spanish enclave of Melilla, over 20 young men sit perched atop a razor-crowned border fence that is emblematic of the sharp divide between bare life in poor nations and a life of relative privilege in the West. Metaphorically, Spain, too, sits on a fence: Spain struggles to balance its history as a sovereign nation that experienced rapid economic growth, in part by incorporating migrants into the labour force, with contemporary pressures to fortify external and internal borders. This article analyses the way that contemporary crimmigration policy developments in Spain both reflect and help to produce the complex multiscalar dynamics that the nation must delicately balance in response to the challenges posed by Europeanization, economic crisis, and influences from below.
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Powell, Dana E. "The rainbow is our sovereignty: Rethinking the politics of energy on the Navajo Nation." Journal of Political Ecology 22, no. 1 (December 1, 2015): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v22i1.21078.
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This article offers a political-ecological reflection on Navajo (Diné) sovereignty, emphasizing lived and territorial interpretations of sovereignty, expanding our standard, juridical-legal notions of sovereignty that dominate public discourse on tribal economic and energy development. Operating from a critical analysis of settler colonialism, I suggest that alternative understandings of sovereignty – as expressed by Diné tribal members in a range of expressive practices – open new possibilities for thinking about how sovereign futures might be literally constructed through specific energy infrastructures. The article follows the controversy surrounding a proposed coal fired power plant known as Desert Rock, placing the phantom project in a longer, enduring history of struggle over energy extraction on Navajo land in order to illuminate this contested future. Broadly, these re-significations of sovereignty point toward a distinct modality of environmental action that suggests other kinds of relationships are at stake, challenging assumptions made by adversaries and allies alike that the politics of protesting (in this case) coal technologies is a practice with self-evident ethics. To intervene in these broad debates, I propose that there are multiple landscapes of power shaping Navajo territory, which must be brought into the ongoing, urgent debates over how the Navajo Nation might develop a more sustainable energy policy for the future.Keywords: political ecology, sovereignty, Navajo, environmentalism, ethics, territory, practice, sustainability, landscapes of power
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Kang, Hyunji. "Investigating Multiple Citizenship in International Relations: Rethinking Globalisation, Nation-States and Social Contract." Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional 20, no. 1 (July 24, 2018): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/global.v20i1.315.
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Multiple citizenship was once thought to signify disloyalty to the nation-state and threaten the sovereign international system, hence considered an aberration that should be limited. However, International Relations is in the process of reconceptualising its approaches and moving away from state-centrism so that it may better address the challenges of a transnationalising world. Examining the concept of multiple citizenship provides an opportunity to expand IR research agendas and transnationalise IR theory. Employing a multidisciplinary literature review, this article identifies the possible ways through which investigating multiple citizenship can contribute in advancing the discipline’s theorisations. Firstly, it contends that an analytical focus on multiple citizenship enriches IR theory by re-examining concepts which have not been adequately questioned in traditional IR and enabling deterritorialisation of the sovereign nation-state, de-conflation of the nation from the state, and reconsideration of the relationship between citizens and nation-states. Secondly, multiple citizenship can serve a base for considerations about globalisation and the future of the nation-state; it can also be used to obtain glimpses into issues, which may affect larger portions of the global population in the future. This article concludes by arguing for more serious probe to the concept of multiple citizenship in IR.